The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit was held from 31st August to 1st September, 2025, in Tianjin, China. The summit was not just a multilateral gathering; it became a spectacle for the world to watch.The unfolding of multipolar Asia is an aspiration that is turning into a political reality in the making. Leaders of two major powers in Asia, i.e., India and China, met on the sidelines of the SCO. They also reaffirmed that they are partners and not rivals; hence, they should enhance their ties as partners to shape Asia’s future.
At the summit, strategic autonomy was one of the key issues stressed by both the leaders, though each shaped it differently. For Modi, the emphasis was on navigating India-China relations without the lens of any third country. This was a reminder that New Delhi’s ties with Beijing will not be influenced by any other country. As opposed to this, Xi affirmed that they should foster friendly ties and the dragon and elephant should dance together, casting their engagement as a larger Asian responsibility towards the global south.
Despite these differences in articulation, the common thread is clear: both leaders agreed on the idea that Asia’s future must be anchored in resisting any bloc politics. This alignment may seem tentative, but it reflects an emerging regional consensus that strategic autonomy is not just a national posture but an Asian imperative.
Trade and investment emerged as important talking points between PM Modi and President Xi. India prioritized reducing its trade deficit with China, as multipolarity cannot be separated from economic independence. It is imperative to avoid a path of dependence and maintain strategic autonomy. Moreover, China presented development as the greatest common denominator, suggesting all SCO members view economic growth as the basis of stability. The convergence is subtle yet evident; both sides recognize that economic sovereignty is the foundation of any diplomacy and sustainable engagement. Amidst growing protectionist impulses, economic pressure, and particularly tariff arm twisting, strategic autonomy can only exist with economic strength and a positive-sum environment. In this light, the summit revealed that hard calculations of trade and investment support multipolarity beyond rhetoric. Alongside the economic discussions, the meeting provided a political backdrop, a viable stage, and just the right time to engage.
It marked the first visit of PM Modi since the Galwan clash, which froze high-level engagement between the two sides. This was also Modi’s first in-person presence at the Russia- and China-led SCO forum in three years. The SCO summit in 2023, which India hosted, was held virtually.
Over the years, SCO has evolved from a mere security organization into a platform where rivalry can be managed by cooperation. In Tianjin, this evolution was on display, with India participating and engaging on its own terms. It signaled that it is neither bound to the West nor should be engulfed in the China-Russia bloc. China hosting Modi after years of strained ties enabled Beijing to be viewed as the central anchor of non-Western multilateralism and also an architect of an Asian order.
Equally relevant was the presence of Pakistan, a full member of the SCO. Despite the fraught relations between India and Pakistan, the SCO provided one of the few institutional settings where India and Pakistan sat together. This kept open limited channels for dialogue, highlighting that multipolarity in Asia requires cooperation among rival states, not just allies. Thus, the significance of the summit lay less in specific agreements and more in the performance of multipolar Asia as a political reality.
The SCO will be able to advance its institutional consolidation by initiatives like the SCO Development Strategy 2035, the Development Bank, and counterterrorism mechanisms. This provides SCO with tangible tools to pursue economic and security goals. The SCO is becoming an avenue with actual political clout that shapes Asia. With President Xi Jinping’s recently announced Global Governance Initiative (GGI), China is making a larger push for a reimagined international order. Building on the earlier efforts such as the Global Development Initiative and the Global Security Initiative, the GGI focuses on equality, adherence to international law, and multilateralism.
By using language around equality, sovereignty, and inclusive growth, the Tianjin Declaration portrayed the SCO as the voice of the Global South. With the emphasis on issues like digital economy, green energy, and sustainable growth, the grouping’s goals were linked to many developing countries. It shows how multipolarity in Asia is increasingly intertwined with global governance as states seek greater agency and resist dominance by Western-led institutions.
A strong message against terrorism was also conveyed by the Tianjin Declaration, which denounced the Pahalgam incident. This was important to India because it demonstrated that its security worries were shared in an international context. However, there are still differences since India and Pakistan continue to view terrorism from different angles, making coordinated action more difficult.
This summit showed that multipolar Asia is a reality that is taking its shape and can be attained in real time with measures focusing on autonomy, pragmatism in trade, and high-level engagement. Although the meeting did not resolve the deep mistrust, there was reaffirmation and shared recognition that limited cooperation is preferable to disengagement.
However, this engagement is hard to maintain since it is limited by unresolved boundaries, tariff conflicts, and domestic political pressures. Tianjin unveiled a crucial reality: that multipolar Asia would not be made by abstract declarations but by the willingness of states to manage rivalry within common institutions. The summit’s success depended less on grand bargains and more on dialogues, making it an achievement in itself.
