Two-nation theory, still on the march in India?
The Bengali were in the forefront of the “Pakistan Movement”. When the East Pakistan seceded from the West Pakistan, many a writers assumed that it was the end of the two-nation theory that served as the primum mobile of the movement for creating a separate homeland for the Indian Muslim.
Some people consider Allama Iqbal the architect of the two-nation theory, but others attribute the theory to Lajpat Roy, a Hindu. Aside from the argumentative rigmarole who first presented the idea, the Quaid translated the idea into a Muslim homeland.
Stanley Wolpert paid tribute to Quaid in the following words, “Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Few still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone could be credited with creating a nation State. Muhammad All Jinnah did all three”. Pakistan overcame insurmountable problems of influx of 1947 refugees, skimpy finances and myriad other problems to emerge as a viable entity. We welcomed refugees, while India was all set to drive out 4.7 million refugees from its eastern state of Assam. Fanatic Hindus in Indian National Congress thought that Pakistan would, at best, be a still-born baby. But Pakistan was able to survive all hurdles. It proved its viability despite severe politico-economic jolts.
Who created Pakistan
A host of controversies have been debated as to whether he was happy or frustrated at creation of Pakistan. The Quaid did not live long enough after the Partition to explain his view.
Some people even allege that as the Quad had sacrificed the idea of Pakistan at the altar of the Cabinet Mission Plan. He agreed, though conditionally, to a united India. It was Nehru’s obduracy not to accept the Cabinet Mission’s recommendations that culminated in creation of Pakistan (Jaswant Singh, Jinnah: India, Partition, and Independence). Some perfidious minds even suggested that it was the inanimate government-of-British-India notification that created the two states, not animus between Jinnah and Nehru.
Pakistan: A blunder?
A view is that the Quaid was remorseful at the creation of Pakistan. He considered it a blunder (Jinnah Bashing Back with CAA but What Were His Views on Partition? Mohd Ali Jinnah, till the time of his death, even wanted to return to India after his purpose was solved in Pakistan, The Print December 26, 2019).
The Quaid thought that the Muslim League leaders around him were `base coins’ (khotey sikkey) and the `legal tender’ was in pockets of his adversaries (Shorish Kashmiri. Boo-e-Gul, Naala-e-dl, dood-e-chiragh-e-mehfil, pp.317, 419-420). Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas corroborated this view. He ` remembered that once Quaid-i-Azam had said that “What is Muslim League? It essentially comprises three of us; me, my sister and typewriter.”
Historian Mubarik Also confirmed this view. `In one of his articles, Dr Mubarak Ali mentioned in passing that Mr. Jinnah used to claim that he had founded Pakistan with the help of his typewriter and stenographer.‘
According to the book ‘Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire’ written by a British historian Alex von Tunzelmann, Jinnah called the demand for Pakistan the biggest blunder of his life.
On 11 Sept’1948, Jinnah, who was suffering from tuberculosis, lung cancer, and pneumonia, was on a flight from Quetta to Karachi .
On reaching Karachi airport, he saw the then Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and told him that ‘the demand for Pakistan was the biggest blunder of my life’ and something else along the lines of:
If now I get an opportunity I will go to Delhi and tell Jawaharlal to forget about the follies of the past and become friends again.
Lajpat Rai, not Jinnah, propounded two-nation theory
Jinnah was a proponent of Hindu-Muslim amity until his cherished wish was thwarted by the fanatic Hindu. Barring Nehru and Gandhi, all the Hindu leaders were communalistic. Even Nehru, an ostensibly liberal leader, regarded the creation of Pakistan as a blunder. His rancor against Pakistan reaches a crescendo in his remarks: “I shall not have that carbuncle on my back.” (D. H. Bhutani, The Future of Pakistan, page 14).
Historian Ayesha Jalal says: `Just before his own death, Jinnah proposed a joint defence with India as the Cold War started to shape the world and the two power blocs began to form. Jinnah was still thinking as a South Asian nationalist…had Jinnah’s vision prevailed and found an echo in India, we would have seen a very different South Asia…there would have been no crippling defence expenditures’(Ayesha Jalal, Why Jinnah Matters, a paper in Maleeha Lodhi (ed.), Pakistan: Beyond the Crisis State). India’s jingoistic military expenditure ratchets up Pakistan’s defence outlays.
A. G. Noorani has exposed fanaticism of the Hindu leaders in his book The RSS: A Menace to India (p. 18):“He [Lajpat Rai] was the first to propound the two-nation theory and also the first to suggest partition of India, in 1899, he wrote: “Hindus are a nation in themselves, because they represent a civilization of their own.” So, it was Lajpat Rai who first propounded the Two-Nation Theory. He also suggested the partition of India….
Barun Das Gupta, in an article Congress, Hindutva and Indian Nationalism (Mainstream Weekly. August 22, 2020) says:
`We blame the Muslim League and its leader, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, for unleashing communal violence and for the partition of India. However, there is no denying the fact that at present there is a surge of militant Hindu nationalism which is not only anti-Muslim but also anti-science, anti-history and against the very idea of India being a plural polity with diverse language, culture, costume, food habit, etc’.
He adds, `There is no denying the other fact either that in the pre-independence days, with the exception of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, most other Congress leaders also cherished a strong Hindu identity and had a strong sympathy for Hinduism (whatever that may mean). Name any prominent Congress leader of those days — Pandit Motilal Nehru, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, Pandit Bhulabhai Desai, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Babu Rajendra Prasad, Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar Tilak — and you will find a strong Hindu identity characterizing them all. Both Lala Lajpat Rai and Bal Gangadhar Tilak, two of the three famous Lal-Bal-Pal trio, had a strong Hindu sentiment. Though Lajpat Rai once said that “To require India to coalesce into a nation with one religion and one tongue . . . would revive the medieval idea of one empire, one people, one church”, he joined the Hindu Mahasabha. Babu Rajendra Prasad’s India Divided brings out both his Hindu identity and his anti-Muslim sentiments’.
Two-nation theory on the march
Opposition in Rajya Sabha raises issue of hate speech against minorities. But, the Chairman M Venkaiah Naidu did not allow the issue to be raised; He even ordered expunging from records the references to the alleged call by the priest for the killing of a particular minority community.
Narsinghanand, head priest of Ghaziabad’s Dasna Devi temple, is out on bail in connection with a speech he made at a three-day ‘Dharam Sansad’ (religious parliament) held in Haridwar last December. Last week, he organised a mahapanchayat in Delhi without police permission, Yati Narsinghanand, delivered a speech exhorting Hindus to pick up arms claiming they faced the threat of conversion and violence if a “Muslim is made prime minister.”
In Aligarh, district panchayat chairman Vijay Singh had issued an order on April 2 asking all meat shops in areas falling under the jurisdiction of the zila panchayat to shut down “during the period of the Navratri festival”.
In a statement, the Muslim Personal law board lamented that it is even more difficult to live in India than in 1947. In Uttar Pradesh, on the occasion of New Year nine- day celebrations (Navratri), the Hindu forced the Muslim to shut down their meat shops. Harrasing the hijab-wearing Muslim women is an everyday phenomenon. In Gurgaon as elsewhere prayer-goers were beaten for offering nima 9prayer) in the open. India’s Supreme Court has already held that a mosque is not essential to the Muslim mode of worship. Prayers-goers, wearing a prayer cap were brutally beaten. After campaigning against halal meat, right wing outfits have called for a ban on loudspeakers in mosques. It all started with an FIR registered by a lady vice chancellor against use of loudspeakers. Bajrang Dal and Sriram Sena are in the forefront demanding a ban on loudspeakers in mosques. Backing the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray, they warned that they will play Bhajans (Hanuman Chalisa) loudly on speakers to counter them at 5 AM as a protest against azaan from loudspeakers at mosques.
In Karnataka, right-wing vigilantes are out admonishing Hindus not to buy halal mutton from Muslim butchers.
These same vigilantes are also in the forefront of agitations on behalf of the movie The Kashmir Files which enacts the cruelties suffered by Kashmiri Pandits at the harrowing time of 1990. And Kashmiri Pandits through history have been halal meat eaters. It is eerie that India is the biggest exporter of meat. BJP legislators who fan hatred against meat themselves are the beef exporters.
The fanatic Hindu has been appealing to the Hindu community not to buy fruit from Muslim fruit vegetable and fruit sellers. The propaganda is that he Muslim spit on fruit
Veggies before pushing it into the market.
By corollary the Hindu should boycott India’s famed weavers of sarees, etc., in the holy town of Varanasi, and other famed Muslim-made crafts in brass, porcelain, filigree, textiles, construction activity, and a whole host of other products.
Today, when Hindu communalism is threatening to transform India from a secular, democratic State to a Hindu theocratic State and a weak and enervated Congress is finding it tempting to play “soft Hindutva” politics for immediate electoral gains, the future, indeed, seems gloomy’. The CPI(M) leader Yachery has asked Congress to clarify its position on Hindutva.
.In India, they have named Mughal monuments after Hindu icons. They even want to change the name of Hyderabad. Several states have passed anti-conversation laws in flagrant violations of provisions of Indian constitution.
Under Uttar Pradesh anti conversion (love jihad) law, Hindus are allowed to marry Muslims but not vice versa. The law is being applied by police even retrospectively to jail Muslims who married Hindu women years back. Courts are barred.
The so-called love jihad law interferes with personal liberty. It violates Articles 25 to 28, under which an Indian citizen is guaranteed the freedom to practise any religion of his or her choice. It allows the Indian State to intervene not only in the citizens’ private relationship with God, but also in the choice of their spouse. The atrocious law disobeys res judicata, Supreme Court’s decisions in Shafin Jahan v Ashok KM (2018), K.S. Puttaswamy v UOI (2017) and Allahabad High Court’s (November 11) Salamat Ansari v Uttar Pradesh (2020).
India’s prime minister named a bio-technology centre after Rashtraya Swayemsevak Sangh ideologue Golwalkar. The Citizenship Amendment Act and national Register of Citizenship are communalist ploys to harass the Muslim.
The Hindutva influence percolated into even Indian courts. Look at Ram Janambhoomi judgment, verdict that `mosques are not necessary for Muslim worship’ and Rajasthan High Court judge Mahesh Chandra Sharma’s 193-page judgment on `cow’.
His judgment, a mélange of scriptures and law, glistens with hijinks like ‘Peacocks Don’t Have Sex’, ‘Cow is a Surgeon’, `a complete pharmacy’, and cow is a ‘National Animal’. As per Article 48 and 51A (g) it is expected from the state government that they should take action to get a legal entity for cow in this country.”
This `erudite’ judgment mocks Article 51A (h) of Indian Constitution: “It shall be the duty of every citizen of India to develop scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform”.
It appears that Hindutva-obsessed India is all set for further subdivision on the basis of the two-nation theory.
Political Crisis, Power Distribution and Taliban in Pakistan
The political crisis in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan tends to evolve. Elite groups in the government and the opposition will be unable to find proper means to resolve the issue. The economic crisis and financial problems will also prevent Islamabad from stabilizing the political situation in the country. In addition, interethnic contradictions between Punjabis and Pashtuns are actively developing in the country, which tends to escalate. The Taliban’s power in neighboring Afghanistan does not contribute to solving the political crisis in Pakistan but contributes to its deterioration. This was stated in a note to Modern Diplomacy by political scientist Georgi Asatryan.
The political scientist also noted that the Pakistan army would give former prime-minister Imran Khan no chance to regain his political standing. “The opposition and political circles close to Khan will attempt to perform protest activity in the country. There will be continued nationwide unrest. The traditional control of the Pakistani military and the ISI over political processes will be raised, and human rights, democratic processes, and freedoms will, unfortunately, be limited. Overall, Pakistan will remain a center of instability in the region”, Georgi Asatryan noted. The political scientist added that the Pashtuns in Pakistan, representing the second largest ethnic group, see Imran Khan as their man and will support him. The same goes for the Taliban in Afghanistan, whose sympathies are also on the side of the Pakistani opposition leader.
Georgi Asatryan does not rule out the possibility of a new military coup but estimates its possibility in the short-term as unlikely. When a country’s institutions become ineffective, anyone can suspect a situation developing a coup d’etat. This was apparent during the spring protests led by Imran Khan, where Khan’s supporters fought with paramilitary police.
It is also worth citing that the country’s economic situation is complicated and can be described as a full-fledged economic and financial crisis. According to the data, Pakistan has a debt of $ 125 billion, and 25% of this amount is owed to China. The rapid growth of inflation – 36.4% in April, demonstrates the difficult economic circumstances of Pakistan. This indicator is noted as the highest in the last sixty years. Concerning the country’s foreign reserves, Pakistan has only 4.3 billion dollars, which is enough to cover imports for a month. In order to temporarily mitigate the financial situation of the state, Saudi Arabia extended the term of the deposit in foreign currency for $ 3 billion deposited as a loan in 2021. Also, China extended a $2 billion loan to Pakistan at the end of March. Islamabad’s external debt has been plunged by more than $10 billion. This reduced the current account deficit from July 2022 to April 2023 to $3.3 billion, significantly lower than $ 13.6 billion for the same period 2021-2022. This indicator decrease is due to a reduction in imports to $ 47 billion from July 2022 to April 2023 compared to the previous period – $ 65.5 billion.
The Problem of “jihad” and the Power in the Taliban
The situation within and around Afghanistan continues to evolve actively. Unfortunately, political and social processes have negative dynamics, which can lead to degradation and decline of the situation, both within the country and along its borders. Thus, in May, the UN UNAMA mission called on the Taliban movement controlling the country to stop flogging and public executions immediately. The UN papers note that convicted persons for theft, homosexuality, alcohol consumption, fraud, and drug trade were publicly flogged. It is worth noting that such critical statements by international organizations against the Taliban have become much more frequent in recent months. “After seizing power in Afghanistan, the Taliban regularly carry out public executions, floggings, and stoning. In the last six months alone, 274 men, 58 women and two boys have been publicly flogged in Afghanistan. Most of the punishments were related to convictions for infidelity and running away from home,” the UNAMA report says.
During the first Taliban rule in Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001, public corporal punishment and executions were regularly carried out against convicts at large squares, such as sports stadiums, and at busy city intersections, the authors of the document recall. According to them, the first public flogging after the Taliban returned to power was recorded in October 2021 in the northern province of Kapisa. A woman and a man convicted of adultery received 100 blows each in the presence of religious leaders and representatives of local authorities. In December 2022, the Taliban executed an Afghan convicted of murder, the first public execution since they came to power again. The execution, carried out with a rifle gun by the victim’s father, took place in the western province of Farah in the presence of hundreds of spectators and senior officials of the movement. The Taliban began using corporal punishment and public executions despite initial promises of a more moderate rule than during their previous term, UNAMA states.
Gradually, they tightened restrictions concerning women, prohibiting them from visiting public places such as parks and gyms, under their interpretation of Islamic laws, the document states. These restrictions caused an international resonance, increased the country’s isolation during the economic crisis, and aggravated the humanitarian crisis. In April, the Taliban informed the UN that Afghan women working on its mission would no longer work there. Humanitarian organizations operating in Afghanistan have stated that these measures will negatively affect the provision of urgent assistance throughout the country. In turn, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres called the ban on women’s work an unacceptable violation of human rights.
In addition to the constant growth of political violence based on the radical ideology of the Taliban and their specific ultraconservative interpretation of Sharia, there is an inevitable diffusion of power within the movement. The specific of the Taliban movement is that this structure was initially totalitarian. The power of the spiritual leader of the Taliban has always been untouchable, and there was no serious opposition capable of challenging the leader significantly. The theory of political science has a consensus opinion regarding such totalitarian ethno-religious organizations. Unity of command and the indisputable sending of a leader is an integral characteristic of the functionality of such structures. Since the founder of the Taliban, Mullah Omar, had absolute power, his orders were considered binding, and these were the will of Allah. A separate but crucial topic is the publication of doctrinal documents of the Taliban, which were distributed as a guide to the management of tactical units of the organization.
However, the movement’s evolution led to a new Taliban. In the world media, the term Taliban 2.0 has been used more and more often. This term has logic and, to a certain extent, correctly shows the deep transformations that have taken place within the movement. The modern Taliban has become much more intelligent, flexible, and diversified. In fact, in the last years of the war in Afghanistan, the United States and NATO had to confront a network organization led by dozens and hundreds of field commanders who only coordinated their operations but no more. The Central command gave only general orders and impacted the promotion of certain provincial leaders and “night” governors. The Taliban gradually became like the Haqqani Network.
However, a subversive and terrorist war against US and NATO forces is one issue, and the management of the state, bureaucracy, and government system is an entirely different one. In totalitarian political systems, network management is impossible. Opposition to the central government leads to its erosion and subsequently to the aggravation of the political power crisis. Political science knows no examples of network management in totalitarian or authoritarian political societies. Therefore, there is a dilemma of academic and theoretical nature. How will the political system of Afghanistan develop? Or, how will the distribution of power take place inside the Taliban? The question was raised at the time by the classic of political science Talcott Parsons concerning developed democratic societies.
Since we have already written in detail about latent conflicts within the Taliban leadership, we will not return to this topic. In short, the Taliban is split into two elite groups. One led by the leader Mawlawi Hibatullah Akhundzada. The Defense Minister and the son of the founder of the Taliban, Mullah Yaqoob, and the Interior Minister Sirajuddin Haqqani, the son of the founder of the Haqqani Network, head the second one. This general and schematic picture has yet to be studied and investigated in detail. For obvious reasons, it is impossible to conduct such studies within the framework of the social sciences methodology now.
Following the above, the problem of the distribution of power and the dilemma of power arises in the language of political theory. It is also worth noting that tension between the Taliban and their main sponsors and mentors, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, escalates occasionally. This factor further complicates the situation. Given the political and economic crisis in Pakistan, which has become a lure, this country cannot maintain order among its radical clients by the system.
There is a danger of the illusion of a lasting systemic order in Afghanistan. Moreover, among the top leadership, the temptation is to solve their personal problems of competition for power by exporting energy outside Afghanistan.
So, recently, the Taliban leader said that establishing Sharia in Afghanistan is only the first stage of a successful Taliban jihad. According to him, in the future, the Taliban and the Afghan ulema must lead the whole world to Sharia leadership. Thus, the leader of the Taliban made it clear that the jihad would not be limited only to the territory of Afghanistan. “The success of the Afghan jihad means not only pride and glory for Afghans but also glory for all Muslims. It is the desire of Muslims all over the world,” Maulavi Haibatullah Akhundzada said in his speech to religious scholars from Kabul. “Therefore, your responsibility is not only to establish Sharia in Afghanistan but also that the scientists of Afghanistan are obliged to lead the whole world to the regime of Sharia.”
In his speech, Mawlawi Akhundzada also made it clear that the international community’s expectations of an “inclusive government” in Afghanistan are in vain. Representatives of the United Nations, the United States, Russia, India, China, Iran, European countries, and Central Asian republics have been trying to convince the Taliban regime of this for more than a year and a half from different sides. Mawlawi Akhundzada made it clear that all these hopes were in vain. Thus, the stability issue in Afghanistan remains relevant, and it is unlikely that the international community should forget about the political dynamics in this country.
Anti-Indian Sentiments in Nepal
The 2023 International Freedom Report on Nepal has sparked controversy due to allegations that right-wing religious groups associated with the ruling party of India are providing money to influential politicians.
Nepalese politicians have a notorious history marred by scandals. In 2013, a voice recording of a prominent politician Krishna Bahadur Mahara surfaced in an effort to buy 50 MPs with the help of a Chinese friend. Furthermore, the recent fake Bhutanese refugee crisis has led to the arrest of high-profile politicians from the country’s largest and second largest parties of Nepal reflecting the pervasive corruption and scandalous nature of Nepalese politics.
The right-wing religious groups associated with BJP would support any person who agrees with their political philosophy and may even believe that such states which share their political ideology would be more aligned with India.
International Religious Freedom Report clearly states funding is given to “influential politicians of all parties”, the Hindu nationalist party of Nepal- Rastriya Prajatantra Party issued an open letter to US Embassy stating it as a baseless allegation against the RPP. In reality, RPP is the fifth largest party but isn’t influential enough to stir Nepali politics.
The RPP letter focused that they disliked external interference and may it be as stated in the report on the “continued to pressure politicians in Nepal, particularly the RPP, to support revision to a Hindu state” even though revision to a Hindu state is the primary agenda of why their voters vote RPP.
Nepalese politicians have a long history of distancing themselves from India. In 2020, the Nepalese parliament unanimously voted to unveil the new map of Nepal which included territories that are under Indian jurisdiction. Meanwhile, a single Parliamentarian Sarita Giri was expelled from the Nepalese Parliament by her party after she refused to support the proposed amendment by a party accused of being pro-Indian.
There is a noticeable xenophobia within the Nepalese community towards India. However, this distaste is never realized by the Indian masses who encounter a community who are comparatively able to speak Hindi without any formal training and share religious sentiments.
The question arises: how can Nepal share language, culture, and religion while maintaining hostility towards India? These issues have much deeper historic roots that can be linked back to the beginning of Nepali written history.
The national flag and national emblem of India are both associated with Ashoka, reflecting the Indian perception of the country that links with its ancient history. Similarly, Nepal’s first inscription was also installed by Ashoka in the bordering towns of the Rupandehi and Kapilvastu districts. The most famous inscription dated 249 BCE, is in Lumbini, marking the birthplace of Gautam Buddha.
The Indians utilize the cultural perception that links Buddha’s origin to India, while the Nepalese emphasize the contemporary geopolitical borders that define the birthplace to be within Nepal.
The primary residents in the bordering regions of Nepal share the same ethnic group as found in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, contributing to a considerable size of the minority in Nepal. Bordering communities between Nepal and India such as Maithili, Bhojpuri, and Awadhi communities, individually surpass the total population of Nepal.
Hilly people in Nepal are deeply concerned about safeguarding their sovereign territory and preserving their unique social and cultural identity. It is noteworthy that Indo-Aryan literature, such as Shrimad Bhagavatam has remarked ethnic groups found in hills such as Kirat and Khas are linked with the sinful act and by taking refuge in the Aryan god can purify themselves.
However, starting from the rise of the Licchavi era around 450 CE, Nepal gradually assimilated religious and cultural influence from India, as the Lichhavi dynasty itself originated from India. The indigenous knowledge of Nepal merged with the high culture derived from the Sanskrit language, to an extent that many Nepalese accept the Indo-Aryan literature to genuinely belong to Nepal.
Some Nepalese believe that the compiler of Vedas, the most important and earliest Indo-Aryan literature, was born in Tanahun, Nepal. On the other hand, Indians believe he was born on an island in the Yamuna River in India.
In 2020, the then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli claimed that the real Ayodhya is located in Thori, west of Birgunj. This statement outraged many Indian politicians and the media. The fact that KP Sharma Oli’s party even after suffering many corruption scandals received the highest percentage of popular votes reflects the thought process of the Nepali masses.
The effort to build the Nepalese identity can be traced back to pre-modern times. Renowned scholar KP Malla noted that the assumed portion of Skanda Puran, an important Indo-Aryan religious literature, Nepala Mahatmya was a ‘pious fraud’ from the late Malla era rather than being a 9th-century text.
Religion is considered a binding force between Nepal and India but rather contributes to suspicion and accusation as faith doesn’t depend on academic research and reasoning but is a cocktail based on the teachings of community leaders and fierce sense of nationalism.
There is a strong possibility that the BJP supporters believe in promoting religious sentiments in Nepal would decrease the distance between Nepal and India. However, they may fail to comprehend how Nepalese religious groups perceive India as a potential threat.
Some Nepalese do not view India as synonymous with the ancient Bharat, as mentioned in Vishnu Puran. Instead, they conveniently consider it as a country formed due to British expansionism. Furthermore, over two centuries ago, the first ruler of the Shah dynasty in Nepal referred to Nepal as the true Hindusthan, Hindustan is another term used for India. Some groups of people even in India believe that due to invaders they have lost their glorious heritage due to invaders while Nepalese nationalism is deeply rooted in the notion of bravery and the ability to protect sovereignty and identity during various invasions.
Academics often associate Anti-Indian Sentiments with three factors- trade blockages, Nepalese border encroachment issues, and unequal diplomatic agreements. However, these issues overlook the cultural complexities between Nepal and India.
Indian tourists visiting Nepal may happily express that they feel as if they are in India, which can make Nepalese people threatened by the possibility of Nepal becoming the next Sikkim. Nepalese due to its nationalist sentiments want to be perceived as a distinct group of people.
The Indo-Nepal relationship is complex and has multiple layers that contribute to its complexity. The claims of BJP funding prominent politicians in Nepal to support the idea of a Hindu state may not result in improving the relationship between Nepal and India, instead, may further damage it.
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