China’s Response to US Threats Against Iran: What Would a New War Mean for the Region?

China's opposition to the US Treasury Department's intensified sanctions campaign against Iran, launched on August 24, 2026, and known as Operation Economic Spoils, is evident.

China’s opposition to the US Treasury Department’s intensified sanctions campaign against Iran, launched on August 24, 2026, and known as Operation Economic Spoils, is evident. Consequently, Chinese think tanks, strategic, political, analytical, and intelligence circles are attempting to analyze the potential implications and developments of this stance toward Iran. The Chinese position on the US military and political escalation against Iran can be framed in four no’s: No to Iran possessing nuclear weapons, No to a US military solution against Iran, No to regime change in Iran, and No to closing the Strait of Hormuz. Beijing categorically rejects unilateral pressure, sanctions, and US military threats against Iran and calls for prioritizing a diplomatic solution to the crisis. This official Chinese position is based on the premise that maximum pressure policies lack international legitimacy and lead to escalating tensions and threatening global economic stability, rather than addressing the disputes. China has adopted a stance rejecting US military and economic pressure and threats against Iran, believing that unilateral solutions and sanctions are not the way to resolve the crisis. The Chinese position on US threats is highlighted by the following:

1) China’s preference for political and diplomatic solutions: China consistently calls for de-escalation and a cessation of hostilities, favoring dialogue and adherence to international law. It maintains that the use of force or unilateral sanctions does not resolve the conflict. The Chinese leadership urges all parties involved to exercise restraint and act responsibly, returning to the negotiating table to resolve disputes through political and diplomatic means.

2) China’s rejection of secondary sanctions: Beijing has pledged to resolutely defend its interests and the rights of its companies and individuals against US secondary sanctions targeting Iran’s trading partners in the oil, technology, and digital asset sectors.

3) Economic and strategic partnership: China is Tehran’s most prominent economic partner and the largest importer of Iranian oil (with Chinese imports constituting a significant share of Iranian oil exports).  China has long-term strategic agreements with Iran.

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4) Rejection of unilateral and secondary sanctions: The Chinese Foreign Ministry considers the US sanctions against Tehran illegal because they were not authorized by the UN Security Council. Beijing also strongly opposes US threats to impose secondary sanctions on Chinese companies and entities that do business with Tehran.

5) Protecting China’s legitimate economic interests: Beijing emphasizes that its trade and oil cooperation with Iran is conducted within the framework of international law and affirms its determination to take all necessary measures to firmly protect the rights and interests of its companies. China is the largest buyer of Iranian oil, placing it at the heart of the tensions surrounding attempts to isolate Tehran economically.

6) China’s opposition to military escalation against Iran: China rejects the use of military options or involvement in military alliances against Tehran, asserting that military solutions exacerbate regional crises and threaten the security of international navigation in waterways such as the Strait of Hormuz.

Regarding the analysis of the Chinese position, the most prominent expected Chinese scenarios in the event of the US carrying out its threats and resuming war on Tehran and Beijing’s strategic motives are as follows:

1) China’s Diplomatic Response and Washington’s Warning: China warned the United States against taking retaliatory measures if its sanctions or threats targeted Chinese companies, hinting at responses or countermeasures to protect its economic interests.

2) Avoiding Direct Chinese Military Involvement: Despite China’s political, diplomatic, and technical support for Tehran and its coordination of positions (including within the UN Security Council), China’s strategy is based on partnership, not a binding military alliance. It prefers to avoid direct involvement in a military conflict with the United States in the Gulf region.

3) Protecting Energy Security and Supply Chains: A large-scale war or the closure of the Strait of Hormuz directly threatens China’s energy supplies and its economic interests in the Belt and Road Initiative. This makes Beijing’s priority to exert pressure to end disruptions in maritime routes and ensure the stability of oil flows without sliding into a full-blown confrontation. China relies on the stability of energy flows from the Middle East and benefits from economic and trade relations with Iran as part of its regional network.

4) Counterbalancing American Influence: China rejects the principle of unilateral hegemony and the use of the dollar and sanctions as political tools outside the framework of the United Nations. It seeks to promote a multipolar international system that protects its strategic interests.

5) Maintaining Regional Stability: Beijing has significant economic partnerships with the Gulf Arab states, in addition to its relationship with Iran. Therefore, a large-scale military conflict or economic collapse in the region would directly harm its investments and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

Finally, based on framing China’s position toward Iran within the four no’s mentioned earlier, this Chinese stance rejecting the American economic isolation of Tehran, announced by the Trump administration, can be analyzed on several levels.  China rejects the latest US sanctions, consistent with its stance against unilateral actions, but it does not reject the principle of multilateral sanctions against Iran. It rejects the principle of American unilateralism, not the principle of collective international sanctions within the framework of the United Nations, international legitimacy, and international law.

Dr.Nadia Helmy
Dr.Nadia Helmy
Associate Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Politics and Economics / Beni Suef University- Egypt. An Expert in Chinese Politics, Sino-Israeli relationships, and Asian affairs- Visiting Senior Researcher at the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies (CMES)/ Lund University, Sweden- Director of the South and East Asia Studies Unit