Egypt operates within the framework of its relations with major powers within the framework of its network of interests and carefully builds its foreign relations with these great powers. Therefore, Egypt’s relations with the United States, Russia, China, and Europe appear balanced, aiming to guarantee Egyptian economic interests and achieve political influence that makes Cairo a key pivot in regional and international movements. These relations are based on flexible action based on flexible independence in a world where every country and every bloc seeks to secure strategic interests within the context of balanced relations. At the same time, Cairo is witnessing a clear, and perhaps complete, rapprochement between Cairo, Moscow, and Beijing due to the existence of common interests and policies that are close to the point of convergence between the trio (Egypt, Russia, and China). On the economic front, we see Egypt as a major market for trade exchange with Russia and China, which has strengthened its ability to enter the BRICS grouping, with the desire and enthusiasm of the two partners, who have found in Egypt an important and strategic place on the commercial and economic levels. This has aroused the ire and resentment of Washington. In addition, the Egyptian, Chinese, and Russian trio have adopted the same agendas in areas of growing cooperation, such as trilateral cooperation to combat extremism, prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and ensure safe navigation in international waterways. In October 2023, China agreed to a debt swap program with Cairo for the first time in its history, and Chinese companies announced investments of more than $15 billion in green fuel production and manufacturing with their Egyptian partner. Meanwhile, the Russian company Rosatom announced cooperation with Egypt in the construction of the “Dabaa nuclear power plant” in Cairo. Additionally, Egypt was officially announced as a new member of the New Development Bank (BRICS), which finances infrastructure development projects in BRICS member states (Russia, China, Brazil, India, and South Africa) and developing countries. The BRICS bloc has been described as a challenge to American and European hegemony at the global level, a position that forms the cornerstone of Russian and Chinese foreign policy toward Egypt. The most important issue for the Egyptian side is that the “New Development Bank” (BRICS) grants member states the authority to use their local currencies in trade transactions between BRICS member states.
On the American side, Egypt has recently begun to move away from Washington’s orbit and closer to Russia and China, the United States’ strategic rivals. As Cairo deepens its relations with these two powers, its ambitions go beyond merely securing arms deals or military technology. Egypt and President “Abdel Fattah El-Sisi ”seek to build comprehensive strategic partnerships to achieve balance in Egypt’s international relations, especially after Egypt’s relations with Israel were recently affected by the Gaza issue and its repercussions on Egyptian national security across the shared border with the Egyptian Sinai. This has prompted Egypt to strengthen and balance its relations with influential countries in the world, most notably China and Russia. To this end, US President Trump chose the Middle East, a region inflamed by the Gaza war, as his first foreign destination. His tour in mid-May 2025 included Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar, where he signed military, economic, and scientific agreements. He also visited Qatar’s Al Udeid Air Base, the largest US military facility in the Middle East. This prompted speculation that Trump’s tour would not include Egypt. At the same time as the US president’s regional tour of the Gulf, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, one of Washington’s closest traditional allies, stood in Moscow’s Red Square alongside Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping during Russia’s Victory Day parade, celebrated annually on May 9. Shortly thereafter, Egyptian Air Force commanders in Cairo celebrated the 45th anniversary of cooperation with the state-owned Chinese defense company “CATIC”, as well as its latest addition to the Egyptian fleet: the import of the Chengdu J-10 fighter jet, one of its most prominent Chinese products.
Given China’s keenness to compete in supplying advanced fifth-generation weapons to Egypt and other countries in the region and the United States’ refusal to supply advanced American F-35 fifth-generation stealth fighters to its ally, the UAE, despite the Abraham Accords signed between the two countries and Israel, Washington’s commitment to maintaining Israel’s qualitative military superiority in the Middle East has led the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and most countries in the region to turn to China for alternatives to American stealth fighters and weapons after the US refused to export them. China has thus succeeded in bringing the (J-20 family) into competition with its American counterparts in the Gulf and Middle East. At the same time, Egypt is keen to balance its relations with major powers around the world to diversify its companies’ sources and relationships around the world and to diversify the sources of armaments for the Egyptian army. Therefore, the Egyptian Ministry of Defense is keen to diversify its cooperation and joint military training with the world’s largest military powers and not to concentrate its cooperation or armament with a single force. Egyptian army teams train annually with forces from China, Russia, and the United States. Egypt participates annually in the Bright Star exercises with the US military, the largest military exercises in the world.
The most prominent reasons for the Russian-Chinese shift toward Egypt are the West’s handling of the Ukrainian crisis, which has pushed both Moscow and Beijing toward a more long-term strategic partnership with Egypt. This partnership aims to reform the global order and transform it into a multipolar international system that turns the page on American unilateral hegemony. This is due to the increasing US economic sanctions on Russia and the increasing ferocity of the US trade war with China. Therefore, the Russian and Chinese powers are taking turns bearing the brunt of resistance to US hegemony with their Egyptian partner, especially after the intensification of US pressure on Cairo due to Cairo’s rejection of US, Israeli, and Western pressure regarding the forced displacement of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip to the Egyptian Sinai.
Therefore, the mechanism of security and military cooperation and coordination, as well as economic and trade cooperation, between Egypt, China, and Russia has increased over the past period, with the holding of several joint Egyptian-Russian naval training activities, known as “Bridge of Friendship.” These activities were carried out by units of the naval forces of both countries over several days in Egyptian territorial waters within the Northern Fleet’s jurisdiction in the Mediterranean. The training was conducted by several joint naval formations and included live artillery firing, in addition to air defense exercises for naval formations. Training was also provided on the implementation of the right of visit and inspection, search and rescue operations at sea, and several lectures on medical evacuation, first aid, countering asymmetric threats, and cybersecurity. Additionally, an Egyptian air base hosted the four-day Egyptian-Chinese joint air training exercise “Eagles of Civilization 2025,” with the participation of a number of multi-role fighter aircraft of various models, led by the well-known Chinese fifth-generation stealth fighters.
To this end, Israeli media warned against joint military exercises and drills between Egypt, Russia, and China due to tensions over the Gaza war. Israel considered this Egyptian military cooperation with China and Russia to carry implicit messages aimed at Israel. Israeli press reports warned against Egyptian military movements and drills with both China and Russia, believing their target was Israel. Joint American and Israeli concerns grew over the escalation of massive Egyptian military maneuvers with advanced Chinese fighter jets. China defended this militarily and officially, claiming that concerns were growing in Cairo regarding the collapse of the security situation on the Gaza Strip border and the possibility of Gaza residents flooding into Sinai. This prompted Egyptian forces to deploy near the border through joint military exercises with the Chinese side.
Hence, we understand that Cairo’s strengthening of its relations with capitals like Beijing and Moscow comes within the framework of a new era and approach adopted by Egypt over the past ten years, as it has been keen in its foreign policy not to limit its strategic orientations, whether political, military, or economic, to a single power.
