My previous suggestion to both the American and Chinese sides—as an internationally renowned Egyptian expert on Chinese politics and the policies of the ruling Communist Party of China—was the necessity of establishing a coordinator position for Sino-American relations. This is crucial for managing the ongoing disputes between them, particularly in the Middle East, given Israel’s close alliance with Washington and Iran’s alliance with China, and in light of the continued military tensions between Tehran and Tel Aviv, with the United States and China intervening in this conflict. My proposal to create a coordinator position for Sino-American relations represents a precise strategic vision for managing international hotspots, especially in the Middle East, which has become an arena of indirect friction between the two superpowers through their alliances with Israel and Iran.
I previously wrote an important international analytical article on this proposal to create a coordinator position for relations between Washington and Beijing, and I sent a political message to the American ambassador in Cairo on this matter. I also mentioned it in an article I published several years ago. I recall meeting former US Ambassador to Cairo Thomas Holderberger at the Chinese Embassy’s National Day celebration at the Nile Ritz-Carlton Hotel. I believe this was before 2018. I took photos with him and former Chinese Ambassador to Cairo Song Aiguo and shared them publicly, as I was able to photograph both of them in the heart of Cairo, representing two major powers competing globally, particularly in the Middle East. I’ve noticed that US ambassadors have subsequently boycotted any Chinese national celebrations in Cairo or any other Arab country. It seems to have become a consistent American practice to boycott Chinese national holidays and events, a direct message from the US to China about severing and straining relations. This has deeply concerned me. I believe it’s essential to maintain and strengthen these diplomatic and public relations between Washington and Beijing to preserve regional cohesion and stability and to manage ongoing disputes among all parties.
In this regard, I recall a significant conversation I had with the former US Ambassador to Cairo Thomas Holderberger, which surprised him personally at the time, given the relatively calm situation in the Middle East compared to the current events. I made sure to send him a photo of myself with him and the former Chinese ambassador to Cairo, Song Aiguo, as I mentioned previously. The question was, Mr. Ambassador Holderberger, why isn’t a position of Coordinator for US-China Relations in the Middle East being created?. This question astonished Ambassador Holderberger. He officially replied that no such position officially existed in the United States and that he didn’t believe it could be created in any way.
However, with the escalating and increasingly volatile events in the region and the world, and with the intensifying conflict, confrontation, competition, wars, and intertwined tensions between Washington and Beijing and their respective allies, it has become imperative, in my personal and analytical view, to establish a coordinator for Sino-American relations in the Middle East. This is especially true given the ongoing tensions in the region and the current circumstances following the wars in Gaza and Iran, the crisis in the Strait of Hormuz, and the vital maritime routes in the region. The proposed position of coordinator for Sino-American relations is essentially an advisory or diplomatic role, and it is likely being discussed within think tanks and policy circles, primarily among leading academics and researchers specializing in Chinese politics. The aim is to manage competition and build communication channels between the two superpowers in a region undergoing profound geopolitical transformations. The dimensions of this proposal can be analyzed by understanding the role of a coordinator for relations between Washington and Beijing, specifically, through:
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– Preventing Uncontrolled Escalation: The presence of a dedicated crisis coordinator would ensure that Washington and Beijing are not drawn into a direct confrontation as a result of any rapid military reactions between Tel Aviv and Tehran.
– Institutionalizing Communication Channels: Traditional diplomatic channels can be slow during times of war, while this position provides a permanent hotline for negotiating each party’s red lines in the region.
– Protecting Shared Interests: Despite political differences, both the US and China share a desire to maintain the security of global energy and trade routes in the region, such as the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. This is common ground upon which the coordinator can build.
Based on my modest experience in this field, I can offer a comprehensive analysis of the responsibilities of this position as coordinator of US-China relations, the required qualifications for the role, and its importance to Egypt, the Gulf States, the region, and the Global South, as follows:
– First: Tasks and Functions of the US-China Relations Coordinator
– Managing Competition and Preventing Conflict: Establishing red lines and rules of engagement in diplomatic and economic matters between Washington and Beijing regarding Middle Eastern issues, such as waterway security, technology, and military bases.
– Coordinating Shared Issues: Identifying areas of agreement between the two powers, such as counterterrorism, maritime stability (the Strait of Hormuz and Bab El-Mandeb), and nuclear nonproliferation.
– Mediating Regional Crises: Coordinating joint efforts to address conflict zones, such as Yemen, Syria, or Iranian-Gulf tensions, leveraging US political influence and Chinese economic relations.
– Securing Supply Chains and Energy Resources: Ensuring the flow of oil and gas to global markets (a vital interest for China as a consumer and for the US as a guarantor of strategic security).
– Second: The Qualifications and Capabilities of the Most Deserving Person for the Position
To manage this sensitive position effectively, the individual must possess:
– International Diplomatic and Academic Authority: A figure who commands respect, acceptance, and trust from both the leadership in the White House and Beijing, such as academics, experts, researchers, former foreign ministers, or high-level international envoys.
– Strategic Background in the Middle East and a Deep Understanding of China and the United States: A profound understanding of the region’s culture, local, regional, and international power balances, and the nature of Arab relations with both powers.
– Geopolitical Acumen: The ability to communicate effectively in the language of economic interests (preferred by China) and the language of security and politics (focused on by the United States).
– Third: The Importance of the Position of Coordinator for US-China Relations in the Middle East for Egypt and the Gulf States
1) The Importance of the Position for Egypt:
– This coordination ensures that Cairo is not pressured to choose between its two strategic partners (the US as a vital security and military partner and China as a major economic and investment partner in the Suez Canal and infrastructure).
– Maintaining the stability of navigation in the Suez Canal, which is directly affected by any international or regional conflict.
2) The Importance of the Position for the Gulf States:
The creation of this position allows Saudi Arabia and the UAE to continue their zero-problems strategy and economic diversification (Saudi Vision 2030 and UAE Vision 2030), given that China is the largest buyer of Gulf oil, while the US remains the historical security ally. This sensitive position of the Coordinator for US-China Relations in the Middle East can be used to promote peace initiatives, such as the Saudi-Iranian agreement sponsored by Beijing and implicitly condemned by Washington.
– Fourth: the importance of establishing a position for a Coordinator of China-US Relations for the Global South and Regional and International Stability
– Avoiding a new Cold War: Preventing the Middle East from becoming a zero-sum game where the Global South pays the price in terms of its security and economy.
– Protecting the global economy: Stability in this region means stable global energy prices and secure maritime routes through which most trade between East and West passes.
– Development versus armament: Directing international efforts toward genuine development projects, such as linking China’s Belt and Road Initiative with parallel Western and American projects, instead of regional arms races.
Finally, we must understand that there are several potential challenges to nominating a coordinator for US-China relations. The main obstacle lies in the extent to which Washington and Beijing are willing to grant this position real authority. Washington might see such coordination as an acknowledgment of China’s growing influence in the Middle East, while Beijing might fear that this role would impose obligations that harm its balanced economic relations with other regional actors. From my personal and analytical perspective, to develop this idea more deeply, we must understand and analyze whether this coordinator for US-China relations should operate under the auspices of the UN Security Council to ensure legal, institutional, and international legitimacy, or whether it would be preferable to have a confidential, independent bilateral mechanism between the White House and Beijing to allow for greater flexibility. Based on the answer to this question, we can then develop a practical mechanism for the work of this coordinator between Washington and Beijing
