China’s Religious Diplomacy: Al-Azhar Mediation in the Iran-Saudi Divide

Beijing’s vision for protecting religious diversity from political manipulation and incitement in the Middle East is based on the principle of comprehensive security and developmental solutions. It views Al-Azhar’s religious initiative as a moral and ethical pillar that complements its historic diplomatic mediation between Riyadh and Tehran. Beijing approaches the regional rivalry between the Iranian-Houthi (Shia) axis and the Saudi-Gulf (Sunni) axis from a strictly geopolitical perspective, considering the exploitation of sectarian identities merely a tool to fuel conflicts, not their root cause. Therefore, China is deeply wary of the use of religion and sectarianism as a tool of soft power or ideological subversion by international powers (especially the West) to ignite sectarianism between the Sunni and Shia axes in the Middle East. To this end, Beijing adopts a pragmatic diplomatic approach based on managing regional stability and protecting the security of trade and energy routes through comprehensive developmental and security initiatives.

  The comprehensive Chinese vision is based on neutralizing ideological and sectarian differences and combating the political exploitation of religion to prevent the undermining of peace gains in the Middle East, particularly between the two axes of sectarian conflict: the Houthi-Iranian Shiite axis and the Saudi-Gulf Sunni axis. This vision also includes intervention to remove any foreign or external influences that fuel this conflict. While the West sees the neutralization of religion as a means of separating it from the state and granting individuals freedom of organization, China believes that neutralization can only be achieved through the state’s complete control over religion and its guidance through its national institutions and legitimate religious channels, foremost among them Al-Azhar, which serves as a beacon of moderation and centrism in the Middle East and the Arab and Islamic world. According to this Chinese perspective, religion should become a tool for promoting stability and social harmony under the umbrella of the legitimate national identity and sovereignty of the state, and not a platform for opposition, political mobilization, or the incitement of identity conflicts, factions, sects, and sectarianism among the people of the same nation. China’s vision aligns with Al-Azhar’s initiative through several mechanisms of protection and integration. This allows China’s political strategy to complement Al-Azhar’s spiritual, religious, and moderate role in Egypt to address the polarization between regional axes (the Houthi-Iranian axis and the Saudi-Gulf axis) through specific mechanisms, as follows:

–        First: Mechanisms for Neutralizing the Political Exploitation of Religion (The Chinese Perspective)

The Chinese perspective on neutralizing the political exploitation of religion rests on a fundamental and firm principle: subjecting the entire religious sphere to the sovereignty of the state and its legitimate religious institutions and channels and severing any political or external influences that could ignite sectarian incitement, chaos, and discord among different sects and religions. Beijing believes that religion can be exploited as a tool for political infiltration by foreign powers, such as Western movements or transnational currents, to destabilize nations, particularly in light of the sectarian conflict between the Houthi Shia and Saudi Sunni factions following the 2026 Iran War. Therefore, China has replaced this Western model (based on the separation of religion and state) with a model of containing and guiding religion to serve the goals of the nation-state and its sovereignty and to preserve the resources of states and peoples through:

1) China’s emphasis on common security over ideology: Beijing believes that the Sunni-Shia conflict is not inevitable but rather is being politically manipulated to expand influence. Therefore, China relies on the Global Security Initiative (GSI) proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping, which calls for diplomatic solutions that respect the sovereignty of states and neutralize inflammatory rhetoric by offering alternatives to economic partnerships.

2)     The Development Model as an Alternative to Extremism (China’s Belt and Road Initiative): China adopts a peaceful development approach, believing that addressing the root causes of economic crises in Yemen and the region undermines the support of groups that exploit sectarian mobilization for military and political gain.

–        Second: The Role of Al-Azhar as a Moderate Islamic Authority

Al-Azhar in Egypt, as a beacon of moderate thought, represents a fundamental pillar supported by the Chinese approach to managing religious diversity and protecting it from incitement and sectarian and religious violence through:

1) Dismantling Sectarian Discourse: Al-Azhar works to delegitimize attempts to frame political conflicts, such as the conflict between the Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition, in sectarian terms (Sunni versus Shia).

2)     Proposing comprehensive mediation initiatives: Al-Azhar’s religious initiatives, such as its call for the formation of Arab-Islamic mediation committees to stop the bloodshed and end the wars, bolster political de-escalation efforts. These initiatives have received initial acceptance and positive feedback from various parties, including Yemeni and regional actors.

3)     Establishing a jurisprudence of citizenship rather than sectarianism: Al-Azhar advocates for prioritizing the concept of the nation-state over transnational sectarian loyalties. This aligns with the strict Chinese principle of respect for sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs.

–        Third: Paths of Integration Between Beijing’s Political Mediation and Al-Azhar’s Spiritual Mediation

  Integration between the paths of China and Al-Azhar can be achieved through the complementary roles of China (political and developmental) and Al-Azhar (spiritual and intellectual). This can be accomplished through:

1)     Integration paths between China and Al-Azhar in building regional trust between the two axes of sectarian and doctrinal conflict in the Middle East:

  Here, China and Al-Azhar can play a role in the path of building regional trust by sponsoring an agreement to resume Saudi-Iranian relations to ensure a stable political environment. Meanwhile, Al-Azhar can play a role in building intellectual bridges and fostering intra-Islamic dialogue to reconcile differing jurisprudential viewpoints and prevent the excommunication of others.

2)     Paths of Integration between China and Al-Azhar in the Yemeni Crisis Containment Process: Between the Houthi and Saudi-Gulf Sunni Sectarian Conflicts

  On the other hand, China and Al-Azhar in Egypt can play a role in containing the Yemeni crisis. China can exert diplomatic pressure to secure shipping lanes and de-escalate tensions to ensure the flow of trade and investment. This aligns with Al-Azhar’s role in supporting peace initiatives and providing a legitimate and ethical framework, as well as establishing committees for de-escalation and dialogue between the Houthi Shiites and the Gulf states.

3) Paths of Integration between China and Al-Azhar in the (Yemen Crisis Containment Track) between the Houthi and Saudi-Gulf Sunni Sectarian Conflict Axes:

The Religious Cadre Training Track intersects between Beijing’s political, developmental, and economic roles and Al-Azhar’s religious roles. China’s political and developmental role focuses on strengthening mutual cooperation and combating extremism through official channels, providing support and financial backing for religious affairs. Meanwhile, Al-Azhar’s role, as an intermediary Islamic religious authority, centers on training imams and disseminating the values ​​of tolerance and diversity, thus preventing the use of pulpits for sectarian incitement between Sunnis and Shiites.

The Egyptian researcher designed the following table, which summarizes the policy regarding the aforementioned axes and trajectories—aimed at understanding Beijing’s political, developmental, and economic role, as well as Al-Azhar’s religious and spiritual role—in addressing the complexities of sectarian conflict. This encompasses the tensions between the Sunni and Shia branches, the Houthi-Iranian (Shia) axis, and the Saudi-Gulf (Sunni) axis by examining the following:

  In short, Beijing’s vision of regional security, based on shared development interests, complements Al-Azhar’s ethical and intellectual role. China provides the political framework and diplomatic guarantees between the capitals (Riyadh and Tehran), while Al-Azhar offers the intellectual and legal cover that defuses sectarian incitement and protects religious diversity from political exploitation in the Sunni-Shia power struggles in the region.

–        Fourth: Protection and Integration between Chinese Diplomacy and Al-Azhar Mediation

  The protective roles of China’s pragmatic and practical diplomacy in proposing solutions to the escalating problems and crises in the Middle East are integrated with the role of Al-Azhar as a spiritual institution and religious authority that restores religious and sectarian stability to the Middle East and the Gulf region. This aligns with China’s political and developmental role through:

1)     Integration of Moral and Political Influence: China believes that political agreements, such as the historic Beijing agreement for reconciliation between Saudi Arabia and Iran, require cultural and religious protection to ensure their sustainability and isolate sectarian incitement. Here, Beijing sees the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar’s initiative to form an Arab and Islamic mediation committee to resolve the dispute as a crucial legitimate mechanism for providing a spiritual framework that prevents the political exploitation of religious doctrine.

2)     Dismantling Sectarian Polarization: Beijing adopts the view that the conflict between the Sunni and Shia axes is a regional power struggle disguised as sectarianism. The Chinese perspective supports the intellectual stance of Al-Azhar, which consistently emphasizes Islamic brotherhood and the sanctity of life, and considers the doctrinal differences between Sunnis and Shias as intellectual disagreements that do not justify fighting or political incitement.

–        Fifth: The Pillars of the Chinese Vision for Protecting Regional Stability

The Chinese mechanism, supported by the spirit of the Al-Azhar Initiative, is based on several key dimensions, approaches, and axes for defusing sectarian and doctrinal strife and incitement in the Middle East region through:

1)     Chinese emphasis on the principle of separating religion from geopolitics

Here, the Chinese mechanism, supported by the spirit of the Al-Azhar Initiative, emphasizes the separation of religion from geopolitics by stressing that religious doctrine should not be translated into transnational political allegiance, such as in the case of the Houthis in Yemen, but rather the sovereignty of nation-states must be respected.

2)     Chinese emphasis on the policy of development as an alternative to incitement

Here, China believes that poverty, unemployment, and marginalization in conflict zones are fertile ground for sectarian incitement and that the solution lies in linking the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative to reconstruction and development projects that neutralize the language of weapons.

3)     China’s call for multilateral dialogue, coordinated and facilitated by Al-Azhar’s spiritual mediation, between the Sunni and Shia axes

  This is achieved through China’s call to shift from a policy of managing military crises to fostering sustainable dialogues that combine official diplomacy with intellectual mediation, such as that of Al-Azhar, to reduce the trust gap between the Gulf states and Iran.

–         The Egyptian researcher designed the following table, which summarizes the policy regarding the aforementioned themes, as follows:

• Sixth: China’s position on the Houthi-Iranian axis and the Gulf-Saudi axis

  Beijing is navigating a highly sensitive middle ground to maintain its network of relationships and alliances between the Sunni-Saudi-Gulf axis and the Shia-Iranian axis in the Middle East region, through:

1. China’s policy towards the Iranian-Houthi axis: China is pressuring Tehran to de-escalate tensions with its allies (especially the Houthis in Yemen) and urging them to engage positively with Chinese peace initiatives and end the bloodshed, considering that the use of sectarianism threatens international shipping lanes and Chinese energy interests.

• China’s Policy Towards the Saudi-Gulf Axis: Beijing is committed to security and economic guarantees for its partnership with the Gulf states and supports Saudi Arabia’s efforts to end the war in Yemen through political and diplomatic means to secure its development vision (Vision 2030).

  Based on the preceding strategic analysis, Beijing views Egypt, and Al-Azhar in particular, as a soft power and a moderate Islamic authority capable of bridging the deep sectarian divide between Sunnis and Shiites in the Middle East and the Gulf region. China believes that combining a political agreement sponsored by Beijing with intellectual, spiritual, and religious consensus and humanitarian mediation sponsored by Al-Azhar is the optimal formula for ending the political exploitation of religion and establishing lasting peace and strategic stability in the Middle East.