The political crisis continues to develop in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Elite groups are waging a fairly tough struggle for power and economic resources. Such processes are not uncommon in many countries of the world and in various political systems, both democratic and authoritarian. The political struggle between various elite groups, as a process, is quite well described by various theories of political and social sciences. However, the current crisis in Pakistan must be looked at particularly carefully. The fact is that the Pakistani army and its elite ISI are not only influential institutions of power. The army in this country is the main and main institution of power. Strictly speaking, the Pakistani army is the state. Consequently, processes within the army are the most important indicator of the state of not only the military machine but also the state itself.
Pakistan’s former spymaster – who was once tipped for the army’s top job – has been taken into military custody. Lt Gen Faiz Hameed has been accused of abusing his power and raiding a private property development business during his time as head of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency. It is incredibly rare for someone of Gen Hameed’s rank to be arrested in Pakistan, and has sparked widespread speculation, with many linking the move to his close ties with former prime minister Imran Khan. He led the ISI during Mr Khan’s administration, from 2019 to 2021, before taking early retirement in December 2022.
A senior fellow at London’s King’s College and author of a book on the Pakistan military’s “business empire” Ayesha Siddiqa told Al Jazeera Hameed’s arrest was akin to “a political nuclear detonation”. “This step seems to be aimed at restoring discipline within the army and the ISI. Previous cases of court martial of senior officers were on charges of spying. This is different, as we are seeing, for the first time, a former ISI chief accused of harming the country,” she said.
The arrest and trial of a former ISI chief is happening for the first time in Pakistan. Firstly, this speaks of corruption in army circles. Secondly, we can talk about a decrease in the influence of the army and the ISI on Pakistan’s political processes.
The fight against the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan movement, which has increased the number of terrorist attacks in Pakistan by 70% over the past three years, continues unabated. The army and Pakistani intelligence services cannot suppress the activity of radicals. After the return of the Taliban to power in neighboring Afghanistan, the activity of various terrorist groups in Pakistan increased manifold. The situation is particularly difficult in the province of Balochistan, which shares a border with Afghanistan. The Pakistani military is unable to stabilize the situation there.
In the international arena, the position of the influential Pakistani military is also weakening. Thus, the political crisis between Islamabad and Kabul does not subside. Recently, Defense Minister Khawaja Asif had told the BBC that Pakistan would continue to launch attacks against Afghanistan as part of a new military operation aimed at countering terrorism, Khawaja Asif said the aerial strikes were targeting groups that Pakistan accuses of targeting security forces and civilians. “It’s correct that we have been carrying out operations in Afghanistan, and we will continue to do so. We won’t serve them with cake and pastries. If attacked, we’ll attack back,” Mr Asif said. He also dismissed fears over the legality of the strikes, saying Pakistan does not inform the Taliban of impending attacks. He said: “This would eliminate the element of surprise. Why should we tell them, ‘Get ready, we are coming’?” Previously, the Pakistani military carried out similar attacks against Afghan territories in March.
The Taliban government in Afghanistan describes the strikes as violations of its sovereignty. The Taliban said the statement was “irresponsible”, warning Pakistan that cross-border attacks would have “consequences”. Many senior Taliban officials note a decline in trust in the Pakistani military and diplomats. “We don’t trust the Pakistanis. They don’t love us and are trying in every possible way to weaken Afghanistan. In addition, it is the Pakistani military and advisers who help and support various radical extremist groups on Afghan soil,” said one of the Taliban representatives.
Tensions have been rising between Pakistan and Afghanistan since the Taliban took control of the country in 2021. The Taliban’s victory in 2021 was largely possible thanks to support from Pakistan. Immediately after the fall of Kabul, the ISI chief visited the city, where he met with Taliban leaders, outlining Islamabad’s privileged position in the new Afghanistan without the Americans. However, the Taliban were not happy about this. Pakistan alleges that a faction of the Taliban, the Pakistani Taliban or TTP, has sanctuaries in Afghanistan. “Afghanistan has been reluctant to take action against the TTP, despite our requests to let them not use Afghan soil to attack Pakistan,” Mr Asif said.
Thus, the arrest of an influential former ISI chief demonstrates the crisis in the Pakistan Army and the presence of corruption. The deterioration of the Pakistani military’s relations with its Taliban allies also points to a crisis of governance and the declining influence of this influential institution.
