Authors: Tejvir Bawa & Anmol Rattan Singh
Democracy has been believed to be the best way forward to ensure equal development and harmony among nation-states. However, disparities still exist among countries that practice democracy, with protests against democratic governments, specifically in the African region, arguing that they lack reason, patience, mutual understanding, and accountability. What we now see in African states is a move further away from democratic ideas that the international community treasures and champions as the cure for the problems of unrest and inequality. Military coups are now becoming the antagonists of Western humanitarian agencies and democratic ideals of development. In 2017, “the Zimbabwe troops orchestrated a coup against the president; in 2019, Sudan’s army dismissed their president; in 2021, the generals seized power; in 2020, the Mali military captured the president; in 2021, a coup attempt in Chad killed the president; 2022 saw a coup attempt in Burkina Faso” (García-Rivero 2022, p. 183). Guterres (2021) warned the world following the military occupation of Sudan that an “epidemic of coups d’état” was brewing, requesting strong measures from the United Nations Security Council members. But why should the growing military coups in the African region be a cause of concern?
Government overthrow is becoming a frequent theme in the African region, with the data indicating colossal support for military coups to take control of the nation and promote equal development (Vines, 2024). However, the hope of African people that the military will be the answer to the developmental challenges of developing African states is misplaced. Successful coups result in the emergence of leaders with aggressive personalities capable of manipulating and causing chaos to the international order by influencing neighbouring to follow suit (Kurlantzick, 2022); García-Rivero (2022, p. 177) further notes that “authoritarian personalities are more biased, aggressive, prejudiced, sexist, and support restrictions on civil liberties.” Evidently, as soon as a military coup is successful, all democratic practices are suspended, damaging and disassembling all lawful practices (Okon, 2022, p. 117). For example, instances of looting civilians, detaining innocents, limiting freedom of the press, and jeopardising basic human rights have become a common theme (Ngima, 2023). For instance, coup attempts and their aftermath pose significant risks to women, who often face severe violations of their fundamental human rights and are relegated to subordinate roles in society (Scanlon, 2015). The breakdown of law and order during such periods exacerbates gender-based violence, including sexual assault and domestic abuse, making women and girls particularly vulnerable (Zuva & Ojo, 2023).
Another crucial piece in this growing military coup puzzle is that African states where civil wars are ongoing are more prone to having military coup attempts; this is because civil wars automatically entangle the military to administer peace in society. War-like conditions in society result in the expansion of military reserves, and the aftermath of civil unrest leaves an influx of unused resources, which are not accounted for under direct military control (White, 2020, p. 106). Furthermore, military leaders can muster public support through indictments that civil administrations lack appropriate management of the economy and have useless methods for battling the rising corruption in the system (García-Rivero, 2022).
One of the growing concerns among global leaders is that the rising rate of military coups may lead to a potent geopolitical divide (Guterres, 2021). Moreover, the United Nations Security Council has been unable to act decisively because of the complicated monetary and social circumstances created by the COVID-19 pandemic (Guterres, 2021). The pandemic shocked most states and caught them underprepared to tackle the crisis swiftly or consistently; during this period, while ‘developed nations’ suffered to mediate their way around the problem, the developing states in Africa were left stranded. Additionally, trade and funding took a massive hit, particularly when the world economy was at a halt. The healthcare system in African nations is way behind and relies massively on trade; “65 percent of healthcare expenses are made from out-of-pocket expenditure” (Ozili, 2020, p. 177). There was a disconnect among the African nations as they lacked the appropriate mechanisms of social distancing, and the disease caused great concern among the leaders (Ozili, 2020, p. 185). The severity of the impact was felt by the general population, including the underprivileged people, the indigenous, and the homeless; the democratic government’s lack of resources caused a detrimental effect. COVID-19 contributed to the dissent among the population of the democratic institutions in place; no one could help them. Admittedly, it was a failure on the part of democracy and democratic planning.
African scholars observe that democratic elections in many African states have dictatorial traits in their voting process; the election system and the electoral process are deceitful, patchy, and vitriolic; the voters consider that their votes account for nothing and that the results are predetermined (Mbaku, 2024). As a result, the democratically elected leader holds the office for many years, and opportunities for others to form a government are non-existent. Additionally, the egocentric interests of administrators begin to shape the national interests of the country without giving any careful thought to the impact on the civilians (Ani, 2021, p. 265).
However, Watts (2023, p. 13) suggests that despite struggling with poverty in African nations being a significant hindrance among developing states, it is not the primary source of dissatisfaction; instead, the unequal distribution of resources by the government remains the grounds for supporting coups to overthrow the government. Furthermore, the governments unjustly use state power to suppress peaceful civil protests using governmental power to enforce peace (Lukito et al., 2022). The democratically elected leaders do not consider power-sharing with the people as a viable option, which has resulted in a consistent uprising in coup attempts and retaliation against the government leaders to achieve the societal aspirations of the civilians in Africa (García-Rivero, 2022, p. 180). More recently, the inability of the governments to protect its citizens from the locally armed rebels, the amalgamation of dishonest, corrupt practices, and the unjust appointment of the leaders based on manipulation are becoming the reasons for supporting coups (Akinola & Makombe, 2024, p. 3).
The rising military coups could be contesting for democracy in the coming years; the humanitarian agencies should consider creating an ideal condition for harmony with the reciprocal understanding between the armed forces and the ruling party of the positions and functions each can perform. It is no secret that the foundations of democratic structures are in dire need of strengthening to preserve the integrity and honesty tagged with democratic development. While democracy does not guarantee equal development for all, it is certainly more reliable than authoritarian regimes. While there is an urgent need for the international community to verify and identify when the military steps outside its jurisdiction in countries trying to establish democratic systems, it is equally becoming increasingly pivotal to evaluate the standards of democracies in the African region. Democracy is important to ensure prosperity and development in developing nations. Still, if democratic governments are unable to equally promote jobs, education, and safeguards against racism and violence, civilians are prone to support the military as an alternative.
