Warning against the rising interdependence in the international system, Ernst B. Haas had observed that “the kinds of systems change associated with rising interdependence do imply a tendency toward strengthening weaker actors against strong states as the web of relationships increases perceived sensitivities, vulnerabilities and opportunity cost for the stronger.” The reflection of this statement can be seen in the recent conflict in the West Asia. The 21st century dynamics of “complex interdependence” was at risk for almost six weeks since February 28, 2026, when the United States and Israel started their air strikes against Iran. What followed was an exchange of missiles and drones across West Asia by Tehran and Tel Aviv and targeting of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries by the Iranian regime, adding to the uncertainty and instability in an already fragile and conflict-ridden region. However, the consequences of the escalation did not remain ‘regional in nature’ as in the blink of an eye the global energy order became the center of the conflict, when Tehran decided to use the Strait of Hormuz as an asymmetric weapon and pressurise its rivals. The intense regional volatility put to test the diplomatic maneuvering skills of nation-states, and as always, the complex internal dynamics of the region had created a tightrope for New Delhi to navigate and maintain cordial relations with its allies in the region. However, policy makers at the South Block continued with their multi-pronged diplomatic outreach strategy inclined primarily towards securing national interests in terms of energy supplies and protection of the Indian diaspora community living in the region.
Diplomacy has always been an “engine room” for nation-states to secure, expand, and enlarge their national goals in the international political system. It acts as a benign mechanism to achieve foreign policy goals without resorting to propaganda politics and coercive actions. Indian foreign policy has always functioned to promote diplomacy and dialogue as essential ingredients to resolve conflicts and promote goodwill among states. Its policies towards the Gulf region have also followed the same line. Drawing upon the de-hyphenated and multi-aligned strategy, New Delhi has maintained friendly and cooperative relations with all regional players, be it Tehran, Tel Aviv, Abu Dhabi, Riyadh, Muscat or Doha. New Delhi’s outreach towards the Gulf countries and Israel very well brings to the forefront its policy of ‘strategic autonomy in action.’
Regional Escalation and India’s Gulf Outreach
India-Persian Gulf relations have a deep historical and civilizational connotation rooted in the decades of trade, tourism, connectivity, and people-to-people contact. Both sides have always respected this unique connection and maintained a pragmatic approach during times of disagreement. While New Delhi has never intervened or directly taken sides in domestic and regional matters of the Gulf countries, Gulf nations have also not forced New Delhi to shed its multi-pronged approach in the deeply polarised regional environment. When the conflict started on February 28, 2026, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) issued a statement urging all sides to de-escalate and exercise restraint. The statement also added that “the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states must be respected,” which can be seen as an indirect condemnation of US-Israeli actions towards Iran. But as the patterns of New Delhi’s policies towards the region indicate, it did not indulge in any inflammatory rhetoric while maintaining a delicate balance between its national interests and strategic ties. Within 48 hours of the start of the conflict, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had made phone calls to the Amir of Qatar, Sultan of Oman, the Kings of Kuwait and Bahrain, President of the UAE, and the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia. During the calls, the Prime Minister had emphatically condemned attacks on the Gulf states while expressing his concerns about the safety and security of 8.9 million Indians residing in the region.
Moreover, energy security has remained at the forefront of New Delhi’s proactive diplomacy after the conflict escalation, as the Gulf remains a major supplier of crude oil and natural gas to India. More than 50% of Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) and around 60% of India’s crude oil imports are linked with the Gulf region, and the Strait of Hormuz is at the center of these imports. The disruptions in the free flow shipping through the critical waterway have not only affected the domestic energy market stability, rather has transformed into a trigger event for rising inflation and current account pressures in the country. To ensure the sustained passage of LNG and LPG carrying vessels, the diplomatic efforts and tactical alignment by New Delhi bore fruit when Iran allowed Indian-flagged vessels to pass the narrow waterway while regarding it as a ‘friendly nation.’ So far, more than half a dozen Indian merchant vessels have transited the Strait amid the coordinated efforts of the Indian government with Tehran and the Indian Navy’s calibrated actions through the ‘Operation Urja Suraksha.’
Besides, as the frequent high-level visits have become a crucial feature of India’s ‘Link West’ policy in the past few years, this time New Delhi also leveraged its strategic flexibility via bilateral engagements. The timely visit of the Indian Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas to Qatar underscores the importance New Delhi attaches to its largest natural gas supplier. During the visit, Qatar, too, reaffirmed its commitment “to remain a reliable energy supplier to India.” Furthermore, Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal has also held virtual talks with his counterparts in the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Kuwait. As India is negotiating a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the GCC, the minister aptly highlighted the need to restore stability in the region and remove supply chain vulnerabilities. Moreover, in a major reflection of India’s growing strategic partnership with the UAE, External Affairs Minister (EAM), Dr. S. Jaishankar himself visited the Gulf nation for a two-day trip on April 11-12. Weaving a thread of diplomatic synergy, the EAM held meetings with the President and Foreign Minister of the UAE and also with the Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, highlighting the security of the Indian diaspora, regional stability, energy security and strong bilateral ties. In a further display of its strategic flexibility, India also took part in a virtual call led by the United Kingdom regarding the opening of the Strait of Hormuz and ensuring freedom of navigation in the shipping lanes.
Conclusion
With New Delhi’s stakes being very high in West Asia in terms of ensuring energy security and the safety of the Indian people living there, its nuanced multi-vector diplomacy in the age of chaos is pragmatic as well as necessary. The power of a balancing act in a region that is more defined by geopolitical rift than mutual cooperation gives India the flexibility to navigate bilateral ties without being entangled into ideological and military battles. And more importantly, in an interconnected global order where regional conflicts have the power to send shockwaves thousands of kilometers away from their point of origin, the realm of communications and proactive outreach should become a central diplomatic mechanism to ensure a win-win situation, and New Delhi’s Gulf outreach amid the regional escalation has precisely done the same.
