

Africa
African Agenda in G20
G20 has become the epitome of economic governance since its inception. Its existence for 14 years at the summit level shows its practical purpose in the global arena. As a key grouping, G20 has treated Africa as a subject of development rather than as an active member. African issues have always been figured in G20 discussions. South Africa, is the only African country that has raised the African agenda in G20 and the need for greater voice and representation in the G20.
This paper briefly examines the growth of Africa in G20’s agenda, a more holistic representation of the African continent, and AU’s permanent membership by tracing opportunities for India to play a more substantial role in the inclusive global south by providing AU membership in its presidency.
The Growth of Africa in G20’s Agenda (2010-2020)
G20 governance concerning Africa highlights that the continent has received diverse observations from different presidencies. G20 members have always talked about Africa’s development and growth and showed concern for the continent’s betterment. However, African countries were never allowed to represent themselves. South Africa has consistently called for a broader representation of African interests at G20 and has supported the African union’s demand for permanent membership of G20.
In this regard, The Toronto Summit was a landmark event in the growth of the African Agenda, where AU participated at the G20 Summit for the first time.
The G20 created the Development Working Group(DWG) as a result of the Toronto Summit in 2010. The DWG highlights the need for G20 leaders to narrow development gaps, along with poverty reduction measures, to ensure a robust and resilient global economy. At the G20s Seoul summit, AU participated and adopted the Seoul Development Consensus for shared economic growth and equal partnership between donors and low-income countries.[1]
Significant Developments
Hangzhou Summit
African issues received massive support and assistance from the G20 members at the Hangzhou summit. This summit formulated various programs for the African continent. Thus, the Chinese presidency increased its engagement with the continent, bringing out different G20 policies for the continent at the Hangzhou summit held in 2016. Furthermore, China also supported “African industrialization” in the Hangzhou summit communique, the first in G20’s history. China also provided training to African youth. From 2016-2018 China also provided training to 40,000 African people on tech and management skills. Two lakh African technicians acquired training in vocational skills[2].
Hamburg Summit
The German presidency made Africa’s economic development one of the primary concerns of the Hamburg summit. As a result, the Compact with Africa(CwA) became the conference’s major highlight. It Focused on areas like economic development, growth, sustainability, infrastructure and renewable energy investment, capacity building, employment opportunities for the continent’s youth, knowledge-sharing and building institutions for managing environmental climate change risks, etc. CwA framework also includes systemic investor Response Mechanisms (SIRM) and business arbitration courts, prioritizing investor interest over the public interest.[3]
African states like Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Egypt, Ethiopia, Morocco, Rwanda, Senegal, Togo, and Tunisia, are part of CwA. CwA also included World Bank(WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the African Development Bank (AfDB).
CwA was seen as a Marshall Plan for Africa proposed by Germany’s Federal ministry for economic cooperation and development[4]. However, it was not suitable for low-income African countries.
Osaka Summit
The 2019 G20 Summit, which was held in Osaka (Japan), focused on Infrastructure development, fiscal sustainability, adequate policy response, people-centered development, and investment in human capital. These factors remained very crucial for Africa’s comprehensive growth. During Japan’s G20 presidency, parallelly 7th Tokyo International Conference on African Development, or (TICAD7)[5] was held in Yokohama in August 2019.
TICAD is a platform that promotes high-level policy dialogue between African leaders and Africa’s development partners in Japan. Thus, the TICAD conference assisted G20 Osaka Summit in coordinating and administering every African country more elaborately.
Why G20 needs AU
In the Bali Summit, Indonesia, held in 2022, South African president Cyril Ramphosa called for the African Union (AU) to become a permanent member of the G20. Also, Senegalese President Macky Sall, the current Chairperson of the African Union, has previously called for greater African representation in international bodies like G20[6]. However, many G20 members have supported AU’s permanent membership. European Union’s president Charles Michel decided to support AU’s permanent membership at the G20. The AU status of a guest invitee always limits their participation in policy-making bodies on various international affairs. AU’s permanent membership of G20 is essential as it leads toward holistic solutions for good governance and sustainable development.
The African Union (AU) today represents an economic bloc listed as the eighth largest in the world. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)[7] unites Africa’s 55 economies into a single market. Thus, the G20 needs African nations as they possess essential resources to meet international energy challenges. For instance, 64% of the EU’s Bauxite comes from Guinea, 36% of Tantalum, 68% of Cobalt from the Democratic Republic of Congo, and 71% of platinum from South Africa[8].
India’s role in promoting the African agenda at G20:
According to India’s Foreign policy experts, Africa is one of India’s top priorities. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar states, “India thinks that the development of Africa is essential to rebalancing global powers”[9] India’s efforts to build a resilient Africa can be seen in its various programs. For instance, India accounted for 3.7 % of investments made in Africa between 2011 and 2020, making it the eighth-largest investor.
Fig: India’s projected capital investment in Africa

Source: FDI Markets, Financial Times, and India Exim Bank Analysis
According to the Ministry of Finance, Government of India, and Reserve Bank of India (RBI), “Approved cumulative investments made by India in Africa from April 1996 to March 2022 were $73.9 billion”. New Delhi assists the International Solar Alliance (ISA) in developing off-grid solar energy projects in Africa. ISA’s partnership with AfDB African Development Bank to generate 10,000 MW of solar power system in the Sahel Region provides electricity to around 600 million Africans disconnected from electricity facilities.
The pandemic has further emphasized the necessity for collaboration in critical areas like agriculture and agro-processing, renewable energy, healthcare, etc. Africa currently contributes significantly to global value chains by exporting agricultural products and raw natural resources to other nations for processing and value addition in its development.
Over the years, African Union has called for wider representation at the G20. Africa’s growing role in India’s foreign policy is evident from its expanding diplomatic outreach within the continent. India is currently engaging with 43 African states. India has always been vocal about greater African representation at multilateral forums like UNSC, WTO, BRICS, IBSA, etc. Under the G20 presidency, India has the largest-ever representation from Africa with six invitees, Egypt, Mauritius, Nigeria, the Chair of AU, and the Chair of (AUDA-NEPAD) African Union Development Agency -New Partnership for African Development. Therefore, India is likely to support the African interest at the G20 as India wants to use its G20 presidency to support the need for a global south representation at the multilateral institutions and it aims to achieve this through its sustainable partnerships between developed and developing countries.
Conclusion
In the premier forum for international economic cooperation, G20 plays a significant role in shaping and strengthening global architecture and governance on all major international issues. Therefore institutions like the AU, which represents a bloc of 54 countries with diverse cultures, should be given permanent membership to express their collective interest in the forum. African countries would have a vote in the G20’s decisions on key issues. However, India can step up its game to distinguish itself as Africa’s partner by supporting Africa’s bid for permanent membership at G20. Therefore AU’s incorporation as a permanent member of G20 will benefit G20, Africa, and the world.
[1] Bhatia, R. (2020, September 17). “India, the G20, and an African agenda”. Gateway House. https://www.gatewayhouse.in/india-g20-african-agenda/ (Accessed: January 18, 2023).
[2] Jinyan, Z. (2017, August 3). “From Hangzhou to Hamburg: Africa at the center”. CHINAFRICA. http://www.chinafrica.cn/China/201708/t20170803_800101706.html (Accessed: January 19, 2023).
[3] Chakrabarty, M. (2019, June 28). “G20’s compact with Africa: How beneficial for Africa is it?” Observer Research Foundation. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/g20s-compact-with-africa-how-beneficial-for-africa-is-it-really-52528/ (Accessed: January 20, 2023).
[4] “A new marshall plan with Africa”. Rural 21: The International Journal for Rural Development. January 30, 2017.https://www.rural21.com/english/publications/detail/article/a-new-marshall-plan-with-africa.html?no_cache= (Accessed: February 8, 2023).
[5] “The seventh Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD7)”. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. November 26, 2019. https://www.mofa.go.jp/afr/af2/page25e_000274.html (Accessed: January 23, 2023).
[6] “Africa Union asks for permanent seat in G20”.. B&FT Online. November 21, 2022. https://thebftonline.com/2022/11/21/africa-union-asks-for-permanent-seat-in-g20/ (Accessed: February 9, 2023).
[7] “Creating one African Market”. AfCFTA. Home page. https://au-afcfta.org/ (Accessed: February 1, 2023).
[8] Eguegu, Ovigwe. (2022, July 29). “Why the G20 needs African Union as a member”., The Africa Report. https://www.theafricareport.com/226417/why-the-g20-needs-african-union-as-a-member/ (Accessed: February 8, 2023).
[9] “Address by External Affairs Minister, Dr S. Jaishankar at the Launch of Book: India-Africa Relations: Changing Horizons”. May 17, 2022. Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India. https://www.mea.gov.in/Speeches-Statements.htm?dtl%2F35322%2FAddress%2Bby%2BExternal%2BAffairs%2BMinister%2BDr%2BS%2BJaishankar%2Bat%2Bthe%2BLaunch%2Bof%2BBook%2BIndiaAfrica%2BRelations%2BChanging%2BHorizons (Accessed: January 30, 2023).
Africa
Aftermath of Coup d’État in Africa: Unfolding Unforeseen Outcomes

Over the last decades, the coup d’états have been a recurrent feature in the political landscape of sub-Saharan African countries. Often due to a rise of corruption and poverty, the coup d’états in Africa are even more complicated with the Cold War rivalry between the West and Russia (Cheeseman 2016). The superpower countries tend to influence African politics by backing some leaders, often irrespective of their country’s catastrophic economy, soaring living costs, and widespread population grievances. This complex interplay of internal socio-economic challenges and external geopolitical interests has created a volatile environment wherein military intervention has emerged to consolidate power. Over time, Africa’s political landscape has evolved, witnessing transitions towards multiparty democracy and efforts to address the root causes of coups through peacekeeping and conflict resolution initiatives. Despite progress in many areas, the historical legacy of coup d’états continues to shape the trajectory of many African countries, mainly West Africa. Within the African geopolitical context, where coup d’états have intermittently punctuated the political realm with diverse frequencies, a pertinent query arises: are leaders aware of the unforeseen outcomes? Moreover, is there a recognition that the acknowledged precipitants of coup d’états, namely corruption, have become ingrained within the foundation of societies and institutional frameworks? This article delves into the multifaceted repercussions of coup d’états in Africa, shedding light on the unforeseen outcomes that permeate through the fabric of societies and institutions. Through careful analysis, I aim to glean insights into the enduring impact of these tumultuous events on the continent’s political, economic, and social landscape.
A coup d’état in countries often triggers a belief that holds the potential to reshape the entire nation in various sectors, mainly economic and political. Many of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa gained independence from colonial powers in the 1950s and 1960s. The period of independence ascension was marked by high hopes for self-determination but also by political uncertainty and fragility. However, new nations experienced a rapid turnover of leaders and governments, as political institutions were still nascent. Although the institutions are in their nascent stages, the competition between Western powers and their counterparts in Russia, as well as the growing influence of allies such as China, has led to a state of stagnation for governments and leaders, mainly in West Africa. The rivalry of the superpowers seeking to gain influence in Africa often supports various governments and leaders, sometimes exacerbating instability. This geopolitical competition, rooted in ideological and strategic interests, has led to instances where external actors prioritize their own influence over the stability and development of African nations. Such interference can inadvertently fuel political tensions, as leaders may become more inclined to align themselves with external powers rather than focusing on their citizens’ pressing needs and concerns. Consequently, this dynamic has the potential to hinder progress towards sustainable governance and socioeconomic development in the region.
There is no denying that several African countries saw a rise in authoritarian regimes with leaders maintaining power and often suppressing opposition over centralized authority. This trend, borne out of a variety of historical, political, and socio-cultural factors, has had significant ramifications for the democratic aspirations of many African nations. The rise of authoritarian regimes in several African countries, characterized by leaders consolidating power and suppressing opposition in favor of centralized authority, is well-documented (Cheeseman, 2016; Diamond, 2002). This trend is underpinned by a complex interplay of historical, political, and socio-cultural factors, reflecting both the legacy of colonialism and indigenous political traditions (Englebert, 2009; Tull, 2015). The implications of such authoritarian governance for the democratic aspirations of African nations have been profound. While proponents argue that these regimes provide stability and order in contexts of political fragility (van de Walle, 2001), the concomitant stifling of dissent and concentration of power can obstruct the development of a pluralistic political discourse and impede the growth of inclusive, accountable governance (Bratton, 2015; Magaloni & Kricheli, 2010). Consequently, the persistence of authoritarian rule exacerbates societal divisions and begets enduring political and social consequences that pose formidable challenges to the overall progress and development of the affected nations (Smith, 2017; Ndulo, 2009).
The unforeseen outcomes that permeate through the fabric of societies and institutions in Africa in the aftermath of a coup d’état can have far-reaching and multifaceted consequences. Although the outcomes of a coup d’état can vary widely depending on factors such as the nature of the coup, the response of the international community, and the actions of the new leadership, the coup d’état can undermine the democratic processes. The erosion of democratic governance can lead to a deterioration of civil liberties, suppression of political opposition, and weakening of democratic institutions. In most countries, the coup d’état led to an abrupt change of leadership, and the abrupt change following a coup d’état can have detrimental effects on economic stability. This upheaval often leads to a decline in foreign investment, decreased economic growth, and heightened uncertainty for businesses (Collier & Hoeffler, 2002). The sudden shift in political power can create an environment where investors are hesitant to commit capital, and businesses may delay or scale back operations due to the unpredictable nature of the new regime.
The ethnic, religious, and regional divisions in the country following a coup d’état are often unforeseen. One prominent example of a prolonged conflict in West Africa with ethnic divisions exacerbated by a coup d’état is the Sierra Leone Civil War (1991-2002). The conflict was ignited by a coup d’état in 1991 led by the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), which sought to overthrow the government. The war was characterized by extreme brutality, including widespread atrocities, amputations, and the use of child soldiers. The RUF, primarily composed of fighters from the Mende ethnic group, targeted the Temne and other groups, exacerbating pre-existing divisions. In Mali, the military coup in 2012 led the citizens to experience a complex conflict involving various armed groups, including Islamist extremist factions. This coup d’état further destabilized the country and contributed to a multifaceted conflict with religious and ethnic dimensions (International Crisis Group, 2018).
The coup d’états are generally considered illegal and undemocratic means of seizing power. They often lead to political instability, and human rights abuses, and can have negative long-term consequences for a country. However, under some circumstances, the removal of corrupt and/or ineffective leadership sounds legitimate to consolidate power and break the cycle of mismanagement. While some individuals may perceive these as benefits, some significant risks and costs include potential violence, loss of life, political instability, the erosion of democratic norms, and mainly a cycle of coup d’état with fragile institutions. History shows that coups d’états are not a reliable or sustainable way to bring about positive change, as they can often lead to further instability and long-term negative consequences for a country. Indeed, building states with strong democratic institutions can perpetuate peace and well-being. In the United States, the system of checks and balances plays a crucial role in preventing the occurrence of a coup d’état. African leaders must understand the true meaning of separations of power, the authority of the legislative and judicial branches to oversee and monitor the actions of the executive branch, the free press and public oversight, and overall, the authority to impeach and remove a president. Indeed, the combination of these checks and balances mechanisms creates a robust system that makes it exceedingly difficult for any one individual or group to seize power. None of these African countries has evolved after coup d’état since their independence. They have been struggling to progress and always find themselves trapped in a recurring cycle of coup d’états, resulting in persistent economic impediments.
Africa
West African Highway Construction Still Fraught with Interstate Obstacles and Financing Challenges

After successfully launching the grandiose highway project referred to as ‘Abidjan-Lagos Corridor’ back in 2017, the five West African States – Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Togo, Benin and Nigeria – are still reviewing mechanisms for its implementation. Series of high-level meetings have discussed the project’s legal framework and its feasibility. The detailed design studies have been completed and scope of financing determined. The Abidjan-Lagos Corridor, the six-lane dual carriage highway, is estimated at US$15.1 billion.
The corridor is approximately 1,080 km long. It will connect some of the largest and most economically dynamic cities Abidjan, Accra, Cotonou, Lomé and Lagos while covering a large proportion of West Africa’s population. It will also link very vibrant seaports in West Africa. In addition, it will serve all the landlocked ECOWAS member-states, for example Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger in the region. Nearly 40 million people are estimated to be living along the Abidjan-Lagos corridor while 47 million people travel along the axis every year. These are expected to be direct beneficiaries of the development of the project touted to be a real backbone of trade in the region.

According official documents, this highway project falls in line with the key objectives of the ECOWAS Vision 2050, including (i) facilitating the movement of people and goods, and (ii) accelerating trade and transport, regional and international, improving road infrastructure. It is eventually expected that the transport corridor will be transformed into a development corridor to stimulate investment, sustainable development and poverty reduction within the entire region.
According to the President of the ECOWAS Commission, Jean-Claude Kassi Brou, the ECOWAS regional strategic framework has prioritized the development of key regional infrastructure to foster a competitive business environment while increasing inter-regional trade. According to him, the Japan International Development Agency (JICA), the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), the European Union (EU) from its African Investment Facility (AfIF), as well as the World Bank (WB), among other IDFs have expressed interest to join this project by contributing to bridge the traceable financing gap.
On 19th May 2023, Ministerial Steering Committee of the Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway Development Project held its 19th meeting to take decisions on expediting the completion of technical studies, securing of lands for the right of way, financing the construction of the highway project and the operationalization of the Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Management Authority (ALCoMA).
The feasibility and preliminary designs studies were said to have been completed, while the final phases be completed before the end of this year. On resource mobilization, it was explicitly noted that ECOWAS had adopted a new regulatory framework on the Public Private Partnership (PPP) – an incentive for the entry of private sector in large investments like the nature of this project. The African Development Bank (AfDB) on behalf of the development partners offered its assurance for unwavering commitment to the realization of the highway.
Chairperson of the Ministerial Steering Committee and Minister of Works and Housing of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Babatunde Raji Fashola, has urged united commitment in implementing the project despite the inevitable challenges. He further urged stakeholders to see the seeming delays as necessary for the preparation for implementation of the project. He finally enjoined all project countries and partners to adhere to the project treaty, intergovernmental agreement and the legal regime established by the presidents, which is critical in exhibiting the credibility and investor confidence.
Late September 2023, another roundtable meeting was held in Abidjan, capital city of Côte d’Ivoire, under the auspices of the Commission of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the African Development Bank (AfDB) and the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID).
The official documents indicated that the roundtable was to serve as an awareness-raising platform and a form ‘soft market testing’ of the project to arouse the interest of potential foreign investors, while efforts are being taken to finalize the technical studies in October 2023. The primary aim, among others, was to concretely determine appropriate mechanism of financing, and involvement of development partners and major regional and international Development Financial Institutions (DFIs).
Reports have also said the three (3) consultants implementing the feasibility and detailed engineering design studies on implementation and submitted the draft reports end of April 2023. In addition, reports praised such innovative sources including the proposed ECOWAS Fund for the Development of Energy and Transport Projects (FODETE), an internally generated finance made up of contributions from revenues generated from natural resources, exported from ECOWAS Member States.
Sediko Douka, Commissioner for Infrastructure, Energy and Digitization of the ECOWAS Commission, Mambury Njie, Advisor for Economic and Financial Integration tothe President of the ECOWAS Commission and Chris Appiah, Acting Director of Transport of ECOWAS, these stalwarts of the ECOWAS Secretariat, stated in his speech that the Abidjan-Lagos road corridor project is being implemented not only as a road project but as an integrated ‘development corridor’ which will catalyze the deployment of other important sectors such as industry, agriculture, energy, environment and tourism in the region, thus becoming an economic corridor to boost the growth of the region.
For the African Development Bank, Joseph Ribeiro, Deputy Director General, West Africa, African Development Bank, representing Marie-Laure Akin-Olugbade, Vice-President, Regional Development, Integration and Service Delivery, African Development Bank, in his speech, stressed the integrative nature of this project, which will have an important regional impact. In addition, he stressed that the project will be very significantly in the realisation of the AfCFTA, the continental free trade area.
Stéphane Ezoa, Deputy Director of Cabinet on behalf of the Minister of Equipment and Maintenance of Roads for Côte d’Ivoire, Dr. Amédé Koffi Kouakou stressed the importance to this highway and urged commitment towards the corridor project vision. Sitting in a cosy hall armed with speeches, these stalwarts were still asking all public and private investors to join in realizing this noble vision that will sustainably transform the economic landscape of the region.
For Mabouba Diagne, Vice-President Finance and Corporate Services at the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (BIDC), the strong mobilization of IFDs and Donors at the 1st round table, marks an important signal of the investor appetite for the construction of the Abidjan-Lagos Highway.
Akinwunmi Adesina, President of the African Development Bank (AfDB) has several times highlighted the importance of the Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway Project as an infrastructure project in West Africa that would ease free movement of people, goods and services, generate social and economic activities, and ultimately promote cross-border trade within the region, its economic viability and enormous potentials especially now that African Union looks to implement the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Noticeably, Africa has long been considered as a frontier for manufacturing, for technology, for food production. Africa is getting ready for business, it is busily building the world’s largest single market of 1.3 billion people.
The roundtable was marked by a very detailed presentation of the highway project covering the objectives, key investment elements, findings from the feasibility and preliminary design studies, other technical details and the structure of the Corridor Management Authority, ALCOMA mandated to construct, manage and operate the highway on behalf of the five countries. ECOWAS and AfDB to host the 1st Roundtable of Development Financial Institutions (DFIs) for the construction of the Abidjan – Lagos Corridor Highway.
This roundtable was initiated following the instructions given to the ECOWAS Commission by the Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS at its 63rd Ordinary Summit to collaborate with the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID) and the African Development Bank (AfDB), as well as other development partners and the private sector, to start vigorous resource mobilization efforts to finance the construction of the Abidjan – Lagos Highway.
Africa
Russia and South Sudan: Exploring Opportunities for Bilateral Cooperation

Ultimately Russia has returned to Africa, this time not with ‘business as usual’ and rhetorics, but doubled actions to invigorate its relations after holding Sochi and St. Petersburg summits. As sealed in the summit declarations, both Russia and African states have reaffirmed to heighten bilateral contacts as a primary mechanism for raising multifaceted relations unto a more quantitative stage.
Notwithstanding its own geopolitical complexities, including stringent sanctions hitting the economy, generating social discontent and Russia-Ukraine crisis at home, Kremlin authorities are still looking to build up admirable relations with Africa. It is a fact that Africa undoubtedly has huge potential, the untapped resources including natural resources and human capital, but badly needs support to realise its expected development goals.
Russian President Vladimir Putin and South Sudanese President Mayardit Salvatore Kiir, on September 28, during talks in the Kremlin, agreed on establishing close and well-refined working relations and strengthen further economic cooperation.
Putin reminded Salvatore Kiir of their participation in the first Russia-Africa summit in Sochi. And since then, all the nitty-gritty relations have been developing very intensively. Putin also pointed to the fact that much remains to be done, primarily in the area of economic development.
South Sudan’s trade statistics were not released though, Putin only explained there was ‘a slight decline’ in trade turnover. Putin further told him about many good opportunities in a variety of areas, including energy and construction of a refinery as well as the possible plans to create something else during the second stage of this plant, that would support the development of trade and economic ties.
“Of course, we are aware that further progressive development is connected with ensuring security, with the resolution of all those problems and difficulties that you have inherited from earlier times, so we will do everything to support you in this area as well as issues of regional stability and security,” Putin emphatically said during the discussion.
Putin also brought up the issue of humanitarian cooperation. “People from your nation are being trained in educational institutions of our country. We intend to expand this collaboration. I know that there is similar interaction with the regions of the Russian Federation, including Tatarstan. I hope that this area of activity will only develop,” he said.
On Sudanese side, Salvatore Kiir unreservedly pledged to work together with the Russian Federation. “As you rightly said, we were together, for the first time, in Sochi in 2019. We will work together – with you and with the Russian Federation, because the situation in the world shows that no one can survive or succeed alone, and our country is no exception,” he said in a contribution to the discussion.
With the rapidly changing situation, Kremlin authorities generally consider Africa as a foundational pillar of the emerging multipolar world, and consequently combing around for partners in order to expand the range of activities in trade and expand economic ties, engage in agricultural and industrial production.
Beyond that, Russia is also interested in strengthening its ties with regional economic integration associations and other recognizable structures useful for diversifying business services and and partnerships. And experts rightly say Sudanese delegation signals a window of opportunity for future visits to Moscow.
The Russia-Africa summit’s declaration reaffirmed that Russia remains a reliable food supplier for Africa. In 2022, Russian food exports amounted to 4.7 billion US dollars. Many large Russian companies are successfully working in Africa. The key spheres of bilateral cooperation include energy, subsoil use, agriculture. There are good opportunities for cooperation in research and technology, education – skills training – and culture with African countries in long-term perspectives.
Landlocked South Sudan, with estimated population of 11.5 million, is located in the northeast and central Africa. South Sudan is now a sovereign, independent state following its secession from Sudan on July 9, 2011. Like most of the conflict-wrapped African states, South Sudan has deepening economic crisis, so many social and political forces battling for political power after it separated from Sudan.
As always trumpeted, the popular perception is that it remains as one of the world’s least developed African states, with deep-seated poverty despite its boastful natural resources. It claims pursuing or tackling sustainable development goals and South Sudan, as AU member, is abreast with the African Union’s Agenda 2063.
-
Economy4 days ago
The IMEC vs BRI: Taking the cue
-
Russia4 days ago
How Putin’s Coup-Proofing Measures Have Undermined Russia’s War Effort in Ukraine
-
Africa4 days ago
Russia and South Sudan: Exploring Opportunities for Bilateral Cooperation
-
Economy3 days ago
Marrakech IMF/World Bank meetings, a barometer of Moroccan development and resilience
-
Europe3 days ago
Austerity, corruption, and neglect: How the Greek railway became Europe’s deadliest
-
Southeast Asia3 days ago
Philippines stands up to Chinese “grey zone” bullying
-
New Social Compact4 days ago
Human Security Perspectives on Hate Speech
-
Middle East3 days ago
All aboard, Iraq plans to steam into a new future