The SCO and a New Eurasian Regionalism
Amid shifting global geopolitics, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) has emerged as a pivotal platform for regionalism in Eurasia. Founded in 2001, the SCO today is the world’s largest regional organisation by geographic scope and population, spanning 80% of Eurasia and nearly 40% of the world’s people. Members include major powers China, Russia, India, and Pakistan, along with four Central Asian states, and recently Iran and (pending) Belarus, a breadth that gives the SCO significant clout on the world stage. In fact, over two decades, the SCO has transformed ‘from a regional organisation to a force with global influence’. Collectively, SCO states account for roughly one-quarter of global GDP and control about 20% of the world’s oil reserves and 44% of natural gas following Iran’s accession. Such figures underscore the SCO’s potential to shape economic and security agendas beyond its region.
Importantly, the SCO is not a traditional military alliance but a political, economic, and security cooperative bloc often described as guided by the ‘Shanghai Spirit’ of mutual trust and benefit. This ethos reflects a constructivist approach: the idea that shared norms and identities can be built through dialogue and institutions. The SCO’s founding principles emphasise ‘mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, consultation, respect for diverse civilisations, and pursuit of common development’, values that have become the bedrock of its dynamic growth. Unlike alliances forged on immediate strategic interests, the SCO’s regionalism is rooted in gradual confidence-building and normative convergence among members. It provides a multilateral forum where countries as different as Russia and Pakistan or China and India can engage under agreed rules of engagement, defusing bilateral tensions within a cooperative structure.
The ‘Shanghai Spirit’ and Constructivism
The SCO’s success owes much to its shared normative framework, a point well explained by constructivist theory in international relations. It highlights how states’ interests and identities are shaped by ideas, norms, and interaction. In the SCO’s case, the ‘Shanghai Spirit’ has fostered a sense of community and common purpose among very diverse members. This spirit entails respect for each member’s sovereignty and development path, eschewing interference in internal affairs and zero-sum rivalry. Instead of viewing security in narrow terms, SCO members emphasise cooperative security, countering common threats like terrorism or drug trafficking together, rather than against one another. Over time, regular SCO summits, ministerial meetings, and joint exercises have constructed a regional identity centred on stability, development, and mutual respect. The result is a unique diplomatic culture: Beijing often refers to SCO countries as part of a ‘family’ bound by trust and non-aggression.
Indeed, the SCO pointedly positions itself as ‘standing on the right side of history, fairness and justice’, implicitly contrasting its inclusive, multipolar approach with the bloc confrontation of the Cold War era. In an era when a few powers push for decoupling and exclusive alliances, the SCO’s normative message is one of ‘dialogue over discord’ and ‘diversity over hegemony’. This is a classic constructivist dynamic: common values and discourse are gradually reshaping members’ expectations of each other.
Security Cooperation: A Core Pillar of Stability
Security collaboration lies at the heart of the SCO’s mandate, and it is an area where Pakistan both contributes and gains considerably. The organisation was originally conceived in the early 2000s to combat the ‘three evils’ of terrorism, separatism, and extremism, and this remains a core focus. The SCO’s Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), based in Tashkent, facilitates intelligence sharing and joint operations among member states’ security agencies. Through RATS and regular ‘Peace Mission’ joint drills, the SCO has developed impressive counterterrorism capabilities. For Pakistan, which has long battled militant insurgencies, such cooperation is invaluable.
The SCO provides an ideal platform for regional powers to formulate a collective approach toward Afghan stability. Pakistan, as Afghanistan’s immediate neighbour, has used the SCO forums to emphasise peace and inclusivity in Kabul. At a recent SCO Council of Foreign Ministers meeting in Tianjin (July 2025), Pakistan’s delegation stressed the need for ‘an Afghanistan free from terrorism’ and urged the establishment of an inclusive government in Kabul that represents all ethnic groups. It helps to prevent Afghanistan from becoming a safe haven for terror groups, and it enlists the political support of China and Russia in calling for stability and humanitarian aid for the Afghan people.
Pakistan’s Role and Opportunities in the SCO
Despite domestic economic struggles in recent years, Pakistan has embraced the SCO as a vehicle to revitalise its economy and expand its diplomatic horizons. As a South Asian nation historically somewhat isolated from Central Asia, Pakistan sees itself as a ‘bridge between South and Central Asia’, a role the SCO can firmly cement. Geographically, Pakistan offers the SCO a critical link to the Indian Ocean, and in return, the SCO offers Pakistan entrée to vast Eurasian markets and energy resources. In terms of trade and investment, the prospects are significant. The SCO region includes some of the world’s fastest-growing economies and largest energy producers, from China to Kazakhstan. By engaging these partners, Pakistan aims to unlock new export markets and secure much-needed foreign investment.
Crucially, the SCO’s emphasis on connectivity dovetails with ongoing initiatives like China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Most SCO countries are participants in the BRI, meaning there is synergy between SCO plans and projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Pakistan has been the flagship partner in CPEC, a $60 billion infrastructure program of roads, ports and power plants linking Pakistan to China’s western regions. Through SCO forums, Pakistan can advocate for region-wide infrastructure – for example, rail links from Central Asia to Pakistani ports, or energy pipelines that connect gas-rich states to South Asian consumers. Greater connectivity aligns with Pakistan’s goal of becoming a regional trade corridor.
Diplomatically, Pakistan’s role in the SCO also sends a message. It signals a diversification of Pakistan’s foreign policy, a tilt toward the ‘Global South’ coalition of emerging powers, reducing over-reliance on Western frameworks. The SCO’s consensus-based decision-making (where each member’s voice counts) allows Pakistan to air its perspectives on international issues in company with giants like China and Russia. Notably, Pakistan has used SCO platforms to gain understanding (if not outright support) for its position on contentious issues like Kashmir or disputes with India, framing them in terms of regional stability. While the SCO does not directly mediate bilateral disputes, the atmosphere of mutual respect can help temper rhetoric. For Pakistan, every SCO interaction that projects it as a responsible regional actor is a boost to its international image. It bolsters Pakistan’s narrative that it is committed to counterterrorism, peacebuilding, and multilateral cooperation, countering past Western criticism and highlighting its contributions to regional peace.
Conclusion: Embracing a Cooperative Future
As an international cooperative bloc, the SCO represents a new model of regionalism, one that Pakistan has wholeheartedly embraced to amplify its strategic and economic prospects. Through the SCO, Pakistan is engaging with a broader geopolitical landscape that favours multipolarity, regional connectivity, and shared security. The constructivist underpinnings of the SCO, its ‘Shanghai Spirit’ and normative stance, have helped foster a sense of common destiny among member states. This bodes well for a country like Pakistan, which benefits from an environment where great powers prioritise consensus-building over rivalry. In practical terms, Pakistan’s active involvement in SCO initiatives has already yielded dividends: counterterrorism cooperation has made the region safer, economic integration is opening new avenues for trade and investment, and diplomatic engagements (such as the Army Chief’s visit to China) are securing vital support for Pakistan’s stability and growth. The SCO, as Chinese President Xi Jinping noted, ‘stands on the right side of history’ by advocating fairness, justice, and win-win cooperation principles that resonate strongly with Pakistan’s own aspirations for peace and development.
Going forward, Pakistan’s role in the SCO will likely continue to grow. With China currently holding the SCO presidency and pushing for new initiatives, Islamabad has a chance to co-drive agendas in areas like sustainable development, cultural exchange, and perhaps new financial mechanisms among member states. In essence, the SCO provides Pakistan with an alternative diplomatic platform outside the traditional Western-dominated arenas, one where its voice is heard among neighbours and partners who share many of its concerns. That opportunity is invaluable at a time when Pakistan seeks to redefine its narrative globally. By staying true to the SCO’s cooperative ethos and avoiding zero-sum calculations, Pakistan can help shape a more secure and interconnected region. In turn, the solidarity and support offered by fellow SCO members, epitomised by China’s ‘ironclad’ camaraderie, will continue to support Pakistan’s journey toward stability and prosperity. In a world riven by rival blocs and uncertainties, the SCO’s brand of regionalism and the constructive engagement it champions might just offer a beacon of hope and Pakistan is poised to be one of its chief beneficiaries and proponents on the international stage.
