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China Factor and the Indo-Pacific: Possible Role of Quad

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The summit level dialogue comprising of India, US, Australia and Japan i.e. the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) is widely seen as noteworthy, given its resolve and potential to influence the geopolitical structure and geo-economics of the Indo-Pacific region. It first acted as a consultative and an informal group when it came into existence post the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, and later underwent a transformation in 2017, when the countries’ interests converged vis-à-vis a belligerent China’s assertive rise in the region and their shared commitment towards a rules-based order, a free and open Indo-Pacific (that is a veiled reference to China’s aggressive activities in the region), and co-operative action against terrorism. Thus, briefly, the Indo-Pacific strategy comprises of five elements: advancing a free and open Indo-Pacific, building connections within and beyond the region, bolstering Indo-Pacific security, driving regional prosperity, and building regional resilience to transnational threats.

The Indo-Pacific, which is technically a mental map, is a focal region of international attention and the intensification of China’s growth as a prospective hegemon has had the most profound impact on the security structure and the geopolitical backdrop of the twenty-first century. Beijing’s rise as a political, economic, scientific, and military powerhouse has given rise to a tectonic shift in the power equilibrium in the region. Consequently, it is understood that handling the rise of a discreetly pugnacious China is profoundly significant for the safety, security, and stability of the Indo-Pacific region. Quad needs to tread these waters successfully in order to curtail China’s long standing ambition of being the world hegemon.

In this context, especially in the post-Covid world, the United States perceives the relative influence of China to be burgeoning and it views Beijing as positioning itself as a major strategic competitor on the world stage. Furthermore, as the Sino-Indian relations plummet further, given the Chinese stealth encroachments in the Indian Territory and the economic hostilities between both, Beijing’s growing power projection proficiencies are greatly impacting the Indian strategic and security circles. Additionally, the Sino-Japan relations are also being worrisome due to China’s muscle flexing in the region, as Beijing has been an aggressive bully that is trying to establish rules and laws that favour its grandiose plans in the East China Sea where it attempts to challenge the status quo by coercion. The relations between Australia and China also have hit the lowest level in decades as there was a diplomatic and economic freeze between the countries for over two years. Therefore, in such a scenario, the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific is centred on cobbling together these strong states and curtailing the escalation of the Dragon’s aggressive actions in the region. Thus, the resurrection of Quad is a major balancing act to frustrate the growing threat of Chinese footprint and significantly, the robust strategic partnership is an attempt to thwart the Dragon that has become extremely authoritarian at home and aggressive abroad. The Quad members are working together in order to counter the rogue state and its exploitation and corruption in the Indo-Pacific, the South Asian region and the South China Sea.

The Quad as an informal IGO met in 2007 to discuss shared apprehensions about China and related maritime security issues across the Indo-Pacific, however, it disbanded soon after. As pressure from China mounted, in order to not put their lucrative and healthy relations with Beijing at stake, Australia quickly left the Quad, post which the period of dormancy of the Quad began for nearly a decade. During the Quad’s obscuration, the Australia-Japan-India (AJI) trilateral held its first dialogue in 2015 discussing issues such as freedom of navigation and maritime security. Nevertheless, as China’s antagonism kept increasing across the region, the trilateral developed more upgraded interaction and this was followed by the trilateral India- US, Japan- Malabar Naval Exercises. This further revitalized the Quad i.e. the Quad 2.0 with shared interests and converging ideologies per se, as there was a growing experience in security organization and this would prove to be pivotal in countering the hegemonic Beijing.  As the world order undergoes a remarkable transformation, the world’s vibrant economies and like-minded states who uphold democratic values and principles, under the grouping of Quad have an extensively major role to play in grappling with the China challenge. As a constructive agenda of cooperation, Quad is seemingly an embryonic military alliance although it functions on the premise of informality, which is basically a geopolitical requirement; the grouping also delivers a practicable format for four diverse participants to synchronise security activities whilst upholding equivocal loci vis-à-vis China. However, despite Beijing’s aggressiveness and an increasingly hostile strategic environment, the members have so far avoided declaring obligations of joint defence and have displayed little interest, till date, for the Quad’s formalisation and deeper institutionalization.

Since its renewal, the Quad has received major attention and conjectures about is geopolitical eminence. The hub of mercantile traffic and most certainly, the battleground for influence in Asia, the Indo-Pacific has seen the reincarnation of Quad as a turning point in order to contain the exponential expansionist activities of the Dragon. Beijing’s debt trap diplomacy through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is definitely reaping benefits for it by securing its sphere of influence in the region under consideration. Each of the members of the Quad faces varying domains, degrees and levels of threats from China and thus, need to develop a stronger approach. The four nations have come together on an ambitious project traversing cooperation on vaccines, technology and infrastructure, and unanimously working towards the overtly tacit aim designed to blunt Beijing’s challenge. Quad is a geopolitical game changer which is evident from the meetings between Joe Biden, Narendra Modi, Fumio Kishida, and Anthony Albanese. India has a major incentive to develop this close-knit strategic friendship with the leading democratic players of the Indo-Pacific, given its border issues with the ever-hungry China. The Quad is thus, at a tricky juncture and must prioritise defence and security issues in its purview. As the Indo-Pacific security environment becomes more multifarious, the Quad countries have been augmenting the interoperability between their militaries, in the face of the challenge of Beijing-led regional order. While China continues its unabated attempts at gaining foothold, and given its callous attitude towards violating sovereign and jurisdictional rights of the neighbouring nations, this calls for a system of checks and balancing by the Quad that has an undeniable role. This comes at the backdrop of the frantic pace of China’s warship infrastructure construction and reports of a larger nuclear-powered carrier in the pipeline which is a major threat to the other states in the region and to the international order. China has, over the decades, developed into an influential entity that has an unconcealed ambition which is evident from its military and economic might and ever- expanding projects and initiatives including the BRI processes, debt traps, and self-serving trading arrangements. The Quad provides the steady push back that has been needed against the predatory activities of this regional bully that talks of principles that it does not itself adhere to. The Quad as major entity, through proper institutionalisation would, in such a scenario brew in the required fear and nervousness of containment of China’s growing ill-founded ambitions; this can be done through proper diplomatic and economic channels like denial of technologies and markets to the aggressor state.

While the role of Quad in curbing China’s bellicosity is undeniable, there remain certain caveats and lacunae that need to be tackled with regard to the former. There is a major need for all the member states of the grouping to not shy away from calling out the Dragon for its expansive illegitimate designs and thus, this points out to the need for calling a spade a spade, here, alluding to the military aspect of the grouping. Mere symbolic grouping focussing on softer issues is not sufficient, and China needs to be aware of the fact that Quad was founded on the premise to clip Beijing’s ever-spreading imperialist wings. The Quad, thus, is not narrow-purposed, nor is it a geopolitical clique or “Asian NATO” as believed and branded by the adversary. The time is now ripe for the Quad to provide fresh impetus to its role as a summit-level grouping by combining its military and non-military policies as one integrated strategy for the region, and the world at large, given that China’s aggressive posturing sees no bounds. It needs to provide a buffer against China’s threats to the international norms and its attempts at altering the status quo, by sticking to the task at hand in the most rigid manner i.e. respecting and upholding the rules-based international order. Moreover, if the Quad countries unleash an attack on China from all possible fronts, it can greatly dissuade the reprobate state from its exorbitant expansionist designs. This network-based security system that would rely on developing the offensive as well as defensive capabilities of the Quad would be highly beneficial towards countering China’s threats and frustrating it militarily as well as economically.

The Quad has energised in the recent years with virtual as well as face-to-face summits, with a commitment towards an emboldened Indo-Pacific. There is a great need for it to embrace an active defence and security role for counter-balancing the truculent China which an be done through areas like health, infrastructure, climate policy and maritime cooperation and technology collaboration, by controlling the supply chain to their benefit and most importantly, by forming an exhaustive network of information-sharing to prevent a security and power vacuum in the region that can be dominated by China. Thus, to conclude, while the agenda is packaged differently, there is no denying the fact that the Quad is driven by concerns of a potentially ravenous China that seeks to dominate the Indo-Pacific region and this sustained partnership needs to become broad-based as well robust inorder to achieve its goals.

The author is a graduate in History from Miranda House, University of Delhi and currently pursuing Masters in Politics and International Relations, Pondicherry University.

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East Asia

Assad’s visit to China: Breaking diplomatic isolation and rebuilding Syria

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Chinese President Xi Jinping meets with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in Hangzhou, capital city of east China's Zhejiang Province, Sept. 22, 2023. (Xinhua/Yao Dawei)

The visit of Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad to China to participate in the opening of the Asian Games came as a serious step to try to break the diplomatic isolation from Syria.  Syrian President “Bashar Al-Assad” was keen to meet his counterpart Xi Jinping in the city of Hangzhou in eastern China, where the Asian Games are being held, as this was the Syrian president’s first visit to China since 2004.  According to the Syrian regime’s Al-Watan newspaper, Al-Assad will attend the launch ceremony of the (nineteenth edition) of the Asian Games, which will open on September 23, in the Chinese city of Hangzhou.  This visit to Bashar al-Assad reflects the great coordination between Moscow and Beijing, as it is likely that the Russians pushed for this visit at this precise time.  Perhaps, through his visit to China, Bashar al-Assad is trying to deliver a specific message about the start of “international legitimization” of his regime.  Syria’s accession to the Belt and Road Initiative in January 2022 is an indication of the possibility of implementing vital Chinese projects, especially since it is located between Iraq and Turkey, making it a vital corridor for land routes towards Europe.

 Bashar Al-Assad’s visit to China also comes in an attempt to attract it to reconstruction projects in the affected areas in Syria, as China has the ability to complete reconstruction infrastructure in residential and civilian areas with exceptional speed. This is the same as what the Chinese ambassador to Syria “Shi Hongwei” announced in August 2023, that “Chinese companies are actively involved in reconstruction projects in Syria”. The war in Syria led to massive destruction of infrastructure and the destruction of many vital sectors of the Syrian economy, including oil, while the Syrian government is subject to harsh international sanctions.  We find that the Chinese side has shown great interest in the reconstruction projects in Surba, such as the presence of more than a thousand Chinese companies to participate in (the first trade exhibition on Syrian reconstruction projects in Beijing), while they pledged investments estimated at two billion dollars.

  China played an active role through diplomatic movements in Syria, as it participated in the “Astana” process, and obstructed Security Council resolutions related to Syria, to confirm its position in support of Damascus, using its veto power more than once in the Security Council, against resolutions considered to be a blow to Assad’s “legitimacy”.  In September 2017, the Syrian regime classified China, along with Russia and Iran, as “friendly governments” that would give priority to reconstruction projects. Therefore, Al-Assad affirmed during his meeting with Chinese President “Xi Jinping” that: “this visit is important in terms of its timing and circumstances, as a multipolar world is being formed today that will restore balance and stability to the world, and it is the duty of all of us to seize this moment for the sake of a bright and promising future”.

  According to my analysis, China follows the policy of “breaking diplomatic isolation on presidents and countries against which America is angry”, so the visit of “Bashar al-Assad” comes within a series of visits that China witnessed during the current year in 2023, to presidents who are isolated internationally by the United States of America, such as: Venezuelan President “Nicolas  Maduro”, the Iranian President ”Ibrahim Raisi”, and the Belarusian “Alexander Lukashenko”.

  China is also keen to conduct interviews in its newspapers and official websites affiliated with the ruling Communist Party with many presidents and officials of countries isolated internationally and diplomatically by the United States of America and the West, such as the Chinese keenness to conduct and publish an interview with Syrian Foreign Minister “Faisal Mekdad” on September 21, 2023, and the Chinese reviewed his statements, saying that “the United States of America has plundered oil, natural gas, and other resources from Syria, causing losses worth $115 billion”. The Chinese newspaper “Global Times”, which is close to the ruling Communist Party, also focused on the United States’ greater role in the deterioration of “Syria from stability to chaos” . The Chinese newspaper compared this to China’s policy, which constantly calls for peaceful dialogue and opposes “foreign interference” .

   Through his visit to China, Syrian President “Bashar Al-Assad” is trying to lay the foundations for joint cooperation between China and Syria within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, with full Chinese support for Syria’s accession to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a dialogue partner. China has always affirmed its firm support for Syria’s efforts against foreign interference, with the Chinese rejection of the stationing of illegal forces on Syrian territory. China is also making great efforts with many countries to lift sanctions and the illegal economic blockade on the Syrian people, in addition to Chinese support for building Syrian capabilities in the field of combating terrorism. Knowing that despite its alliance with President “Bashar Al-Assad”, China did not participate in supporting him militarily, but it used the right of criticism to obstruct the passage of resolutions against him in the Security Council.

   We can reach an important conclusion that Bashar Al-Assad’s visit to China has a greater political track, and that Beijing is trying to play a greater role in the issue of resolving conflicts or to have a greater actual role in negotiations related to sensitive issues in the region. The implications of Assad’s visit to China are also politically significant, as China is trying to play a greater political role in the region, as China has been trying since the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the emergence of a vacuum in the Middle East as a result of the decline of Russian influence due to its preoccupation with the war, so Beijing is trying to expand in the Middle East and Africa. 

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China’s Inclusive Diplomacy for Global Cooperation

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President Xi Jinping’s address at the recently held 2023 CIFTIS resonates as a powerful call for inclusive development and cooperation in the services trade sector. China’s commitment to expanding market access, increasing connectivity, and aligning policies with global standards demonstrates its commitment to ensuring a level playing field for all nations.

This commitment extends across different sectors, including telecommunications, tourism, law, vocational examinations, and the larger services sector. President Xi’s address emphasized China’s intention to expand broader, broaden market access, and support inclusive development in the services trade sector. His sentiments resonate with the global world as China seeks to create new prospects for openness, cooperation, and economic equality.

Over the last few decades, the services trade landscape has changed drastically, becoming an essential component of international business. However, this expansion has not been uniform, with developing countries frequently encountering difficulties such as limited market access, complex rules, and capacity limits that prevent them from fully participating in international services trade.

Notably, China is committed to promoting inclusive growth in the services trade sector. It assured of taking continuing steps to accelerate Chinese modernization through high-quality development, to open up new avenues for openness and collaboration for all countries.

Through openness, cooperation, innovation, and shared services, China emphasized the need for inclusive growth and connectivity. Recognizing that a rising tide in services trade should raise all boats, particularly those from nations with limited resources, China has launched a series of ground-breaking initiatives. Additionally, China is actively expanding its network of high-standard free trade areas, participating in negotiations on the negative list for trade in services and investment.

China is setting an example by aligning its policies with international standards. President Xi highlighted in his speech that national integrated demonstration zones for increased openness in the services sector, suitable pilot free trade zones, and free trade ports will be at the forefront of aligning policies with high-standard international economic and trade regulations. These zones demonstrate China’s commitment to fostering an atmosphere conducive to international cooperation and growth.

Real-world examples vividly demonstrate the practical impact of China’s assistance to developing countries in the services trade. China’s investments in transport infrastructure, such as the Standard Gauge Railway, have considerably facilitated the flow of goods and people in Kenya, boosting the services sector indirectly.

Pakistan’s experience with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is similar, with improved physical connectivity catalyzing the expansion of digital services and e-commerce. Various infrastructure developments in Indonesia have resulted in spectacular advances, opening up new potential for services trade.

Ethiopia, too, has reaped the benefits of China’s commitment, with active participation in industrial parks reviving the services sector, which includes logistics, banking, and education. These real-life success stories highlight China’s critical role in facilitating the expansion and development of services trade in developing countries.

China’s commitment to capacity building and technical aid is critical in its support for developing countries in the services trade. China provides these countries with the knowledge and skills they need to participate effectively in the services trade by offering specialized programs. Furthermore, China’s significant investments in infrastructure projects such as ports, logistical hubs, and telecommunications networks play an important role in facilitating the smooth flow of services.

Furthermore, China’s commitment to reducing entry barriers and optimizing regulations indicates the country’s persistent commitment to creating an equitable environment. This approach not only promotes equitable possibilities but also simplifies market access, making it easier for developing countries to export their services to China’s enormous and dynamic market.

Furthermore, China gives significant financial support in the form of loans and grants for service trade-related initiatives, recognizing the financial problems that many developing countries confront. This financial assistance enables nations to overcome economic challenges and invest in the expansion and improvement of their service sectors, thereby encouraging economic equality and cooperation.

As the world continues to evolve, services trade will play an increasingly important role in global economic growth, and China’s leadership in this realm is helping to shape a future where opportunities are shared, disparities are reduced, and cooperation knows no bounds. It is a vision worthy of appreciation and support since it is consistent with the ideals of justice and equality, moving the globe closer to a more linked and wealthy global community.

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China’s Multilateral Engagement and Constructive Role in the G20



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The recent G20 Summit in India has once again taken center stage, attracting global attention as it gathered together leaders and delegates from the world’s 20 most powerful economies. This high-profile event was significant in shaping international relations and addressing serious global concerns due to its broad presence and crucial talks. This high-stakes gathering occurs at a pivotal juncture, marked by escalating divisions among major powers on a multitude of pressing global issues, including the Russia-Ukraine conflict, global economic recovery, food security, and climate change.

The recent inclusion of the African Union (AU) as a permanent member within the G20 serves as a positive signal, signifying consensus among major economies. However, lurking concerns persist about the formidable challenges involved in achieving unity and issuing a joint declaration in the midst of these complex global dynamics.

Chinese Premier Li Qiang’s opening remarks at the 18th G20 Summit in New Delhi resonate as he underscores the paramount importance of unity and collaboration among G20 member nations. He emphasizes the critical need for effective coordination of macroeconomic policies to restore hope and generate momentum for long-term economic growth.

 Premier Li eloquently highlights the interconnectedness of humanity’s destiny and calls upon nations to demonstrate mutual respect, seek common ground while momentarily setting aside differences, and work tirelessly towards peaceful coexistence. In a world characterized by profound crises and shared hardships, he aptly observes that no nation can thrive in isolation. Therefore, the only plausible pathways for guiding humanity forward are those rooted in cooperation and harmony.

The G20, originally established to navigate global financial crises and forge collective strategies for addressing economic challenges while fostering global economic development, has, regrettably, experienced a decline in consensus and a rise in differences among major powers. This shift has been particularly evident since the onset of the Ukraine crisis and the United States’ strategy of containment against China. Consequently, the G20 is increasingly devolving into a forum marked by discord, rather than the once-productive and constructive multilateral mechanism it was intended to be.

Nevertheless, the G20 retains its significance as a pivotal forum for international collaboration in confronting global challenges. With the increasing contributions of developing nations like China, India, and African countries, the voices within the G20 have diversified, no longer solely dominated by Western perspectives. As a response, the United States seeks to regain control of the multilateral process to further its agenda of great power competition. However, this approach is unlikely to be warmly received by the broader international community.

China remains steadfast in its commitment to deepen reforms and open up further to foster high-quality development and its unique brand of modernization. China views itself as a catalyst for additional momentum in global economic recovery and sustainable development. China stands ready to collaborate with all stakeholders to contribute to the well-being of our shared Earth, our common home, and the future of humanity. Despite Western media’s attempts to sensationalize China’s stance and magnify perceived differences, China continues to play a constructive role within the G20, dedicated to its multilateral mission.

To ensure that the G20 remains a platform focused on global governance rather than being overshadowed by geopolitical conflicts, China remains determined to fulfill its constructive role within the group, regardless of attempts by Western powers to politicize the mechanism. China’s efforts have expanded the G20 to include the African Union, effectively transforming it into the “G21.” China was the first nation to endorse African Union membership in the G20 and advocates for the African Union to assume an even more significant role in international governance.

The growing divisions and disputes within the G20 have eroded its effectiveness as a platform for addressing global challenges. These divisions, primarily driven by American actions and policies, have spawned tensions with far-reaching global implications, from the Ukraine crisis to escalating tensions in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly in the Taiwan Straits and the South China Sea. These developments underscore the critical role the G20 plays in promoting cooperation and unity.

Amid the current geopolitical landscape characterized by major powers’ divisions, tensions have surged, resonating globally and causing ripple effects. From the Ukraine crisis to tensions in the Asia-Pacific region, particularly in the Taiwan Straits and the South China Sea, the significance of the G20’s role in fostering cooperation and unity cannot be overstated.

All G20 member nations must recognize the urgent imperative of cooperation in building a world that is safer, more prosperous, and increasingly peaceful. Given the global challenges that transcend narrow national interests, effective responses can only be crafted through international cooperation. The G20 stands as a pivotal arena for this cooperation, with China’s positive contribution being indispensable in promoting cohesion.

Despite Western media’s efforts to sensationalize China’s position and magnify perceived gaps, China remains a committed multilateral partner within the G20, dedicated to constructive engagement. The G20 continues to serve as a critical platform for addressing global concerns, fostering unity, and promoting international collaboration. As the world grapples with intricate issues, it remains imperative that nations adhere to the principles of multilateralism and collaborate relentlessly to secure a more prosperous, peaceful, and sustainable future for all.

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