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What Causes the Transformation of Indonesia’s Defense Progress?

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Indonesian Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto met with Japanese Defense Minister Kishi Nobuo in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. (Photo courtesy of the Public Relations Bureau of the General Secretariat of the Ministry of Defense.)

The current state of defense in Indonesia cannot be ignored. Despite the fact that it is still a developing country, Indonesia is undergoing a defense revolution. The world seemed to need to emphasize this.

According to the Lowy Institute Asia Power Index 2021 data, Indonesia is now considered to be an Asian medium power. Indonesia is rated ninth out of 26 nations for overall strength, with a score of 19.4 out of 100.

In terms of military capacity, Indonesia is placed 13th overall, with data on defense budget ranking 10th, armed forces ranking 11th, weapons and platforms ranking 13th, and Asian military posture and signature capabilities ranking 13th.

Meanwhile, in terms of military manpower, Indonesia is among the top 10 in Asia. According to the International Institute for Strategic Studies, Indonesia will be ranked eighth in Asia in 2021, with 395.50 thousand military troops. China remains the leader in this regard, with a total of 2.03 million personnel.

Efforts to strengthen defense are currently ongoing. The upgrading of Indonesia’s defense equipment is aimed at 70% of the minimum needed troops by 2024. (MEF). MEF realization was enhanced since MEF realization in 2020 was only 62.3 percent of the State Budget. This occurred as a result of the Covid-19 outbreak, which caused defense expenditures to be diverted to deal with the pandemic.

The establishment of reserve components of at least 3 thousand troops, which did not exist previously, has resulted in several advances in Indonesia’s defensive advancement. Then there was the Dassault Rafale fighter plane, an Italian frigate, the Airbus A400M military transport aircraft, the scorpene submarine, and the Maung tactical vehicle.

Some analysts believe that this defensive development will pique the interest of the world community, particularly industrialized countries engaged in global politics.

The advancement of Indonesia’s defense capabilities has the potential to strengthen Indonesia’s negotiating leverage in the international arena. Furthermore, there are difficulties in relations between superpowers that might direct this.

Tensions between the United States, Russia, and China have put the globe in jeopardy. The idea of the “west” and “east” blocs that existed during the cold war appears to be resurfacing at this moment.

Because of the Russo-Ukrainian crisis, the United States had to dispute with Russia as the head of the Western bloc. On the other side, the US is at conflict with China over the Taiwan and South China Sea issues.

In the midst of these tense geopolitical circumstances, Indonesia has the capacity to defuse the conflicting superpowers. Indonesia’s military force may be employed as a peacemaker, and Indonesian officials can seize this opportunity to ensure global security.

Role Figure

The prominent figure of Prabowo Subianto, the Minister of Defense of the Republic of Indonesia, cannot be separated from the strengthening of Indonesia’s defense. Why is this so? There might be various explanations for this.

For starters, Prabowo has a high-ranking military background. Since graduation from the military academy in Magelang in 1974, his youth has been emphasized to serve in the military as a second lieutenant. For the past 24 years, his military career has consistently led to key posts such as Commander of the Army Strategic Reserve Command.

He went into conflict-prone countries like East Timor and accomplished a number of goals. One of his most notable accomplishments was saving a Garuda DC-9 Woyla passenger in Bangkok in 1981. This operation recovered 10-12 international researchers who had been kidnapped by the Free Papua Movement (OPM) insurgents as part of the Lotrentz 95 expedition.

His military expertise underpins his ability to manage and create defensive equipment. Prabowo realizes that the navy and air forces are critical to Indonesia’s defense, and he is working to bolster these two areas.

Second, Prabowo Subianto is the General Chairman of the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), which has great political negotiating power. Gerindra, which is now in third position in the 2019 general election, wields significant political power in shaping state policies. Prabowo has the political ability to order 78 members of his legislative council to adopt national policies based on his views about national interests. Defense and security in Indonesia are no exception.

The media frequently refers to Prabowo Subianto’s political group as the Kertanegara axis, a political axis with nationalist-patriotic leanings. The Kertanegara axis frequently intersected with the Cikeas axis of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the sixth President of the Republic of Indonesia, and the Bull axis of Megawati, the fifth President of the Republic of Indonesia, during its development.

Prabowo was previously known to the public as a presidential contender, including a rivalry with Joko Widodo, the current President of the Republic of Indonesia.

In reality, he is the “King Maker” figure who has won numerous well-known political competitors today, including Basuki Tjahaja Purnama or Ahok, the former Governor of DKI Jakarta, Anies Baswedan, the current Governor of DKI Jakarta, and Ridwan Kamil, who was previously Mayor of Bandung. Because to Prabowo Subianto’s support, all of them were able to attain political success.

Third, Prabowo possesses strong soft diplomacy skills. He conducted defense diplomacy in a nonpartisan, open, and beneficial manner, keeping in mind the current global political context.

Prabowo appears to regard all countries as friends who do not need to be separated from one another, particularly if they share common political aims or ties.

Furthermore, defense diplomacy entails not just the purchase of defense equipment, but also debates about international security, future collaboration, and efforts to capitalize on increasing national capabilities.

Prabowo had been to South Korea. In defense diplomacy, he agreed to buy 16 South Korean T-50 trainer planes while simultaneously discussing world security. Indonesia has even worked with South Korea on the development of the KF-15 Boromae fighter jet.

Simultaneously, Prabowo continues to visit Japan, a country with a history of confrontation with Korea. During his visit, he discussed the agreement on the long-term viability of military technology transfer cooperation for the production of defense equipment.

Despite the fact that the two nations have a strained relationship as a result of their shared history, Prabowo was able to use the two countries from opposing perspectives.

In terms of the strained relationship between the US and China, Prabowo respects both countries. He regarded the United States as a close ally and welcomed the superpower’s assistance for ASEAN. However, Prabowo maintains defense cooperation with China as well as cordial ties with it.

Despite the tensions between the two countries, Prabowo maintained neutrality toward both. As a result, Indonesia seems to be the contending countries’ international mediator. Prabowo has effectively executed the notion of a free and active foreign policy.

Indonesia’s defense is evolving and improving at a quick pace. This cannot be isolated from the work of the Minister of Defense, Prabowo Subianto, who expedited Indonesia’s defense, which was previously more focused on foreign threats. Thus, advancing Indonesia’s defense requires not just financial backing, but also a powerful figure.

Agil Kurniadi is the Executive Director of the historical research center and social sciences 'Terekam Jejak.' He holds a Bachelor's and Master's degree in History from the University of Indonesia and writes about politics, economics, history, and socio-culture. Some of his articles have been published in national and international journals and conferences.

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Southeast Asia

ASEAN Summit 2023: Shaping Southeast Asia’s Future and Beyond

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The 43rd ASEAN Summit held in Jakarta from September 5th to 7th, 2023, carries profound implications for the future of Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific region. As I reflect on the outcomes of this summit, it is evident that ASEAN has reaffirmed its role as a vital regional player and a catalyst for cooperation and progress. The theme “ASEAN Matters: Epicentrum of Growth” encapsulates the essence of this summit. It underscores that ASEAN is not merely a geographical region but a dynamic force at the heart of growth and development in the Indo-Pacific. This theme reflects a vision of ASEAN that is forward-looking, ambitious, and committed to addressing the multifaceted challenges of our times. The adoption of the ASEAN Concord IV, a comprehensive blueprint for ASEAN’s future, is a testament to the organization’s resolve. It emphasizes the importance of security, economic growth, and a broader regional role. It is noteworthy that ASEAN is not content with maintaining the status quo; instead, it seeks to shape the evolving dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, placing itself at the center of growth and stability.

   Addressing security concerns within the region is paramount. The commitment to combating illicit drugs, maintaining a Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone, and upholding international maritime law in the South China Sea reflects ASEAN’s dedication to preserving regional stability. In a world marked by geopolitical tensions, these commitments send a clear message that ASEAN is committed to ensuring peace and security within its borders. Economic growth and sustainability are core principles embedded within the ASEAN Concord IV. The emphasis on balanced growth, economic disparities, innovation, and environmental sustainability demonstrates a commitment to the well-being of all ASEAN citizens. It recognizes that economic progress must be inclusive and sustainable to truly benefit the entire region. ASEAN’s expanding regional role, as outlined in the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP), is a significant development. It acknowledges the organization’s potential to influence the broader geopolitical landscape. By emphasizing the importance of international law and mechanisms for resolving regional disputes, ASEAN positions itself as a responsible and proactive player in the Indo-Pacific region.

   The Myanmar crisis presents one of the most pressing challenges in the region. ASEAN’s condemnation of the violence and its commitment to the Five-Point Consensus, along with the Troika mechanism, reflect a united front to address this complex issue. While the path to resolution is challenging, ASEAN’s engagement sends a strong message that it is actively working toward a peaceful resolution. The gesture of welcoming Timor-Leste into the ASEAN family signifies an expansion of the organization’s influence. While details are yet to be finalized, this move reflects ASEAN’s willingness to embrace new members and deepen its regional engagement. The decision to elevate the ASEAN Secretariat to the status of the ASEAN Headquarters is a step towards enhancing the organization’s effectiveness. It reflects a recognition that a strong and centralized institution is essential for the successful implementation of ASEAN’s goals. Global engagement is also a key aspect of ASEAN’s vision. The organization’s concern for the Middle East conflict and its support for a two-state solution demonstrate a commitment to peace and stability beyond its immediate region. This reflects ASEAN’s aspiration to contribute positively to global affairs.

   The 43rd ASEAN Summit in Jakarta has positioned ASEAN as a central force for unity, cooperation, and progress in Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific. The adoption of the ASEAN Concord IV and the various commitments made during the summit reflect a vision of ASEAN that is forward-thinking, proactive, and committed to addressing regional and global challenges. As we move forward, it is crucial to recognize that ASEAN’s role extends beyond regional boundaries. It is a beacon of hope for collaborative and inclusive growth, a promoter of peace and security, and a responsible global player. In a world characterized by uncertainty, ASEAN’s resilience and determination offer a promising path for a better future not only for its member states but for the entire Indo-Pacific region and the world. The outcomes of the 43rd ASEAN Summit demonstrate that the organization’s principles, when translated into action, can shape the course of regional and global affairs, making it a cornerstone of stability and progress in the 21st century.

  Beyond what has been discussed, the outcomes of the 43rd ASEAN Summit also shed light on several crucial aspects that warrant further examination in the realm of International Relations. One such aspect is the commitment to upholding international maritime law in the South China Sea. This commitment underscores the importance of maritime security and the complex web of territorial disputes in the region. It invites students and scholars of international relations to explore the intricate dynamics of maritime sovereignty, the role of international law, and the implications of these disputes on regional stability.  Moreover, the ASEAN Concord IV’s emphasis on innovation resonates with the growing relevance of technology and innovation in global affairs. It encourages a deeper exploration of how technological advancements impact international relations, from cybersecurity challenges to the transformative potential of artificial intelligence. Understanding the nexus between technology and diplomacy becomes increasingly vital in an era of rapid technological change. The adoption of the Troika mechanism as part of the response to the Myanmar crisis offers a practical example of conflict resolution mechanisms within regional organizations. It invites students to analyze the effectiveness of such mechanisms and their potential application in other regional conflicts. The study of conflict resolution strategies is a fundamental component of international relations research and education. Furthermore, the summit’s focus on environmental sustainability aligns with the global discourse on climate change and ecological preservation. Students can delve into the implications of regional organizations like ASEAN engaging in environmental issues and the role they can play in advancing global environmental agendas, including the Paris Agreement. The potential expansion of ASEAN to include Timor-Leste prompts discussions on the dynamics of regional integration and the prerequisites for membership. It encourages students to explore the criteria and processes for joining regional organizations and the implications for both existing members and the prospective entrant. Such inquiries are central to the study of regionalism in international relations.

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Biden’s ASEAN Summit Absence Sparks Multilateral Concerns

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The recent convening of the 43rd ASEAN Summit in Jakarta serves as a poignant reminder of the pivotal role that multilateral cooperation continues to play in upholding peace, stability, and prosperity across the dynamic Asia-Pacific region. President Joe Biden’s conspicuous absence at the ASEAN Summit sends a clear message that the United States prioritizes rivalry over multilateral cooperation, as well as a penchant for narrowly defined alliances instead of comprehensive multilateral engagement.

This decision underscores a strategic focus in Washington – one that seeks to further its interests through alternative avenues. Such a move carries profound implications for regional dynamics. Even as the summit was postponed to accommodate the U.S. President’s schedule

It implies that the U.S. may increasingly lean towards pursuing its strategic interests through alternative pathways, possibly emphasizing bilateral or smaller multilateral arrangements. However, this approach risks undercutting the broader benefits that robust multilateral engagement offers, especially in a region as diverse and interconnected as the Asia-Pacific.

Multilateral cooperation, exemplified by forums such as the ASEAN Summit, provides an invaluable platform for addressing intricate regional challenges, facilitating dialogue, and bridging gaps among nations with diverse interests. By favoring more limited partnerships, the U.S. may inadvertently curtail its capacity to shape regional developments comprehensively and inclusively.

In the face of mounting geopolitical complexities, China stands out for its steadfast commitment to fostering collaboration and peaceful development. This commitment sharply contrasts with the United States’ preference for bilateral and “small-multilateral” formats.

China acknowledges the enduring value of multilateralism in promoting regional stability and development. Its engagement with ASEAN underscores cooperation, economic interdependence, and peaceful coexistence, aligning closely with the goal of establishing an atmosphere conducive to dialogue and collaboration.

The United States’ strategy towards ASEAN appears motivated by a desire to maintain the organization’s division rather than unity. Such instability aligns with Washington’s geopolitical interests in the region, as an unsettled ASEAN is perceived as more susceptible to U.S. influence and manipulation. This approach risks undermining ASEAN’s unity and its collective pursuit of shared objectives.

While some regional countries may be tempted to align more closely with the United States for various reasons, they must exercise caution and evaluate the potential implications of such alignment. The U.S. has displayed a willingness to foment chaos and turmoil in the region to enhance certain countries’ dependence on it. This approach poses significant risks to the stability and resilience of Asia-Pacific nations.

Over the past decade, China’s unwavering commitment to a comprehensive strategic partnership with ASEAN has yielded numerous benefits for the region. Expanding trade between China and ASEAN underscores the importance of open markets and economic interdependence on a global scale.

China’s support for pragmatic collaboration initiatives has not only spurred economic prosperity but also facilitated cultural exchange and people-to-people interactions throughout Southeast Asia. This approach, founded on principles of shared growth and mutual benefit, aligns seamlessly with ASEAN’s tenets, bolstering the organization’s influence in regional affairs.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s declaration to implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea with ASEAN countries and work towards a “Code of Conduct” underscores China’s unwavering commitment to transforming the South China Sea into a region characterized by peace, friendship, and cooperation.

Throughout its history, ASEAN’s resilience and centrality have remained defining features. This resilience empowers ASEAN to withstand external pressures and manipulation, ensuring its decisions reflect the collective interests of its member states. The China-ASEAN alliance strengthens this resilience, safeguarding ASEAN’s independence and its ability to carve out its destiny.

As the United States continues to pursue its geopolitical objectives through diverse means, the Asia-Pacific region finds itself at a crucial juncture. ASEAN members must remain steadfast in adhering to the principles of dialogue, cooperation, and peaceful growth that have underpinned the organization’s success for decades.

In this context, China’s unwavering support for ASEAN’s vision and its resolute commitment to multilateralism become all the more significant. China contributes to regional stability and development by promoting cooperation, economic growth, and people-to-people exchanges, reinforcing ASEAN’s pivotal role as a critical force for peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific.

Each ASEAN meeting serves as a litmus test for genuine multilateralism, with participating nations carefully identifying between actors genuinely seeking collaboration and those knowingly contributing to conflict. Given the current political climate, Washington’s policy decisions have huge repercussions, with any miscalculation potentially leading to unfavourable outcomes and increased diplomatic discontent.

Consequently, the United States must carefully weigh the long-term repercussions of its approach and strike a judicious balance between bilateral alliances and active engagement in global forums. A more comprehensive and inclusive engagement strategy in the Asia-Pacific can foster trust, spur collaboration, and secure a future marked by peace and prosperity for all nations in the region.

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Regulating Quality Journalism: A Mission Impossible Against Algorithm

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Authors: Hanif Abdul Halim and Haekal Al Asyari* 

Due to the shift in modes of communication from mass to personalized media; concerns of digital platforms monopolizing the news have risen. Several issues surrounding publisher rights, disinformation, and journalist ethics become a wakeup call for legislators.

The idea of a regulation that holds global digital platforms responsible for providing economic value to news content produced by local and national media has surfaced since National Press Day in 2020. On the commemoration of National Press Day last February, President Joko Widodo requested the Ministry of Communication and Informatics, the Press Council, and related stakeholders to finalize the clauses regarding publisher rights that will be included in the Presidential Decree Bill.

The Indonesian media industry has been anxious for quite some time with the presence of applications such as Baca Berita (Babe) which seem to gain more profit from news content than the media outlets that produce it. With the Bill including publisher rights, the media will receive some form of royalty for content distributed on digital platforms such as search engines (Google), social media (Facebook or X), and news aggregators (Google News, Yahoo News, LINE News) that fetches media content with no revenue share. Until today, the Bill in question ‘Presidential Regulation (Perpres) concerning Digital Platform Responsibility for Quality Journalism’ still awaits the President’s approval. 

The Bill’s pain points

Seeing its purpose, the draft regulation considers several things related to the responsibility of digital platform companies to prevent fake news and respect for copyrights. Such companies are expected to be responsible for supporting quality journalism by upholding information sovereignty and algorithm transparency. In addition, media companies and digital platforms are also asked to work together regarding profit sharing to protect publisher rights.

However, the Bill is also seen as a threat by digital platforms and content creators. There are at least two issues of the draft that must be highlighted. First is the potential for abuse of power from the government which could endanger freedom of information. This is based on the obligation of digital platform companies to prevent the dissemination and commercialization of content that is deemed to not be in accordance with the Journalistic Code of Ethics. According to article 7(b) of the Bill, Digital platforms are required to remove content which are inconsistent with the Journalistic Code of Ethics based on recommendations from the Press Council. Currently, anyone could make a living in the digital realm if they understand the rules of the game. However, the presence of this regulation will give the Press Council power over which content creators could be monetized and which cannot.

Second, the public is also worried that in the future digital platforms would oppose to the regulation or even threaten to leave Indonesia if the Bill is left unrevised. Until now, at least two platform companies (Meta and Google) have expressed their objections. Google has stated that if the draft is issued without revisions, it could potentially limit news online and only benefit a small number of conventional media companies, leaving a negative impact on the digital news ecosystem.

Quality journalism and digital platforms

For the most part, quality journalism aims to uncover and educate readers about facts that are matters of public concerns by keeping with journalistic ethics of independence, transparency, trustworthiness, and objectivity. But it is a contention whether all digital platforms involve themselves in the activities of journalism and whether adherence to the code of ethics could ensure quality.

The Bill assumes digital platforms to be under the same scope of ‘journalists’ bound by the Journalistic Code of Ethics. According to the Code, they are expected to act independently, produce news that is accurate, balanced and in good faith. Furthermore, Digital platforms would be expected to fact-check the information, as well as to immediately retract, correct, and verify inaccurate news accompanied by an apology to its readers, listeners and or viewers. This would also apply to user generated content (“UGC”) since the Code of Ethics is synchronized with the Cyber Media reporting guidelines.

The algorithmic dilemma

The stressing point is who will determine whether a journalistic product is in accordance with the Code or not. For those who are in favor of the Bill, believe that the Journalistic Code of Ethics must be trusted to the Press Council as the institution possessing legal basis. With a note that the ‘executors’ of the bill ought to be independent, professional, and free from the interests of the Government, digital platforms or media companies.

On the contrary, those who are against the Bill criticizes the danger of granting authority to a non-governmental body the power to determine what content appears online and which news publishers are allowed to earn advertising revenue.

It is a contestation between the longstanding presence of the Press Council as a main actor in protecting freedom of the press and the inevitable algorithm of digital platforms. The speed and accuracy of the algorithms owned by Meta, Google, and others alike in recent years have become the answer to people’s needs for fast and accurate information. The algorithm allows search engines to move in a fraction of a second, presenting news personalized according to our interests.

Regulating digital platforms and news media

Efforts to regulate news and the digital media are not only carried out in Indonesia. In 2022 the Government of Canada issued a law to ensure fair profit sharing between digital platforms and news providers as well as strengthen media collective bargaining. The Canadian government observed the dominance of platform companies in the media ecosystem to be unbalanced because of platform providers earning far greater profits compared to media companies that produced the news.

Similarly, the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) was issued to regulate the relationship between digital platforms and conventional media, stipulating that conventional media can request special treatment from digital platforms in relation to the way their content is moderated. Such special treatment includes platforms providing reasons why content will be rented and guarantees that their complaints will be ‘processed and resolved with priority and without undue delay’. If the media find that their content or news is often stung – if not removed – by digital platforms, then the act provides space for media and digital platforms to amicably solve their disputes.

Ensuring freedom of information

One of the signs of deteriorating media industry is the decline of conventional media newsroom; despite their presence of guarding the nation for decades. The impact that digital companies have had on this situation is difficult to deny. With their system and algorithm, digital platforms could become an oligopoly group that controls the mass media market in Indonesia.

All in all, the Government’s support behind the Bill is motivated by the best of intentions. However, it should be kept in mind that ensuring quality journalism must always be well balanced with the freedom of information and public interest.

*Haekal Al Asyari is a Law Lecturer at Universitas Gadjah Mada and a Ph.D. Candidate at the Faculty of Law, University of Debrecen, Hungary.

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