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The Discourse of Three Periods of Widodo’s in the Perspective of the Indonesian Constitution

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As known which the progress of a nation and the success of a state constitution is one of the causes of the country’s leader. For instance the case in Indonesia, in the next two years, President Joko Widodo will officially be the president for a decade (two periods). Through the successive period of President Joko Widodo, there was a discourse that emerged on his period to three terms. Indonesia is a democratic country that upholds the constitution, the limited authority of the rulers, ensuring the rights of the people, and running a good government are absolute things that must be realized. If this discourse happened, it will require a reshuffle of the state base, the participation of the public, and also the role of government for the running of the government in a conducive manner. The constitution in Indonesia is a form of community agreement in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia which is considered a connector for the ideals of nation-building and the common prosperity. One of the big influences in the life of state administration is how the government of a country runs well and the lives of its people are guaranteed. As a country that adheres to a constitutionalist system, the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia should be used as the basis for the administration of its government. Therefore, as the notion of constitutionalism exists amid the Indonesian constitution, it aims to ensure that no power is harmed if Jokowi’s three periods occurred.

From the New Order government to reformation, one of the hopes of the nation, both the people and the government at that time until now, was to jointly renew the term of office system to a new presidency with restrictions on it. This hope departs from the track record of former President Soeharto, who served as President of the Republic of Indonesia for approximately 32 years. Since a period of reform that only focused on the objectives of the principle of constitutionalism, the limitation on the power or authority of a ruler had indeed been regulated in Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia which became the reference for a replacement to the next President of the Republic of Indonesia.

President of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, in the next two years will officially serve for approximately 10 years or a decade. President Joko Widodo’s term of office will expire in 2024 since he has been President of the Republic of Indonesia for two terms, Joko Widodo cannot run again because according to the mandate of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia as mentioned overhead, the limitation of power is regulated in Article 7 which reads, the President and Vice President can only hold office for five years and indeed can later be re-elected.

In addition, the contents of the article are also regulated in Law Article 169 Number 14 of the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. However, recently there has been an issue about the three terms of President Joko Widodo’s term of office. The proposal for an additional term of office for the president came to the fore starting in 2014 – 2019 when there was a recommendation from the MPR to amend the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, which limited it to the Outline of State Policy (GBHN).

Based on constitutional principles (constitutionalism) and if the discourse of President Joko Widodo’s term will be heeded, then it is the same as carrying out unconstitutional actions. Whereas the principle of constitutionalism itself includes not only limiting existing powers but also how a government and people carry out the positive obligations of the state (Rudy, 2013). The discourse on the three periods of the president is unconstitutional because it has violated the regulations regarding the term of office regulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and the requirements to run for president of the Republic of Indonesia in the regulation of Article 169 of the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. This has indeed been refuted by President Joko Widodo regarding the discourse of his three-term office, but it still does not rule out the possibility and could potentially continue to be realized in the future.

Therefore, if the discourse of the three periods is realized, from a juridical perspective it has harmed the Indonesian Constitution and regulations under it. Moreover, judging from the perspective of constitutionalism, in understanding the constitution in a unitary state, it is known that there are only three main problems that are regulated in the constitution. First, in the context of the general structure of the state (legislative, executive, judicial). Second, related to the large limits between one power and another. in relation. Third, is the relationship between the government and its people. In line with Ivo D. Duchaek, “identify the sources, purposes, uses and restrains of public power.” It concluded that the constitution identifies all sources, all purposes, uses and how the limitation of power works in general (Asshiddiqie, 2010).

Constitution Amendment Potential (The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia)

The term of office of the President and Vice President according to the provisions of Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is only five years and can be re-elected either in a row or not, but with a limit of two terms. With the discourse on the current presidential term of office for three terms, it is the potential to be heeded by the amendments to the constitution. Quoting George Jellineck’s opinion, which emphasized that there are two ways to change the constitution, firstly changing it in a formal form (verfassungwanderung) which is carried out by means of the provisions of the constitution itself and the second in an informal form (verfassungwandlung) which means that it is carried out with provisions outside the constitution and occurs due to unforeseen circumstances.

The ability to amend the constitution to support the proposed three-term presidential term in a formal form. There are no limitations or problems in affirming the amendments to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia regarding the term of office of the President and his Deputy. Changes are formally in the hands of the MPR, which contains members of the DPR and DPD. The amendment is very likely to be carried out, apart from the procedure for amending the Constitution, it must go through the stages of proposal, discussion and approval. This requirement can be heeded considering that amendments to the Law are proposed by at least 1/3 of the members of the MPR, the discussion is attended by at least 2/3 of the members and the approval or decision is attended by at least 2/3 or 50 percent of the members plus one member in the session. The members of the MPR are members of the DPR and DPD which have been mentioned in Article 2 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. All members of the MPR are approximately 711 members, and consist of 575 members of the People’s Representative Council, as well as 136 members of the Regional Representatives Council. In the reign of President Joko Widodo, who controls more or fewer supporters in the DPR with around 471 votes and at least PKS and Democrats are still in the opposition line with a total of 104 votes. So, approximately 80 percent of the votes in the government are supporters of the government of President Joko Widodo. This shows that the discourse on President Joko Widodo’s three periods has the potential to be carried out even though President Joko Widodo himself denies the proposal for a three-term term of office that he will carry because considering that 273 votes for the proposal for changes can get from members, the discussion can be attended at least 474 members, and approval or decision if there are 356 votes.

Constitutionalism Overview

The implication is that our constitution opens a gap in its amendments. Change is needed when there is something important to do for the welfare and benefit of the nation’s life, but if changes are made only because of the interests of a few people, it means that power has been injured and the dignity of the constitution is tarnished. The People’s Consultative Assembly is considered to be able to heed all of this because the contents of its members are as described previously, one example of the changes needed and for the good of the entire Indonesian nation is in Article 1 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, it is clear that state sovereignty is no longer in the hands of the MPR but in the hands of the people. The article is not only a stanza that the people hold sovereignty but also reflects on current events, including the existing three-period discourse. This somewhat vague provision was a reaction to the assumption that the New Order at that time had used the MPR as a tool of authoritarianism and that was the form of the powerlessness of the People’s Consultative Assembly, which was perhaps even worse, the key to the post-Soeharto amendments. But because of the previously mentioned potential, the abuse of presidential power can happen again because it is supported by the government he currently holds. This discourse of three terms of office is contrary to the spirit of the constitution to limit the power and rotation of the political elite of state leaders, which can harm the leadership regeneration process (Latansa, 2019).

Overview from the principle of constitutionalism that Indonesia has adhered to from the beginning of independence until now, history also proves that the Indonesian people want freedom, justice, and equality. But on the other hand, the existing history also reveals that all the ideals of the nation above are still gripped by deep inequality and persist in the pattern of deifying power, exclusion, especially in the capacity of small groups carried out by the elite to benefit themselves because it is the oligarchy that dominates this country. It is undeniable that the post-Soeharto amendments described earlier are a form of achievement in upholding the common constitution, but over time after the reform era, to be precise during the reign of the current government, little by little the Indonesian constitution or constitutionalism is being undermined and taken over. by the ruler. As stated by Lord Acton an iron law of power, “powers tend to corrupt, absolute powers corrupt absolutely”. That is why power must be limited and constitutionalism is present in the middle of government circles. This understanding is used and should be applied for establishing the Indonesian state itself. Each constitution must have limited power because if there is no constitution, the constitution has lost its constitutionalist spirit which in the end will only become legitimacy for that country (Indonesia) which has no limits. Thus, if detailed restrictions on power have been realized in a country, it becomes clear from these details which are the powers of the rulers and where are the rights of the people as well. Because the constitution regulates the rule of law to the individual and the government.

To conclude, the discourse on the three terms of President Joko Widodo’s term of office that has surfaced, although in terms of formal changes, can be carried out by the supporting political elites who are currently occupying most of the seats as supporters of constitutional changes (the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia) to propose, discuss, and the approval of the amendment is still part of an unconstitutional act because it is contrary to the existing constitution and the laws and regulations under it (the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning Elections) which also if viewed from the perspective of constitutionalism does not reflect the ideals of a nation from the beginning of Indonesia’s independence itself. Amendments are indeed required when there is a necessity to follow the demands of the times, considering the absolute aspect of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The discourse on a three periods term of office is also considered to be disrespectful to the mandate of reform related to the limitation of power because of the actions of the New Order government, whose rulers were very corrupt in power. Therefore, in order to maintain the dignity of the constitution and the spirit of constitutionalism in the discourse about the addition of a term of President Joko Widodo are not heeded for the parameters of the term of office that have been regulated in existing provisions and regenerate the existing leadership in Indonesia to produce new leaders. what might be good potential is thought, expertise that is no less good and great than the leader who is currently in office.

Faiha Oktrina is a Final Year Student of Faculty of Law University of Bengkulu which focus in Constitutional Law and International Law realm

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Southeast Asia

Golden Visa for Sam Altman: A New Momentum for Indonesia in the Artificial Intelligence Era

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Image source: X @sama

The Government of Indonesia has taken a strategic step in strengthening its position in the global technology arena by announcing the awarding of the Golden Visa to Sam Altman, CEO of OpenAI. This marks Indonesia’s serious commitment to developing technology and innovation, with Altman being the first recipient of Indonesia’s Golden Visa. This visa is awarded as recognition and appreciation for the potential contribution of resources that the holder can bring to Indonesia.

The Golden Visa, which grants a residence permit for 5-10 years, is awarded with the aim of supporting the Indonesian economy. Holders of this visa, like Altman, will receive various benefits, such as priority inspection and service lanes at airports, ease of entry and exit from Indonesia, and extended residence periods. “We roll out the red carpet in return for the resources they can bring to Indonesia,” said the Director-General of Indonesian Immigration, Silmy Karim. This shows that Indonesia is offering significant conveniences and advantages to individuals deemed capable of making substantial contributions to the country.

However, this move raises important questions: What is the real significance of awarding the Golden Visa, and how can Indonesia maximize its benefits to compete with neighbouring countries like Singapore and Thailand on the global stage of technology and innovation? This becomes a crucial point of reflection for Indonesia to formulate effective strategies and policies in leveraging the presence of global technology figures like Altman to accelerate technological and innovative development in Indonesia. Below my point of view, and recommendation as Principal of Indonesia Applied Digital Economy and Regulatory Network (IADERN).

Golden Visa: A Strategic Step Towards the Future of Technology

The awarding of the Golden Visa by Indonesia to Sam Altman, a leading figure in the world of Artificial Intelligence (AI), demonstrates the country’s serious commitment to utilizing AI as a primary driver for its future. It reflects Indonesia’s vision to undergo an economic transformation towards a more knowledge and technology-based economy and to enhance its global competitiveness. AI is expected to bring innovative solutions to address various national challenges and promote efficiency and productivity across various industrial sectors.

Focusing on AI will also drive human resource development and digital infrastructure construction in Indonesia. It prepares the young generation of Indonesia with the skills needed for the digital era and creates new job opportunities in technology-based industries. Moreover, the presence of figures like Altman can open further opportunities for international investment and collaboration, strengthening the innovation and research ecosystem in Indonesia.

With this strategy, Indonesia hopes to not only catch up but also surpass neighbouring countries in the development and application of AI, creating an ecosystem that supports research, development, and entrepreneurship, and ultimately, fostering innovation and creativity throughout society. This is a significant step forward in harnessing the full potential of this technological revolution for the welfare and progress of the nation.

Leveraging Korika’s Strategic Plan

The presence of Sam Altman in Indonesia through the awarding of the Golden Visa can open the door for concrete collaboration with OpenAI to achieve the goals of the Strategic Plan (Renstra) created by the Committee for Artificial Intelligence Research and Innovation (Korika), which is an entity tasked with overseeing and guiding the development of Artificial Intelligence (AI).  Here are some concrete steps that can be taken:

Establishment of a Joint Research Center:

Indonesia can collaborate with OpenAI to establish a joint research center focusing on AI development. This center can serve as a hub for joint research, new technology development, and innovation in the field of AI, involving researchers from Indonesia and OpenAI.

Training and Talent Development Programs:

Collaboration with OpenAI can include the development of training and education programs to enhance the skills and knowledge of Indonesian professionals and researchers in AI. This can include workshops, courses, and other training programs designed to build local capacity in AI.

Development of AI Applications and Solutions:

OpenAI and Indonesia can collaborate to develop AI applications and solutions that can be applied to various industrial sectors in Indonesia, such as health, education, and agriculture, to address local challenges and promote innovation.

Knowledge and Technology Exchange:

This collaboration can facilitate the exchange of knowledge, technology, and best practices between Indonesia and OpenAI, enabling the transfer of the latest technology and knowledge in the field of AI.

Funding and Investment in AI Research:

OpenAI can play a role in supporting AI research and development in Indonesia through research funding, scholarships, and investments in local AI startups and initiatives.

Development of AI Ecosystem:

Collaborating with OpenAI can assist Indonesia in building a strong and sustainable AI ecosystem, promoting entrepreneurship, innovation, and the development of AI communities.

Competing on the AI Innovation Stage: Indonesia, Singapore, and Thailand

Singapore and Thailand have established themselves as centers of innovation and technology in Southeast Asia. With strong national strategies, Singapore has successfully attracted various global technology companies. Meanwhile, Thailand, through its “Thailand 4.0” initiative, has placed significant emphasis on digitization and innovation. Both countries have set high standards in technology and innovation development in the region.

However, Indonesia, with the step of granting Golden Visa to Sam Altman, CEO of OpenAI, is showing its ambition and readiness to enter this competition. This move is part of Indonesia’s effort to leverage the potential of Korika’s strategic plan and forge collaboration with OpenAI, hoping to position itself as a regional leader in Artificial Intelligence (AI). Indonesia offers a unique combination of a large market, quality talent, and government commitment to innovation and technology development. Indonesia, with its large population and dynamic market, has the potential to be a living laboratory for the development and implementation of AI solutions.

This creates opportunities to attract companies and investors from around the world to test and implement their technologies in Indonesia. Thus, the country can leverage its position to develop innovative and impactful AI solutions that directly address local challenges and needs, positioning itself as a leader in the development of socially and economically impactful AI applications.

 To strengthen this position, Indonesia needs to focus on developing and attracting high-quality AI talent. By drawing expertise from both domestic and foreign sources, Indonesia can become a prime destination for AI research and development, complementing the existing expertise in Singapore and Thailand.

Additionally, establishing research and development institutions focused on AI technology and innovation, and collaborating with international institutions like OpenAI, will enhance Indonesia’s AI research and innovation capacity. With an integrated and coordinated strategy, Indonesia can not only compete but also complement the successes of Singapore and Thailand, creating a dynamic and inclusive AI innovation ecosystem in the Southeast Asian region.


The granting of the Golden Visa to Sam Altman is not just a symbol of Indonesia’s commitment to technology and innovation but also a strategic step in leveraging momentum to strengthen the country’s position on the global stage. By leveraging Korika’s strategic plan and collaborating with industry leaders like OpenAI, Indonesia has the opportunity to not only catch up but also surpass its neighbours in the race towards an AI-dominated future.

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ASEAN Summit 2023: Shaping Southeast Asia’s Future and Beyond

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The 43rd ASEAN Summit held in Jakarta from September 5th to 7th, 2023, carries profound implications for the future of Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific region. As I reflect on the outcomes of this summit, it is evident that ASEAN has reaffirmed its role as a vital regional player and a catalyst for cooperation and progress. The theme “ASEAN Matters: Epicentrum of Growth” encapsulates the essence of this summit. It underscores that ASEAN is not merely a geographical region but a dynamic force at the heart of growth and development in the Indo-Pacific. This theme reflects a vision of ASEAN that is forward-looking, ambitious, and committed to addressing the multifaceted challenges of our times. The adoption of the ASEAN Concord IV, a comprehensive blueprint for ASEAN’s future, is a testament to the organization’s resolve. It emphasizes the importance of security, economic growth, and a broader regional role. It is noteworthy that ASEAN is not content with maintaining the status quo; instead, it seeks to shape the evolving dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, placing itself at the center of growth and stability.

   Addressing security concerns within the region is paramount. The commitment to combating illicit drugs, maintaining a Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone, and upholding international maritime law in the South China Sea reflects ASEAN’s dedication to preserving regional stability. In a world marked by geopolitical tensions, these commitments send a clear message that ASEAN is committed to ensuring peace and security within its borders. Economic growth and sustainability are core principles embedded within the ASEAN Concord IV. The emphasis on balanced growth, economic disparities, innovation, and environmental sustainability demonstrates a commitment to the well-being of all ASEAN citizens. It recognizes that economic progress must be inclusive and sustainable to truly benefit the entire region. ASEAN’s expanding regional role, as outlined in the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP), is a significant development. It acknowledges the organization’s potential to influence the broader geopolitical landscape. By emphasizing the importance of international law and mechanisms for resolving regional disputes, ASEAN positions itself as a responsible and proactive player in the Indo-Pacific region.

   The Myanmar crisis presents one of the most pressing challenges in the region. ASEAN’s condemnation of the violence and its commitment to the Five-Point Consensus, along with the Troika mechanism, reflect a united front to address this complex issue. While the path to resolution is challenging, ASEAN’s engagement sends a strong message that it is actively working toward a peaceful resolution. The gesture of welcoming Timor-Leste into the ASEAN family signifies an expansion of the organization’s influence. While details are yet to be finalized, this move reflects ASEAN’s willingness to embrace new members and deepen its regional engagement. The decision to elevate the ASEAN Secretariat to the status of the ASEAN Headquarters is a step towards enhancing the organization’s effectiveness. It reflects a recognition that a strong and centralized institution is essential for the successful implementation of ASEAN’s goals. Global engagement is also a key aspect of ASEAN’s vision. The organization’s concern for the Middle East conflict and its support for a two-state solution demonstrate a commitment to peace and stability beyond its immediate region. This reflects ASEAN’s aspiration to contribute positively to global affairs.

   The 43rd ASEAN Summit in Jakarta has positioned ASEAN as a central force for unity, cooperation, and progress in Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific. The adoption of the ASEAN Concord IV and the various commitments made during the summit reflect a vision of ASEAN that is forward-thinking, proactive, and committed to addressing regional and global challenges. As we move forward, it is crucial to recognize that ASEAN’s role extends beyond regional boundaries. It is a beacon of hope for collaborative and inclusive growth, a promoter of peace and security, and a responsible global player. In a world characterized by uncertainty, ASEAN’s resilience and determination offer a promising path for a better future not only for its member states but for the entire Indo-Pacific region and the world. The outcomes of the 43rd ASEAN Summit demonstrate that the organization’s principles, when translated into action, can shape the course of regional and global affairs, making it a cornerstone of stability and progress in the 21st century.

  Beyond what has been discussed, the outcomes of the 43rd ASEAN Summit also shed light on several crucial aspects that warrant further examination in the realm of International Relations. One such aspect is the commitment to upholding international maritime law in the South China Sea. This commitment underscores the importance of maritime security and the complex web of territorial disputes in the region. It invites students and scholars of international relations to explore the intricate dynamics of maritime sovereignty, the role of international law, and the implications of these disputes on regional stability.  Moreover, the ASEAN Concord IV’s emphasis on innovation resonates with the growing relevance of technology and innovation in global affairs. It encourages a deeper exploration of how technological advancements impact international relations, from cybersecurity challenges to the transformative potential of artificial intelligence. Understanding the nexus between technology and diplomacy becomes increasingly vital in an era of rapid technological change. The adoption of the Troika mechanism as part of the response to the Myanmar crisis offers a practical example of conflict resolution mechanisms within regional organizations. It invites students to analyze the effectiveness of such mechanisms and their potential application in other regional conflicts. The study of conflict resolution strategies is a fundamental component of international relations research and education. Furthermore, the summit’s focus on environmental sustainability aligns with the global discourse on climate change and ecological preservation. Students can delve into the implications of regional organizations like ASEAN engaging in environmental issues and the role they can play in advancing global environmental agendas, including the Paris Agreement. The potential expansion of ASEAN to include Timor-Leste prompts discussions on the dynamics of regional integration and the prerequisites for membership. It encourages students to explore the criteria and processes for joining regional organizations and the implications for both existing members and the prospective entrant. Such inquiries are central to the study of regionalism in international relations.

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Biden’s ASEAN Summit Absence Sparks Multilateral Concerns

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The recent convening of the 43rd ASEAN Summit in Jakarta serves as a poignant reminder of the pivotal role that multilateral cooperation continues to play in upholding peace, stability, and prosperity across the dynamic Asia-Pacific region. President Joe Biden’s conspicuous absence at the ASEAN Summit sends a clear message that the United States prioritizes rivalry over multilateral cooperation, as well as a penchant for narrowly defined alliances instead of comprehensive multilateral engagement.

This decision underscores a strategic focus in Washington – one that seeks to further its interests through alternative avenues. Such a move carries profound implications for regional dynamics. Even as the summit was postponed to accommodate the U.S. President’s schedule

It implies that the U.S. may increasingly lean towards pursuing its strategic interests through alternative pathways, possibly emphasizing bilateral or smaller multilateral arrangements. However, this approach risks undercutting the broader benefits that robust multilateral engagement offers, especially in a region as diverse and interconnected as the Asia-Pacific.

Multilateral cooperation, exemplified by forums such as the ASEAN Summit, provides an invaluable platform for addressing intricate regional challenges, facilitating dialogue, and bridging gaps among nations with diverse interests. By favoring more limited partnerships, the U.S. may inadvertently curtail its capacity to shape regional developments comprehensively and inclusively.

In the face of mounting geopolitical complexities, China stands out for its steadfast commitment to fostering collaboration and peaceful development. This commitment sharply contrasts with the United States’ preference for bilateral and “small-multilateral” formats.

China acknowledges the enduring value of multilateralism in promoting regional stability and development. Its engagement with ASEAN underscores cooperation, economic interdependence, and peaceful coexistence, aligning closely with the goal of establishing an atmosphere conducive to dialogue and collaboration.

The United States’ strategy towards ASEAN appears motivated by a desire to maintain the organization’s division rather than unity. Such instability aligns with Washington’s geopolitical interests in the region, as an unsettled ASEAN is perceived as more susceptible to U.S. influence and manipulation. This approach risks undermining ASEAN’s unity and its collective pursuit of shared objectives.

While some regional countries may be tempted to align more closely with the United States for various reasons, they must exercise caution and evaluate the potential implications of such alignment. The U.S. has displayed a willingness to foment chaos and turmoil in the region to enhance certain countries’ dependence on it. This approach poses significant risks to the stability and resilience of Asia-Pacific nations.

Over the past decade, China’s unwavering commitment to a comprehensive strategic partnership with ASEAN has yielded numerous benefits for the region. Expanding trade between China and ASEAN underscores the importance of open markets and economic interdependence on a global scale.

China’s support for pragmatic collaboration initiatives has not only spurred economic prosperity but also facilitated cultural exchange and people-to-people interactions throughout Southeast Asia. This approach, founded on principles of shared growth and mutual benefit, aligns seamlessly with ASEAN’s tenets, bolstering the organization’s influence in regional affairs.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s declaration to implement the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea with ASEAN countries and work towards a “Code of Conduct” underscores China’s unwavering commitment to transforming the South China Sea into a region characterized by peace, friendship, and cooperation.

Throughout its history, ASEAN’s resilience and centrality have remained defining features. This resilience empowers ASEAN to withstand external pressures and manipulation, ensuring its decisions reflect the collective interests of its member states. The China-ASEAN alliance strengthens this resilience, safeguarding ASEAN’s independence and its ability to carve out its destiny.

As the United States continues to pursue its geopolitical objectives through diverse means, the Asia-Pacific region finds itself at a crucial juncture. ASEAN members must remain steadfast in adhering to the principles of dialogue, cooperation, and peaceful growth that have underpinned the organization’s success for decades.

In this context, China’s unwavering support for ASEAN’s vision and its resolute commitment to multilateralism become all the more significant. China contributes to regional stability and development by promoting cooperation, economic growth, and people-to-people exchanges, reinforcing ASEAN’s pivotal role as a critical force for peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific.

Each ASEAN meeting serves as a litmus test for genuine multilateralism, with participating nations carefully identifying between actors genuinely seeking collaboration and those knowingly contributing to conflict. Given the current political climate, Washington’s policy decisions have huge repercussions, with any miscalculation potentially leading to unfavourable outcomes and increased diplomatic discontent.

Consequently, the United States must carefully weigh the long-term repercussions of its approach and strike a judicious balance between bilateral alliances and active engagement in global forums. A more comprehensive and inclusive engagement strategy in the Asia-Pacific can foster trust, spur collaboration, and secure a future marked by peace and prosperity for all nations in the region.

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