U.S- NATO role in the cyber conflict and Taiwan to confront China after the Ukraine war

The tension between the United States of America and China does not depend on geopolitical issues, especially in Taiwan and the South China Sea, as other issues, such as: (electronic security and cyber technology), are among one of the most prominent manifestations of tension between the two countries as well and cast a shadow on other features of political and economic competition  and strategy between the two sides.

  The United States of America accused China of being behind several (electronic attacks and massive data breaches targeting American institutions and economic entities).  Therefore, the United States of America linked this with opposition to China’s leadership in the communication technology of Chinese G5 networks.

  Therefore, it is expected that the US will continue to seek to limit Chinese technology markets and isolate them from the rest of the world, especially with Washington continuing to put obstacles in the way of Chinese companies obtaining industrial components and important American-made devices.

 The United States of America has already begun to implement stricter restrictions on technology transfer to China, so expectations indicate that more American restrictions will be imposed on China.

And the US Department of Defense (the Pentagon) is working, starting from this year in 2022, to fill all the regulatory loopholes that allowed the well-known Chinese company to manufacture semiconductors, known as the “Semi Conductor ” company.

SMIC Semiconductor

  And that Chinese company, which is the largest chip maker in China, has purchased important American technology.

 We find that Chinese companies and economic entities are likely to be added to the blacklist of the US Department of Commerce, with discussions on export controls between the United States and its allies as well as scrutiny of foreign direct investment issues in China.

   During the year of 2020, China launched a campaign targeting major technology companies, including the Chinese e-commerce giant “Alibaba”, “Tencent” and major real estate companies, such as “Evergrand and Kisa”, and others.

 Here, we see that these Chinese and American measures will negatively affect foreign investment in Chinese companies, which will make international investors in a state of complete caution.

 After the Ukraine war, it is expected that the Chinese, American, and global economy will (witness a significant slowdown in the coming period. According to my estimation, the decline in global growth will exacerbate tensions between the two parties).

   On the other hand, perhaps according to the Chinese vision itself, that these measures and the negative effects of the Ukraine war, may push China to work with the United States of America in order to ease the trade restrictions imposed by the administration of former President “Donald Trump” on Chinese companies.

 We note here that during the virtual summit between Presidents “Xi Jinping and Joe Biden” at the end of 2021, US President “Joe Biden” and his Chinese counterpart “Xi” pledged to ensure that: “the competition between the two countries should not go astray into an open conflict”. This is despite the state of global concern about the extent of the two countries’ ability and ability to overcome their differences amicably.

  Perhaps the Egyptian researcher can expect that any easing of economic and trade tensions between China and the United States of America may be temporary and subject to certain conditions, after which the tensions will start again between the two parties.

  From my point of view, the US-Chinese confrontation will remain the main issue of the conflict, given the variables of economic standards between the two countries, as China is now closer to the United States of America than ever before in terms of economic power. So competition – not cooperation – will continue to be one of the most prominent features of the bilateral relationship between China and Washington.

  It is also likely that (the internal politics in both countries will affect the shape of relations between the United States of America and China), especially with the conditions of the convening and organization of the Communist Party of China for its annual conference and the holding of the midterm elections in the United States of America.

  In light of such current global conditions, especially after the Ukraine war, it becomes difficult for us to be very optimistic about the possibility of achieving significant progress on any issue between the two parties. However, it will be possible for the United States of America and China to conclude some agreements, especially if they will be in the interest of the two countries after the deterioration in the global economy after the Russian war against Ukraine.

  Hence, Beijing is carefully studying the reaction of the international community to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It is certain that China will analyze the most prominent aspects of the benefits of Russian military operations in Ukraine, in order to benefit from this in its strategy towards Taiwan.

 The most important thing to me is the Chinese insistence on monitoring and analyzing the extent of the unity and cohesion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and other American alliances, as well as the extent to which the alliance and Western countries are able to bear the consequences and costs of sanctions on Russia.

 Here, we find that China is trying to monitor and analyze all the course of the war in Ukraine, and the Chinese analysis on (the most prominent defensive military roles of the “US Pentagon” and NATO after the Ukraine war, and the impact of (combining misinformation and the US cyber-attacks on the ground), then the Chinese focus on this relationship, due to the extent and scope of the formation of the defense and military positions of the US Department of Defense “the Pentagon” and the military alliance of NATO towards directing the future conflict of linking and the relationship between Ukraine and Taiwan, and their influence on China.

  China is well aware of the most important and most prominent (logistical differences between Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine and any possible attack it might have made in its efforts to annex Taiwan). Here, I can analyze China’s assertive position, that it cannot invade Taiwan’s borders in a scenario similar to the Russian army’s incursion into Ukrainian territory. Where China will work to search where the opportunity lies and how to take advantage of the Ukrainian crisis. Here, China will try to achieve balance in its dealings with the developments of events in Ukraine.

 Therefore, China is also trying to play (the role of neutrality Diplomacy regarding the burning crisis between Russia and Ukraine), and it is not expected that China will act in the same way that Russia did.  Ukraine.

  Most notably to me, is what I analyzed about the extent of (the Taiwanese realization of the possibility of exploiting Russia’s war against Ukraine to ignite the situation against Taiwan and prepare the atmosphere for China to launch a war on it), for the benefit of other parties benefiting from that to achieve their interests, on the top of them, which are: the Western powers from the members of the military alliance of NATO, led by the United States of America, and its Ministry of Defense “Pentagon”, are all seeking to ignite a confrontation between China and Taiwan to play primarily on their interests, which was confirmed by Taiwan’s President “Tsai Ing-wen” herself, that: “Taiwan will continue to strengthen its defenses to confront the war of propaganda and rumors, which is led by foreign powers inside Taiwan, with the aim of exploiting the situation in Ukraine to spread misinformation with the aim of weakening the morale of the Taiwanese people”.

Dr.Nadia Helmy
Dr.Nadia Helmy
Associate Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Politics and Economics / Beni Suef University- Egypt. An Expert in Chinese Politics, Sino-Israeli relationships, and Asian affairs- Visiting Senior Researcher at the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies (CMES)/ Lund University, Sweden- Director of the South and East Asia Studies Unit