Javid Husain in his book, Pakistan and a World in Disorder; A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century, aimed to address Pakistan’s need for synthesis of a coherent and comprehensive Grand Strategy to fulfil its interests (both short and long terms) in the current anarchic world. The author’s Grand Strategy, in its literal meaning, is the integration of Pakistan’s economic, security and foreign policies into one grand strategy, designed comprehensively and has to be harmonised with the evolving regional and global environment. The author has organized the book into eleven chapters, to equip readers with elements and procedures of past and current Pakistan’s foreign policy vis-à-vis prevailing regional and international environment. The author also attempts to evaluate the soundness of Pakistan’s foreign policy to highlight flaws and shortcomings of policy frameworks before comprehending a grand strategy for Pakistan.
Husain in the initial chapters of the book, began by addressing the importance of “rational assessment” of the prevailing world order, under the frameworks of which the policies of Grand Strategy would be operationalized. The world order, which the author describes as a “world in disorder”, is a state of disorder diverged from the initial Western goal of establishing a rule-based world order to spread peace, rule of law, inclusiveness of international states and human progress. Instead, the world in disorder is presenting a landscape of declining rule of international law and justice, followed by the inadequacy of the UN to manage certain strategic issues of states, and a parallel threat posed by pro-West emerging world powers, particularly China and Russia, to contemporary US-led or west dominated world order. The author further demonstrates that it reflects an increased unilateralism of powerful states, leading them to disregard international law to serve their interests. The author explains this state of disorder as “idealism in international relations predictably once again fell victim to realpolitik”. (p. 11)
The characteristics laid down by Javid Husain to define world order include increased power politics followed by a gradual decline in US world hegemony, the importance of economic power in determining the strength of a country, increased formation of alliances or regional integrations and prevalence of “knowledge-based world”. Keeping these characteristics in consideration, the in-depth review of Pakistan’s present policies is imperative, which according to the author are out of sync with the realities of the regional and global environment. Pakistan’s policymakers must conduct an in-depth analysis of the characteristics of the unpredictable and evolving world order mentioned by the author, before formulation of a grand strategy for a country.
Moving forward, Pakistan and a World in Disorder comprehensively entails Pakistan’s relationship with major neighbouring countries and future policy outcomes to withstand the “radically transformed” regional and global environment. The radical transformation of regional economic and security situations is categorized by China’s rise as an emerging global economic power and the parallel rise of Indian hegemonic ambitions in South Asia aided by its growing military and economic power. India’s South Asian hegemonic design is further supplemented by the USA’s “pivot to Asia policy”, adding a non-regional factor to the evolving security situation of the Asian region. The author puts forth, that such a scenario brought about various policy implications for Pakistan. It, on the one hand, carries commercial, economic and strategic opportunities for Pakistan regarding China and ASEAN states. While on the other hand, South Asian hegemony ambitions posited by the enemy next door, pose serious security threats for Pakistan.
keeping pace with Pakistan’s durable friendship and converging strategic interests with China, Pakistan’s policymakers, along with its private and public sector should reorient their economic policies to gain benefit from the evolving commercial and economic situation of China. Whereas, before formulating a grand strategy for India, Pakistan’s policymakers must understand India’s unfolding regional and global strategic goals. Husain draws attention towards the importance of “strategic imperative peace” between two de-facto South Asian nuclear states, which can be attained through dialogue, confidence-building measures and mutually beneficial cooperation. The author advances by mentioning that, to fulfil long-term goals with India, Pakistan should adopt “a proactive rather than adventurist” tone by maintaining a firm and principled position on major disputes between both countries. The author also made a concrete suggestion to avoid the adoption of any appeasement policy concerning India. Moreover, prevention or balancing India’s hegemonic design in South Asia exhibits great importance for Pakistan’s security and fulfilment of its vital national interest. To balance India’s hegemonic design in South Asia, Pakistan should broaden the horizon of its strategic partnerships by seeking friendly ties with Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Central Asian Republics. By strengthening bilateral and multilateral ties with Shanghai Cooperation Organization SCO member states, Pakistan can promote regional stability and combat India’s hegemonic design at the regional as well as global levels.
In the preceding chapters, the author deals with “Post 2014 Afghanistan” and Iran being “An Estranged Friend” of Pakistan. Husain elaborated that Pakistan posits a cultural, ethnic and economic affiliation with Afghanistan. Due to this affiliation, any major developments of peace and stability in Afghanistan affect Pakistan to a great extent. The emergence of armed conflicts between Taliban and non-Taliban forces followed by civil war in Afghanistan has had a profound impact on Pakistan’s social, economic and political security. The author entails, that Pakistan had to pay the heavy cost of its “Pro-Taliban Policy”, as it projects damaging consequences for Pakistan at domestic, regional and global levels. The author also highlighted the ever-present Durand line dispute, which has been plaguing the Pak-Afghan relationship since its inception. The rise of religious extremism, terrorism and the Afghan refugee crisis in Pakistan are all consequences of Pakistan’s ill-planned policies towards Afghanistan. The author extensively explained the damaging effect of the civil war in Afghanistan on the Pak-Iran relationship. After reflecting on the history of the Pak-Iran relationship since the Iranian revolution, the author asserts that it is imperative for both states to build a mutually beneficial strategic and economic relationship at domestic and regional levels to supplement their converging interests. The author argues that both states should refrain from their further involvement in Afghanistan’s internal affairs, and should encourage a peace process in Afghanistan.
The main theme of Chapter 5 is to highlight the importance of accessing regional integration for a country like Pakistan, to fulfil its overarching economic and strategic goals. Husain draws a comparison between the South Asian Association on Regional Cooperation SAARC and the Economic Cooperation Organization ECO, to identify an organization that meets all the perquisites of regional cooperation to serve Pakistan’s national interest. The author concludes that based on the perquisites for regional cooperation identified in the book, namely geographical proximity, cultural affinities, economic complementaries, absence of serious dispute and non-existence of hegemonic design, the Economic Cooperation Organization ECO can better serve Pakistan’s regional as well as global economic and security interests at its fullest. Therefore, it is beneficial for Pakistan to seek ECO for regional economic integration to fulfil its basic national interests.
Moving forward, the author evaluates and analyses the state of Foreign policy and National Security of Pakistan. While conducting the “Evaluation of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy”, the author declares, that Pakistan’s foreign policy has met the test of sound policy as it succeeds in safeguarding the nation’s national interests on foreign fronts. But, in the meanwhile, the author contends, there exist flaws in the foreign policy of Pakistan that should be taken into account. Moving forward toward the National Security of Pakistan, the author claims, the nation requires the adoption of “a comprehensive national security policy covering adequately its political, economic, diplomatic, and military dimensions”. (p. 175) This comprehensive National Security can function at its best potential in the presence of political stability, National cohesion and unity of the nation. The practical manifestation of Javid Hussain’s comprehensive approach to national security, encapsulating all essential security elements, is evident in Pakistan’s National Security Policy 2022-2026. This policy serves to affirm the validity and feasibility of Hussain’s assertions concerning the nation’s security framework.
The author reflects upon Liddell Hart’s idea of a grand or higher strategy to supplement his idea of a grand strategy. Liddell Hart’s concept of a higher strategy focuses on the utilization and direction of a nation’s resources such as military, economic, and diplomatic capabilities to achieve its overarching national objectives. Javid Hussain’s suggestion regarding Pakistan’s grand strategy echoes this sentiment, emphasizing the coordination and effective utilization of Pakistan’s resources to pursue its national goals within the dynamic and evolving international landscape. Javid’s proposed grand strategy for Pakistan prioritizes rapid economic growth above all else, requiring peace in the region and a prudent foreign policy to allocate resources effectively. Internally, political stability, counterterrorism efforts, and economic reforms are emphasized to achieve long-term national security and prosperity.
Pakistan and a World in Disorder; A Grand Strategy for the Twenty-First Century, is certainly one of the finest works of Javid Husain. Being a former ambassador of Pakistan to the Netherlands, South Korea and Iran, he posits exceptional expertise in the working and formulation of foreign policies of Pakistan. This extensive first-hand experience of the author furnishes readers with necessary information regarding the shortcomings of Pakistan’s policy-making process and the way forward. By gaining insights from this book, policymakers, researchers, academia and foreign observers can broaden their understanding of the parameters and shortcomings of policy frameworks in Pakistan.