Iran officially has a new President! As Ayatollah Khamenei formally endorsed Pezeshkian as Iran’s 9th president at the parliament building in Tehran with full ceremonies, the world watches with bated breath if the new president brings about any change in the domestic and external status-quo. In a surprising turn of events, reformists are back in Iran’s political landscape. On 5 July 2024, the 69-year old seasoned lawyer and heart specialist Dr Masoud Pezeshkian was elected as Iran’s first “reformist” president in two decades. In a dismal voter turnout of 49.8 percent, Pezeshkian secured nearly 53.7 per cent of the total vote share. Even though the margin was bleak, Pezeshkian’s victory has rekindled hope for change domestically and signaled prospects for better relations with the outside world.
Recent elections, which were necessitated by the sudden death of former President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter accident, paved the way for Pezeshkian to run for presidentship. However, his pursuit for presidency was not new. In 2013, the 58-year old Pezeshkian was in the running for elections, but eventually he withdrew his candidacy. Again in 2021, he wanted to contest but many prominent reformist candidates including Pezeshkian were barred, paving way for ultra-conservative cleric Ebrahim Raisi. Tables turned on 19 May as the former president’s death in office created a sudden political void. Several presidential hopefuls were projected to fill in Raisi’s shoes; few names were dropped by Ayatollah’s Guardian Council and some dropped out after the first round of voting on June 28. The final runoff on July 5 was between the reformist Pezeshkian and Saeed Jalili, a conservative preferred by the Ayatollah, who would have followed the same policies as late Raisi.
Azeri from father’s side and Kurdish from mother’s side, Pezeshkian was born in September 1954 in West Azerbaijan Province. During military service in Zabol in Sistan and Baluchestan province, he got inclined towards medicine and community service. During his tenure, he connected with the local community, participated in cultural activities, and established a mosque for the local community. As per reports, Pezeshkian was always seen as an individualist. Despite facing reprimands for disobeying orders from the Shah’s army during his service, Pezeshkian remained steadfast in his mission to spread the teachings of Islam.
The transformative experiences of his military service led Pezeshkian to pursue a career in medicine. In 1976, he got admission in a medical program in Tabriz. During the Iran-Iraq war, Pezeshkian served as the leader of medical teams deployed to conflict zones, providing critical medical care to wounded soldiers stationed behind the front lines. In 1990, he earned his specialization in general surgery from Tabriz University, marking the beginning of his journey toward becoming a renowned heart surgeon. He was then appointed as the head of Tabriz University of Medical Sciences, a position he held until 2000.
During reformist leader Mohammad Khatami’s presidency, he got a chance to serve as deputy health minister from 1997 to 2001. In 2001, he was designated as the country’s health minister. As hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad got elected in 2005, it marked Pezeshkian’s departure from the cabinet. In 2006, Pezeshkian was chosen to represent Tabriz as a legislator. Under centrist cleric Hassan Rouhani, Pezeshkian stepped back in cabinet as first deputy speaker of the Majles – Iranian parliament from 2016 to 2020.
In this election campaign, Pezeshkian’s advocates positioned him as a liberal against the rigid and closed policies of Jalili. At a televised debate before the elections, Pezeshkian is believed to have questioned the regime’s treatment of women and promised to bring reforms. In the same vein, reports suggest that he also promised to work for reducing internet restrictions. However, soon after elections Pezeshkian clarified his support for regime’s long-standing practice of using internet control as a tool for maintaining power and suppressing dissent. Pezeshkian knows very well who he owes his job to.
Besides the promise of social reforms, Pezeshkian seems committed to restoring Iran’s dilapidated economy and building bridges with the west. The resuscitation of the JCPOA is central to his plan. He believes that lifting economic sanctions and restoring Iran’s standing internationally depend on the nuclear deal. However, in his recent article for the Tehran times on 12 July, Pezeshkian clearly stated that Iran is opposed to a world order “where a single country pursues hegemony and dominance over the others”, hinting at the US! Thus, Pezeshkian might lead Iran into more open talks with the West, but with likelihood of Trump’s comeback, a diplomatic thaw might be more challenging. Moreover, nothing changes without the Ayatollah’s blessing.
Pezeshkian has also emphasized on improving Tehran’s relations with the Arab world, especially Riyadh as a cornerstone of his foreign policy. He has also expressed his willingness to bolster ties with traditional partners such as China, India, and other South Asian countries. However, for most countries, their trade and commercial ties with Iran are subject to Washington’s relations with Tehran. Iran is world’s second largest source of crude oil supply growth after the United States. It is expected to increase production by a further 280 kb/d this year. However, economic gains are severely limited by Iran’s geopolitical ostracisation. Thus, only a breakthrough with the West can give the Iranian economy the boost it desperately requires.
Even though Pezeshkian’s entry in Iran’s political scene is promising, his success will also depend upon a lot of factors, most notably the backing from Majles and the approval of the Supreme Leader. Nader Itayim, a Mideast scholar labeled Pezeshkian as a “low risk option” for Khamenei who will introduce reforms in moderation. Pezeshkian’s intentions may be well-placed, but the Iranian political framework, in which the supreme leader has the final say over all matters, severely restricts Pezeshkian’s influence. The world is eager to see how far will Pezeshkian go to please everyone – the disgruntled Iranians, the Arab neighbours, and the West, without antagonizing the Ayatollah!
