Indian Prime Minister (PM) visited Russia in July 2024, which sparked criticism in Western policy-making circles. Putin warmly welcomed him in Moscow by calling him ‘dear friend’ as it was Modi’s first visit since the Russia-Ukraine conflict. This move by the Indian PM was condemned by the Ukrainian president in strong terms, calling it a “huge disappointment and devastating blow to peace efforts.” Events took a turn when the Indian foreign ministry announced on Monday that PM Modi would visit Kyiv on 23rd August, where the Russia-Ukraine conflict would be the prime focus. This diplomatic move shows the pragmatism of Indian foreign policy-making circles but could also have associated geo-political risks. This move is an extension of previous policies that India has pursued since the start of the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
India’s policy towards Russia Ukraine conflict
India’s response to the Russia-Ukraine conflict attracted significant global attention due to its closer alignment with the West, especially the United States(US). India’s declared policy of ‘neutrality’ made many in the Western policy-making circles uncomfortable. India has pursued its national interests while avoiding strong alignment with any block. This policy is not new, as India was a prominent member of the famous Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) during the Cold War when it refused to align itself with any of the blocks. There are various reasons why India is refraining from openly opposing Russia in the current Russia-Ukraine war. Firstly, India is skeptical about the growing cooperation between Pakistan and China, as India perceives them as an immediate threat to its security. Through enhanced cooperation with Russia, India is trying to keep Russia on its side, which would otherwise fall into the sphere of Chinese influence. India is also trying to limit Russia from establishing a new strategic partnership with Pakistan. Secondly, Russia has always been a strong partner of India as it stood firm with India throughout its history. Russia supported India’s claim over Indian Occupied Kashmir(IOK), for which Russia exercised its veto power in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) six times. In return, India also refrained from voting on various occasions in UN General Assembly resolutions, e.g., India abstained from voting against Russia in 2014 against the Russian annexation of Crimea. Russia has often been India’s ‘durable partner,’ whereas the US-India partnership still has many constraints.
Modi’s Visit to Russia
Modi’s visit to Russia to attend the 22nd India-Russia summit was his first to any country since he assumed the office of PM for his third term. This visit signaled Indian priorities regarding its foreign policy choices. Both countries signed nine agreements, from defense and technology to energy, trade, and climate change. This visit demonstrated that India’s closer alignment with the West doesn’t necessitate its alienation from Moscow. India has been a key buyer of Russian oil besides China since the start of the Russia-Ukraine crisis. Russia is India’s strong defense partner, as 60 percent of Indian military hardware purchases have Russian origin, with a bilateral trade volume of around $65 Billion as per the statistics of 2023-24. Modi’s visit was criticized by the Ukrainian president, calling it a “huge disappointment and a devastating blow to peace efforts to see the leader of the world’s largest democracy hug the world’s bloodiest criminal in Moscow on such a day.”
Modi’s Visit to Ukraine
Six weeks after he visited Russia, Modi visited Ukraine, making him the first PM to visit Ukraine after establishing diplomatic relations 30 years ago. This visit came at a crucial time as a demonstration of Indian foreign policy, which has always been the pursuit of national interests without a strong alignment with any major power. Both the leaders discussed the affairs of mutual interests. While talking about conflict with Russia, Modi reiterated the Indian stance that ‘peace’ is the only solution. During their meeting, he said, ‘We were not neutral from day one; we have taken a side, and we stand firmly for peace.’ This stance is the tension of India’s previous policies, and it doesn’t seem to deviate from them. Western nations, including the US, have now made peace with New Delhi’s stance as they are aware of the fact that India is heavily reliant on Russian military equipment.
Indian pragmatism: a double-edged sword
Despite international pressure, India is walking a tightrope while balancing its relations with Russia and its Western partners. While the West has viewed India’s reluctance to openly condemn Russia with skepticism, India is still the US’s ‘net security provider’ in the region. India is walking a tight diplomatic rope while balancing between Russia and the West and will continue to do so in the near future. India’s stance on Russia is based on material interests and is dictated by the country’s right to an independent foreign policy and the ability to choose its allies. India’s pragmatist foreign policy and strategic autonomy are evident in its diplomatic balancing act between Russia and the West, especially in light of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. However, recent events in the conflict, particularly indications of escalation, are putting this precarious equilibrium under more and more strain. India faces a difficult task as it negotiates these intricate dynamics because of its longstanding ties to Russia and its expanding partnership with Western countries. India’s fears are heightened by the possibility that the war may move into a deadlier phase. The government is trying to preserve its strategic interests while avoiding alienating any party, which makes it challenging to maintain this delicate balance in the face of mounting geopolitical pressures.
