India’s diplomatic standing has weakened since President Donald Trump began his second term. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s foreign policy has been clearly ineffective, especially as his administration has struggled to engage effectively with the United States. Achieving major-power status in the international system requires strong leadership—an attribute that Modi has not demonstrated. His unnecessary visit to meet President Trump at the start of Trump’s second term only underscored New Delhi’s fragility as a leader. Unlike Modi, statesmen such as President Vladimir Putin or President Xi Jinping usually do not show such vulnerabilities. Although travel is important for diplomacy, avoidable trips should have been omitted.
Modi’s diplomatic misjudgments completely undermined India’s national interests. Yet, the ruling elite stubbornly refused to recognise this truth. Over time, the United States government began offering advice to India on various issues. Let’s examine how India’s foreign policy advantages the U.S. while potentially restricting our independence.
Chabahar Port in Iran is vital for India’s direct trade with Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Russia. The U.S. also recognises the importance of this port to India. However, the specific U.S. waiver permitting India to trade with Iran is set to expire in April 2026. As the Modi government faces pressure from the U.S., India has now opted for a strategic exit. While India complies with U.S. pressure to withdraw from Chabahar Port, China is now expressing interest in investing.
David Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage underpins free trade. Free trade agreements lower tariffs between countries and promote increased international trade. However, they should not impact sensitive sectors such as agriculture and related products. The report on the recently announced ‘interim deal’ between India and the U.S. on free trade indicates that India granted significant access to U.S. agricultural products. If this is the case, it could have repercussions for India’s vulnerable community, especially small farmers. The Congress Party’s General Secretary Jairam Ramesh states that the deal is one-sided. It clearly shows India’s leniency in accepting Trump’s terms and aligning with U.S. interests.
As of March 2026, China remains the largest importer of Russian oil at discounted prices. The Russia-Ukraine war has entered its fifth year, yet China’s imports of Russian oil continue without interruption. In contrast, India was unable to import oil from Russia. Why did Modi make this decision? Trading Economics, a provider of economic indicators and stock data, reveals that in 2024, India imported crude oil from Russia worth US$52.73 billion, equivalent to approximately 1.8 million barrels per day (mbpd) to 2.07 mbpd. However, a report by Al Jazeera highlighted India’s decision to cease buying Russian crude, which hit a record low in November 2025. India succumbed to Trump’s tariff tactics and diversified its sources to other markets. Modi should remember that India’s relations with other countries are not at the expense of Russia.
West Asia is India’s extended neighbourhood. In 2024-25, India’s bilateral trade with the Gulf Cooperation Council was $179 billion. India’s primary energy sources come from the Persian Gulf. Additionally, in 2025, India is importing approximately 2.7 million barrels per day (bpd) through the Strait of Hormuz (pib.govt.in). Anyone can recognise the Strait of Hormuz’s strategic importance to India’s economy. Without strategic awareness, India’s approach to U.S. interests in the Gulf region incurs substantial costs for the nation. Currently, in India, especially in urban areas, hotels are struggling to secure extra cylinders. Even if a ceasefire is reached between the U.S. and Iran, the impacts of the war on the smooth supply of cooking gas will be felt for the next few years due to the damage costs in critical energy refinery fields.
It is deeply saddening that India fails to uphold the dignity of our long-standing cultural centenary of previous relations with Iran. Even Modi did not condemn the killing of Iran’s supreme leader. Moreover, Iran’s vessel IRIS Dena was torpedoed by the U.S. submarine in the Indian Ocean after taking part in a multinational naval exercise at India’s invitation in Visakhapatnam, which was a clear example of how the U.S. is poorly treating India under the Trump administration.
After a thorough examination of the issues, it is clear that India’s strategic choices indicate that Modi has adopted a disadvantageous position without providing sufficient responses to the United States on the trade deal, the Iran war, and other bilateral issues. This view was echoed by India’s Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi, who stated, “Modi has turned India’s foreign policy into a personal foreign policy.”
When assessing India’s foreign policy today, it appears to have regressed, deviating from the historical legacy established by our previous leaders. India’s capacity to independently develop and execute its foreign policy is increasingly constrained as external influences and global dynamics assume a greater role in shaping its diplomatic choices. This shift undermines India’s ability to sustain an independent foreign policy.
