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The theory of forming “One World Government” under the vision of Xi Jinping



The visit of Egyptian President “El-Sisi”, Saudi Crown Prince “Bin Salman”, Sheikh “Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan”, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi and Deputy Supreme Commander of the UAE Armed Forces, and Prince of Qatar Sheikh “Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani”, to attend the Winter Olympics in China, hosted by the Chinese capital “Beijing” from February 4-20, as a significance cooperative initiative to provide the international support that China needs at the present time in confronting the “politicization of the Winter Olympics in Beijing”, China raised the slogan “Together for a Common Future”, with its “clear political and international significance”, and for promoting the idea of ​​(pluralism in international affairs, and pressing for the establishment of a new, unified world government), under the Chinese leadership and vision of President Comrade “Xi Jinping”, who was awared to mention this point in all of his political discourses internally and externally, focusing on the “common destiny of humanity ”.

   As an Egyptian academic, specializing in Chinese political affairs, I can lay out general features of the form and nature of this “new one world government”, and how Egypt can be during the era of President “El-Sisi” and Arab and African leaders, and even all those developing, marginalized and poor countries, are the “ideal countries” to China, the thought and vision of the comrades in the Communist Party of China, and the focus of the speeches of the Chinese President, Comrade “Xi Jinping”.  As the following:

  The establishment of a “one world government” is a prelude to (the imposition of a single global legal order), meaning that:

“Allowing any citizen of the world to be tried in independent international courts, not a requirement within the borders of his nation-state”

   The refusal of President “El-Sisi”, the Saudi Crown Prince “Mohammed bin Salman”, the ruler of the United Arab Emirates, the UAE Crown Prince of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi, Sheikh “Mohammed bin Zayed” and the Qatari Prince, Sheikh “Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani” to the policies of the American and Western politicization of the file hosting  China for the “Winter Olympics”, comes as an affirmation of the importance of this global pattern of transition to the (new world government), and perhaps with a common thought and vision between China and the countries of the region in the face of the “deliberate politicization of all Arab and Chinese issues”.

The content of the unified global discourse at the present time is, based on:

The world post “Covid-19” has crossed the so-called closed borders points and unilateral solutions, as we have already become in the heart of globalization or post-globalization, or according to my previous pproposition of “adapting to the results of globalization”, such as: adapting to the necessity of using advanced technology, Artificial intelligence, smart robots…, etc. Thus, we agree with China in our need for global regulations to enhance economic and global stability, as well as global peace and security.

  Perhaps the organization or grouping and entity of the “European Union”, despite all of those many challenges it is going through, is based on its value as a cornerstone in the (nature and form of the initial appropriate for that one global government regionally), given the nature of the broader value of the global vision and leadership of the nature of the European Union through his management of the many foreign files, especially in the (diplomacy and smart pluralism), and others. Now more than ever, it has become a lesson that cannot be ignored.

  Here, this global government is supposed to be preceded by what is known as: a pattern of a (continental or regional governments), such as: the European Union, the Caribbean Union, and others, and to encourage the repetition of this model in other regions of the world.  Therefore, ideas are put forward about the establishment of (the Union of Latin American States, the Union of Arab States, the Union of Pacific States), and others. This is because (the reorganization of the world into regions and federations is considered a first step towards establishing a world order and imposing a one world government). According to my belief, the proposal of the Chinese President, Comrade “Xi Jinping”, on (the common destiny of humanity), is the ideal premise and the best slogan for the nature of the next stage.

  The formation of this new one world government under Chinese leadership and vision will serve the interests of the developing Arab and African countries, and may be a prelude to the Arab and African countries for obtaining a (permanent representation in the UN Security Council). Here, China, as an essential partner of the Arab countries and the African Union, in  The framework of the “China-Arab and China-Africa Cooperation Forum” may help meet the need of these countries to have their voice heard globally, by following fair and equitable rules globally.

   Also, as an academic, I do not imagine at all that the demand of a large bloc such as the African Union at the present time, is only “to deliver its voice to the world”. It is something that has stopped me analytically during my follow-up to the session of the meeting of the representatives of the African Union countries on Saturday, February 5, 2022, through the request of the African countries in the African Union to meet their desire to collectively contribute to (establishing a continental media center to counter the negative media portrayal of Africa).

  In my opinion, (activating the global government pattern will make the blocs important, such as the Union of Arab States or what is known as the League of Arab States, and the same case for the African Union), and others. All of them are still remaining almost small, and ineffective partners, without a real contribution or meaningful role in the international governance system.

   But the pattern of transition to the form of the world government in the Chinese concept or proposal, will work to “reshape and organize the world order, according to the rules of equity and justice collectively”, which will meet the request of Arab countries within the framework of the League of Arab States and African countries within the framework of the African Union, to meet their desire to (obtaining at least two permanent seats and five non-permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council).

  Egypt and all Arab and developing countries have become similar to the Chinese proposal, especially after the “Covid-19” pandemic, about (the interdependence of the fate of mankind and the welfare of peoples first, and the development of a policy for the required minimum wage), both during the era of President “El-Sisi” and all Arab countries. The developing and African countries, so the political discourse of all Arab leaders, through their participation in the Beijing Winter Olympics and their support for China, is focused on:

  “Turning inward in today’s world is not a viable option, we are simply so interconnected that the problems, challenges, and opportunities we face do not recognize state borders. Efforts to return to the times of independent nation-states will have a heavy price”

  The United Nations took an actual advanced step towards “building a one world government” in 2015, with “the decline in the importance of the sovereignty of the nation state, and the closing of the borders of states to themselves” at the present time in favor of other issues that affect all of humanity, especially issues and topics, such as: “Development  Global issues, climate change and control of epidemics and viruses, such as the Corona pandemic “Covid-19”, and others.  This reinforced the international support for the issuance of a document, entitled: (Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development). This document now includes practical suggestions for “91 issues” under five headings, which are: (Globe, Prosperity, Peace, Sustainable Development Goals), which  all aim to improve the standard and quality of life on the planet Earth.

  We find that the anthropologist, the anthropologist, the thinker Professor “Thomas H. Ericsson”, he may have referred, perhaps indirectly, in his well-known book, entitled: “Ethnicity and Nationalism” to the term “non-racial”, in order to express (a post-globalization human being), whose acquired global features overcome or outperform his original national and ethnic features, as he emphasized during the pages of his interesting book, that:

 “One of the characteristics of the contemporary world is that people appear more similar and more different at the same time due to the forces of modernity and globalization”

  According to Professor  “Thomas H. Ericsson”, this means that people of different geographic, ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds can communicate more effectively today than ever before.

  The Egyptian researcher goes to analyze and apply Arab and African support to China in the face of American and Western attacks, through the participation of President “El-Sisi” and Saudi Crown Prince “Bin Salman” and Sheikh “Mohammed bin Zayed” Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates, in the opening of the “Winter Olympics” in China, and that (as a gesture to provide the international support that China needs at the present time to promote the idea of ​​pluralism in international affairs), as President “El-Sisi” and the other Arab leaders who have visited China, are trying to provide (an international mobilization that China needs from developing countries to affirm everyone’s adherence to the principles of protecting states, national sovereignty and preventing interference in state affairs,  protecting pluralism and the interests of developing countries, and supporting justice and equity in the world).

   Defending the idea of “​​multipolarity” is the governing framework of the Chinese leadership at the present time. For example, the first foreign international visit was made by Chinese President “Xi Jinping”, in 2017, abroad, in which he visited the United Nations office in Geneva, to deliver a speech. In his speech at the “World Economic Forum” in Davos, Chinese President “Xi Jinping” stressed the importance of (multilateralism in managing world affairs, and China’s interest in effective participation in global governance).

  Everyone must understand that we are currently witnessing a “clash of nations and peoples over interests, not a clash of civilizations or a clash of religions”, as promoted by a number of Western orientalists and foreign thinkers.

  With the importance of emphasizing that “American democracy cannot be applied to peoples by force”, with my introduction to a possibility theory of emerging democracies in the Arab countries, similar to the American concept of democracy, but coupled with the increasing of “intensity of violence and political terrorism in the region, in the face of American policies”.

   My personal observation as an expert in Chinese political affairs, lies in (the success of the content of communist political discourses globally, according to the Chinese concept of working on the welfare of peoples and achieving a well-off life for all), and even the success of the content of those discourses in democratic countries and in the Arab world in favor of China, in contrast to the decline of American democracy discourses globally and regionally.

   For example, we will find that (the idea of ​​a minimum wage, not an American democracy, is the most important for peoples now, whether in Egypt, Saudi Arabia or the Arab Gulf in general, and the beginning of its spread in Europe itself). The leftist populist, and at the present time, the leaders of the Arab political systems are defending the poor of societies by undertaking development initiatives to serve them, especially the issues of the “required minimum wages”.

   The number of members of “left-wing and communist parties” in Europe has increased since 2019, particularly due to the rise of women’s movements and climate advocacy organizations.  The members of these radical left parties also succeeded in winning seats in European local and legislative councils in return for (the decline in the intensity and strength of liberal democratic parties in the American concept of democracy).

   According to my analysis, the concepts of American liberalism and democracy have retreated globally in favor of other issues that are more important and closer to (China’s ideas and reforms internally to mobilize and mobilize the masses in its interest), such as:

  (Strengthening old-age insurance and granting minor orphans, family subsidies, obtaining three weeks of annual vacation, women’s right to vote and suffrage)

  The initiatives presented by the workers’ and people’s parties to the Europeans themselves became a “catalyst” for all the different political forces, even those who disagree with them.  Consequently, the success of the idea of (the minimum wage has become more important than the discourses of American democracy), and the European labor and popular parties succeeded in promoting it, and at the present time, the European left and communist parties are defending the poor in society, health and social security, improving services, and others.  All of them are ideas that are in the interest of the people more than the ideas of American democracy and its aspirations to achieve its own narrow interests at the expense of the weak and marginalized peoples, regions and developing countries.

  The celebration of the (100th Anniversary of Chinese Communism in July 2021) was close to the preoccupations of members of European workers’ and people’s parties. This is despite the right-wing counter-campaign on the effects left by the Maoist movements in Europe, in relation to the ideas of “Mao Zedong”.

   According to my analysis of the current global scene and the idea of ​​polarizing American political systems, governments, alliances and polarizations, this will be an application and confirmation of the theory of “the impartial failure of all countries in the region in the face of the American or Chinese forces”, in confronting China and the United States of America (either with or against) without the (possibility of maneuvering between its parties in the coming period), which is the most important.

   Here, we find that China attaches great importance to the interests of marginalized and developing Arab and African peoples, the most prominent of which are the (Chinese development contributions in favor of Egypt and African countries to build a center for reconstruction and development). With the keenness of the leaders and comrades of the ruling Communist Party in China to expand the scope of Chinese contributions to development and peace for the benefit of the peoples in Egypt, the Arab countries and the weak and marginalized countries of the African continent, especially due to the importance of the Egyptian role for China as a large Arab, African and Islamic developing regional state, as well as its geographical advantages. Therefore, the Chinese keenness on (promoting free trade to enhance trade opportunities and investments for the benefit of China through the Egyptian gateway to the African continent) came to serve the interests of developing, marginalized, poor and African peoples in the first place.

  Also, for example, the inauguration of (Le Pen’s Chinese workshop as a platform for strengthening dialogue between Egyptian and Chinese youth) in November 2020, all of which have become important measures to consolidate and strengthen relations between the Chinese and Egyptian sides, build more competencies, and a platform for exchanging experiences between Chinese and Egyptian youth.

  The organization of virtual discussions between Egyptian and Chinese officials on (means of activating economic development and advancing cooperation in the fields of health, information technology and space) came to reach consensus among all those parties.  As well as, the Chinese support to Egypt to build (an information technology center).

  The symbolic and even strategic importance of the participation of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Emirates, and Qatar in the “Beijing Winter Olympics”, as they are two of the great regional countries, and between them there is close coordination and cooperation in international and regional affairs in order to protect the common interests of developing countries, protect regional and global peace and stability, and strive to establish (a new, justice and reasonable global political and economic order). There is positive cooperation between them in international and regional forums,  Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Emirates and Qatar have an important role for China in playing a greater role in international and regional affairs.

   The Sino-Egyptian-Saudi-Emirati cooperation within the framework of (the China-Arab Forum, and the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation with regard to Egypt’s membership in it), comes as an important part of the strategic cooperation between the two countries, as well as (the holding of the fourth session of the Ministerial Conference of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in Egypt), which is what  It will provide a new opportunity for the development of Chinese-Egyptian-Saudi Western relations.  Here, we will find that China has the desire to cooperate in various forms with the countries of the region, Egypt and Saudi Arabia within the framework of the China-Arab Cooperation Forum, in order to work all within the framework of (consolidating the idea of ​​international multipolarity and collective participation in international decision-making).

   Here, I may refer to a completely different and old proposition, but I found it extremely dangerous and important to put it back and consider it again, which is the field of (linking between different scientific disciplines, such as medicine, sports with politics), and others.  It was one of the strangest and deepest phrases that stuck in the mind of the Egyptian researcher for many years, the phrase of the Britain well-known medicine “Patrick Manson”, the founder of tropical medicine, and even the owner of the first huge reference in this specialty, is his famous phrase: “I believe the white race should colonize the world”

   Professor Patrick Manson’s famous phrase was a tool that brought him real fame, given its racist and racial bias, which means the idea of ​​the end of the world and its closure on itself, and the racial bias of the West at the expense of African and poor marginalized peoples. This phrase is a (completely opposite to what I propose today in terms of presenting a new idea, and then discussing the mechanism of its collective application in the Arab and African countries, and it is related to the idea of ​​“establishing the world government,” with a Chinese open-minded vision, compared to any other ideas that are biased to a particular thought or ideology), such as: democracy, liberalism and neoliberalism, and some other such concepts that carry within some “ethnic or divisive ideological bias”, that is, it seeks to divide the world into two kinds of regimes, which are: “democratic regimes and other authoritarian, totalitarian, or a non-democratic regimes”.

   Where we found that according to this new American division of the relationship between the political systems in the world ideologically, which was held by the “Conference of Leaders of Democratic Countries” in December 2021, which actually led to the marginalization and division of the world into two blocs, and all the countries of the Arab region and China went to the bloc of non-democratic countries, with the exception of Iraq, which basically lacks “the elements of true democracy according to the testimony of the Iraqis themselves”. However, the American call for Iraq came as “an American tool for promoting its democracy in the region, given its occupation of Iraq since its entry in 2003, and basically causing chaos in it”.

  The Egyptian researcher found that there is a severe global shortage, according to the previous proposal referred to Dr.Patrick Manson, especially after the spread of the Corona pandemic or “Covid-19”, in all American, Western, Chinese and international references and writings, for what is known as: “imperialist medicine or Political medicine”,  or even media medicine, social, continental and others related to the common political and military aspects analytically, and it is the one that links politics and medicine in the first place, with the exception of the only international book that the Egyptian researcher found, and it fits into my previous idea of ​​Professor “David Arnold” in his book, regarding: “Imperialist Medicine and Local Societies”, which summarized his presentation and practical and applied conclusion in this interesting book, arriving at important recommendations and conclusions, which I can summarize, in:

   “All treatment orders and health battles regarding epidemics, viruses, the increase in diseases and medical intervention during the colonial policy era, were subject to the military operation and the pattern of military intervention in the first place, which allowed the armies and these military medicines working with them, to cross the borders, and take advantage of periods of epidemics and viruses and the increase and spread of certain types of  diseases to suppress movements of rejection and opposition”

   Accordingly, and as a specialist in political science, specifically in the field and path of “comparative political systems”, there is what is scientifically, academically and professionally, known as: “the theory of entanglement or networking among all the different scientific disciplines”. This type of imperialist medicine, means:

  “The existence of medicines in a military capacity are present in poor or marginalized areas under the occupation or tutelage of their countries”

   As is the case during the period of the Britain colonization of Africa and others, where (the view of prejudice or racial superiority) by the category of “military medicines compared to civilian medicines”, may have drawn attention again to return to that point in order to develop a new networking mechanism between (the form of the relationship between political systems and military human medicine, from the category of “military medicines” in colonial, marginal or custodian areas, mainly during the Britain colonial era). The Egyptian researcher discovered, that there is paramount importance internationally to do studies on (the relationship between politics and medicine science), such as: making extensive academic research studies, on:

    (The relationship between the Coronavirus pandemic and the fading of the sovereignty of nation states” or “the relationship between epidemics and viruses and the growth of imperialism”, i.e. intervention, domination and military control mainly over the population and citizens of those affected areas), and others

   Here, it was one of (the most important features of medical intervention in the colonial countries is its connection with the military aspects), not only because many of the medicines and managers of these medical policies were primarily military, or that the only working organs that participated in the medicine of tropical areas were military.

   Accordingly, my new analytical and interpretive proposal and vision has become the current search for (the best types of “governance systems” suitable for all political systems, especially our developing and marginalized Arab and African countries, especially after the ideological American division of the world into democratic and authoritarian non-democratic ones). Which stopped me greatly, to research and study again in all previous writings, about the relationships between medicine and politics, sports and politics, and others. Then trying to apply it to the current situation, especially in light of the sharp global division that we are witnessing today into democratic and non-democratic systems, and so on.

   My new analysis internationally remains the theory of forming (continental or regional Arab and African blocs, unifying efforts between them and China in preparation for the establishment of global governance systems and international frameworks that suit the aspirations of our peoples at the present time) given the similarity of goals among all their parties. Also, proposing the theory of (building alliances and networking and working with other different ethnic, religious and political blocs and gatherings in the world), that would provide more political power for our marginalized peoples, and strengthen Arab pressure mechanisms towards issues of American politicization of events, as happened in the “Beijing Winter Olympics”.  Considering that any restriction or derogation of the civil rights of Arabs, Muslims, Africans, the Chinese and the other marginalized and poor peoples today, may affect the freedoms of others tomorrow, and so on. Therefore, it has become imperative for everyone to unite for the sake of the rules of fairness and global justice, and to pass decisions in favor of the people, by choosing (a global system of government agreed upon by all as a larger entity or bloc to defend the issues and interests of the peoples).

Associate Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Politics and Economics / Beni Suef University- Egypt. An Expert in Chinese Politics, Sino-Israeli relationships, and Asian affairs- Visiting Senior Researcher at the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies (CMES)/ Lund University, Sweden- Director of the South and East Asia Studies Unit

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On Chinese Democracy



China Beijing

In recent years, China has been following the adage that “he who controls the discourse controls the world” with increasing vigour. That is, the first side to describe a given phenomenon, with a new coinage emerging, determines global attitudes towards it. There are two nations, one on either side of the Pacific, the two main economies of the world. Both declare they have a constitutional republican system and respect for human rights. Yet, one is considered a model of democracy and an example to be followed, while the other is seen as an archaic authoritarian system built upon censorship and repression. We are, of course, talking about the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China.

As recently as 15–20 years ago, it was generally accepted that the U.S. version of democracy was the model to aspire to, but this is no longer the case. Against the backdrop of the Ukraine crisis and the various reactions thereto around the world, Western journalists are increasingly giving in to the temptation to characterize this period of world history as a struggle between “democracy” (represented by the West, led by the United States, and “correct” non-Western countries such as Japan and Lithuania) and “authoritarianism” (China, Russia and the “enfants terrible of world politics” that joined them). One of the fallouts, therefore, is that there have been new turns to the discussion about whether China’s socio-political system can be called “democracy”.  

Western observers are unanimous in their appraisal: “there’s no democracy in China.” However, the problem is that the very concept of “democracy” (a certain “power of the people”) is fluid. It is much like a “healthy lifestyle”—it is easy to assume that you are leading a healthy lifestyle, while your rival is not. How can you know for sure, though?

Even political analysis falls short. For instance, any researcher who was brought up in the Western paradigm of political science will argue that if there are no direct democratic elections and a separation of powers, this is no “democracy” but something entirely different. Neither exists in China, yet this does not stop Chinese scholars from proclaiming—with no hint of irony—that their country is indeed democratic, only in a distinctly Chinese way.

It is not only the definition of “democracy” that is fluid, so too is the genesis of democratic traditions. For example, it is generally accepted that the Western neo-liberal model can be traced back to the democratic practices of Ancient Greece and that the subsequent history of humankind is a single process of encouraging and improving such practices. However, what most people do not know is that democracy, even in Athens, was an expression of the oligarchic elite’s power at best, and this was done with the help of populism and appeals to the legitimacy of the “popular opinion.” A similar situation was the case with the Veche in medieval Veliky Novgorod. At the same time, proto-democratic procedures (for example, the election of chiefs among nomads or the self-government of agricultural communities in Ancient China) existed among all the peoples of the world in one form or another, and it is a mystery why some practices led to “good democracy,” while others led to “bad authoritarianism.”

Thus, when the Chinese talk about their own “thousand-year traditions of democracy,” they are not paltering with the truth, but sincerely believe it to be true. They call the political system they now have “democratic,” with China’s Constitution containing a reference to “a socialist state governed by the people’s democratic dictatorship, led by the working class and based on an alliance of workers and peasants.” Who said democracy was anything other than that? And who endowed someone with the right to decide what democracy is or is not?

It should be noted here that the term “democracy” has long been absent in the Chinese tradition. In fact, the word “minzhu” (民主, “the power of the people” or “the people are the masters”) was brought by Sun Yat-sen from Japan in the early 20th century. This was merely a re-rendering of the Japanese term “mingshu” (民主), which itself came from the Western notion of “power of the people.” The Hanzi and Kanji (which the Japanese originally adopted from China) are identical, but the wording first came from Japanese for a fact—much as the word “gongchanzhui,” 共产主义, meaning communism, as well as other “-zhui”-words (主义), which is something like the English “-ism”—and never appeared in classical Chinese texts.    

On the one hand, the term “democracy” is borrowed, and so too is its understanding. On the other hand, the term has no historical base and can be filled with any content. Or, rather, its understanding can be corrected for the sake of political expediency or local conditions. And that is exactly what has happened to “democracy.”

In China, the term appeared on the eve of the Xinhai Revolution and the overthrow the Manchu-led Qing imperial dynasty. For Sun Yat-sen and his cohort, it was important that the “power of the people” (“minzhu”) was directly opposed to the “power of the sovereign” (“junzhu”, 君主). That is, any political system where the head of state is not the sole sovereign is seen as a democracy. Incidentally, Sun Yat-sen used the word “minquan” (民主, “sovereignty of the people”) in addition to “minzhu” (民主) to denote democracy, although most people consider these terms to be identical.

In any case, if we proceed from Sun Yat-sen’s understanding of democracy, we can say that a democratic state was founded in China in 1912, since power was seized by the party, and the party consists of the people and reflects the interests of the people. This is fundamentally different to the situation where power belonged to the Son of Heaven (the Emperor’s official title).  

Of course, China’s political system of the 1910s to the 1940s—that is, before the Communist Party ascended to power—was far from the high standards of neoliberal democracy. If we were to put a label on it, we would say that it was a combination of the power of the oligarchy and generals, multiplied by the partocracy (the ruling Kuomintang party) and the cult of its leader Chiang Kai-shek. But this, of course, was also called “democracy.”

When the Communists came to power, Mao Zedong wanted to show that China would be a democracy—not the “bad” kind of democracy that reigned under Chiang Kai-shek, but a different, “new” kind of democracy. This “new democracy” (新民主), as it was called, was seen as a stopgap on the way to building a socialist society. It was still a single-party system (only it was a different party that was in power), and the position of leader (Mao Zedong) looked almost indistinguishable from that of emperor in the end.  

The death of Mao Zedong was followed by a series of reforms that laid the foundation for the modern Chinese political system, where elections do take place, although the Party’s monopoly on power remains very much intact. The Chinese people define this phenomenon as “the people’s democratic dictatorship led by the working class” (a quote from the preamble to the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China). It is essentially a partocratic regime based on the one that once existed in the Soviet Union, only reimagined and improved.

One of the most striking features of China’s political system is the absence of the separation of powers. Officially, the only “state power” is the national people’s congresses—the institution through which the people exercise their power under the Constitution. People’s congresses are a multi-layered pyramid, at the very bottom of which direct and quite democratic elections are indeed held. What is more, the higher people’s congresses are made up of members of the lower ones, meaning that the pyramid works as one big filter. Thus, the people actually play an indirect role in the formation of the highest body of state power – the National People’s Congress (NPC).

It just so happens that most members of the people’s congresses at all levels are communists. While some opposition-minded figures may appear as if out of nowhere at the bottom of the pyramid from time to time, they will not make it past the multi-stage filter, and only proven and reliable people will end up in the NPC. The vast majority of these (although not all) are members of the Communist Party. It is only natural, therefore, that they act within the framework of party discipline and go along with decisions adopted by party congresses in the past.

The workings of this system are quite easy to trace if you look at key personnel decisions. For example, the party leadership for the next five years will be elected this autumn at the 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party. The new convocation of the NPC will convene somewhat later in March, where the President of the People’s Republic of China will be elected (or re-elected). Therefore, it would be logical to assume that it will be the General Secretary of the Central Committee elected (or re-elected) at the autumn Congress.

Other key appointments will be made in a similar fashion. For example, the second-highest person in the party hierarchy will become the head of government. Is that democratic? If you were to ask China’s idea-mongers, they would tell you that it most certainly is. The NPC is formed as a result of multi-stage elections. Theoretically, parties other than the CPC can compete for a parliamentary majority. But the main thing is that the Party represents the interests of the people, meaning that the power of the party is the “power of the people.”

Are Chinese people aware that their understanding of “democracy” is different from Western standards? Of course they are. Are they about the abandon their system in order to conform to Western standards? Of course not. What is more, Chinese politicians have been actively using the term “democracy” in their official rhetoric and stressing that democracy exists in China too. They do this in defiance of the West and its “monopoly on deciding where there is democracy and where it is absent.” China realizes that the West uses this monopoly to exert pressure on foreign policies of its opponents and seeks to demonopolize this function and achieve parity in the struggle for control over the information discourse at the very least.

This is most evident not in the concept of “democracy,” but rather in the concept of “human rights.” From a Western point of view, human rights are first and foremost the right of the individual to do or have something contrary to or regardless of the interests of society or the state. The classic liberal understanding of human rights is the triad of fundamental natural rights put forward by the British political philosopher John Locke, namely, the right to “life, liberty, and property” (the understanding is that the state was created to guarantee these rights, even though they may be contrary to the interests of the state).

For China, the very notion that the interests of the individual and the state may not coincide is inconceivable. The Western understanding of human rights thus not have any foundation. The Chinese concept of “human rights” (also absent in the traditional political and legal system) is also different. Human rights, as the Chinese understand the term (at least those I have had the chance to talk to), means, first of all, the right to food and a decent quality of life, and the state exists to ensure this. This implies that the highest interests of the state and the highest interests of the individual are one and the same.

Thus, as long as there is economic growth in the country and people are fed and clothed, the Chinese version of democracy and human rights will be supported by its people. And the idea that all the countries in the world will, as globalization marches forward, eventually adopt the Western socio-political system is no longer popular or seen as a given.

After the West emerged victorious from the Cold War at the turn of the 1990s and everyone wanted to be like the winners, it was the United States who perhaps had the moral right to say which countries were “democratic” and which were not, and everyone listened. What is more, both China and Russia sincerely wanted to become a part of the “global West.” But when it became clear that they would never occupy a place other than the periphery in this pro-Western global model, and that Western society had become a prisoner of its own agenda (poorly understood and not at all appealing for the “non-West”), people started to voice their criticism of the West’s monopoly on the right to play the role of arbiter.   

Nowhere can these voices be heard louder than in Russia and China, and to some it may seem that they are singing this tune in unison. At the same time, the two countries have a number of differences and contradictions, and the Chinese political agenda is even less clear than the Western one. Thus, Russia and China should not be lumped together into some kind of “axis of authoritarianism,” not only because there is no military–political alliance between the two countries (this is just a formality), but also because the terms “democracy” and “authoritarianism” are little more than “labels” that rivals in the current political climate tag each other with in the struggle for control over the information discourse.

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East Asia

Tension prevails after Pelosi’s Visit



Image tweeted by @SpeakerPelosi

Already tense geopolitics are boiling and making the whole world more nervous. Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan has damaged International politics and heated the tension around the globe. Her visit was opposed by more than 100 countries and equally criticized domestically. Many scholars, intellects, politicians, and civil society is criticizing her visit.

Looking at her profile and past, she was a rigid, hardliner, and non-flexible personality. Her role in American politics is also the same tough. She is not willing to accept others’ point of view and always insist on her opinion, or precisely described – imposing her ideology on others.

The same happened in the case of her Taiwan visit, although there was opposition from within the US as well as globally, in addition to strong warnings from China, yet, she made her visit. It was her deliberate attempt to offend public opinion and spoil the international political environment. Certainly, it has created a lot of adverse impacts, on the global economy, security, and peace.

One-China policy is well recognized and a pre-condition to establishing diplomatic relations with China. There are only 13 countries, that maintain formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan. It means the rest of the whole world recognizes China only and sticks to the One-China policy. Her visit was totally against the One-China policy.

1.4 Billion People in China are offended and public sentiments were ignored. There is tremendous pressure on the Chinese government from the public to protect its sovereignty. Although, China has made tremendous developments on the economic front, technological advancement, and defense capacities. China possesses the ability to capture Taiwan by force. Yet, Beijing has never used military options. China is a responsible state, and very mature in its international affairs. It always kept on convincing for the peaceful reunification of Taiwan with Main Land through dialogue. China has introduced “One Country, Two Systems” to manage Hong Kong and Taiwan, and is always willing to offer a similar option to Taiwan, even a high degree of autonomy.  If Taiwan thinks smartly, can bargain more concessions and favors from China, but, ultimately have to reunify with the mainland.

The implication of her visit and its consequences must be serious, but, to describe it precisely, may not be possible at this stage, the immediate actions taken by Beijing are as:-

1. Canceling China-U.S. Theater Commanders Talk.

2. Canceling China-U.S. Defense Policy Coordination Talks (DPCT).

3. Canceling China-U.S. Military Maritime Consultative Agreement (MMCA) meetings

4. Suspending China-U.S. cooperation on the repatriation of illegal immigrants.

5. Suspending China-U.S. cooperation on legal assistance in criminal matters.

6. Suspending China-U.S. cooperation against transnational crimes.

7. Suspending China-U.S. counter-narcotics cooperation.

8. Suspending China-U.S. talks on climate change.

The big Military exercise is ongoing in the Strait of Taiwan, where China is using live ammunition and using all three forces, Land, Air, and Navy, very close to Taiwan. In fact, surrounds Taiwan closely.

What other measures or reactions will China take, is not known yet. As China is an inward society and does not reveal what they are planning or thinking, so one may not guess precisely. China believes in doing more but beating the drum less (Less Shouting). It is well understood that Taiwan is a very sensitive issue for the Chinese nation and the reaction must be very serious.

The adverse impact of the Ukraine war is already harming the global economy and if something goes wrong in this region, the price has to be paid by the whole world. China is a World Factory and provides almost 70% of consumer products to the rest of the world. The price offered by China is incompatible and meets the needs of a majority of the middle and lower middle class of the whole world. Only filthy rich people can afford expensive products, but, China caters to the absolute majority.

In case of crisis, the developing and underdeveloped nations will suffer severely. Poverty will jump globally and the masses will be deprived of consumer products. The world will be divided into more blocks. China will be more close to Russia and the cold war may revive once again.

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East Asia

BRICS – How Will the Organisation Get a ‘Second Wind’?



BRICS, which was rapidly gaining momentum in the first decade of its operation, has, expectedly, over the past few years faced a certain crisis in its development (this crisis is understood not as a decline, but as a turning point, a transitional situation). At the level of official discourse, the word “crisis” was never used; the rhetoric continued to be predominantly optimistic, however, the expert community has increasingly called for a rethinking of the role of the association, overcoming the mounting internal contradictions. The very logic of the development of any association implies that periods of growth, expansion of the agenda, the predominance of centripetal forces, and crises will alternate, and that it is necessary to look for new foundations for rapprochement. The reasons for slippage, as is always the case, have been both external and internal. On the one hand, a fundamental transformation of the globalisation process has begun (and this process is only gaining momentum); there are calls for the basic principles and mechanisms which bring the BRICS countries together to undergo reform. This challenge is facing all global multilateral organisations today; BRICS is not unique here: the WTO, the G7, the G20, and even the UN and its structures — all of them are faced with the loss of their status as universal platforms for overseeing the global rules of the game. For BRICS, on the one hand, this is a problem of self-identification, since the countries have advocated the transformation of global mechanisms imposed by developed countries. At the same time, it is also an opportunity to “rebuild” the association, turning it into an alternative, new platform for uniting the entire developing world. The latter scenario inevitably implies the expansion of the union, both by accepting new members (which is already happening), and in the BRICS+ format that has become a permanent issue for the current Chinese presidency in 2022.

The difficulties of the BRICS were also caused by internal reasons. The test for BRICS was 2020, when the association, contrary to expectations, did hardly anything to assist in countering the COVID-19 pandemic. While initially considered a club of the most dynamic economies, the union of five countries has become internally highly heterogeneous. China and India continue to vie with each other as leaders of economic growth, while Brazil, South Africa and Russia have witnessed a systemic crisis since the mid-2010s, when the fall in GDP alternates with stagnant growth. Economic difficulties in Brazil and South Africa have led to a change of elites. The new leaders have sought to critically rethink their goals and priorities in unification. However, today BRICS is no longer a club of growth leaders, and the ability of the candidate countries to effectively participate in solving the most acute current problems facing the developing world — the energy and food crises — is coming to the fore. In many respects, these considerations have dictated China’s desire to include Argentina and Iran in the union, despite all the well-known problems facing the economies of these countries.

The aggravation of contradictions between China and India, and along the China-Brazil line, has also led to a slowdown in active work in the BRICS. The rise of China, securing for it the role of the “main sponsor” of the BRICS (primarily as the main founder of the New Development Bank) presents a kind of challenge for Beijing, since the line between leadership and dominance, as the experience of other associations shows, is usually very thin. The accumulated dissatisfaction with the real results of the decade-long work of the association has also made its contribution: many initiatives, including the task of strengthening the voice of developing countries and reforming the global regulatory institutions, still remain only slogans.

To understand the prospects for BRICS, it makes sense to look at the evolution of approaches to unify the current government in Brazil. The victory of Jair Bolsonaro in 2018 was perceived by some experts as a moment of risk for the five, as the new elites in power made no secret of their desire to place their main stake on rapprochement with the United States. The negative scenarios did not materialise. However, Brasilia did significantly rethink its priorities, goals and objectives. Unlike his predecessors from the leftist camp (Presidents Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff), Bolsonaro was not close to the idea of uniting the Global South under the banner of reshaping the world order. However, more pragmatic, technocratic areas that are objectively beneficial to the country (technological cooperation, the fight against organised crime, digitalisation and the Development Bank) were chosen as priorities in the year of Brazil’s chairmanship in 2019. Paradoxically, such a narrowing of the agenda played a rather constructive role in the development of BRICS, since the quality of the elaboration of joint decisions was so high that Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov, Sherpa of the Russian Federation in the BRICS, even commended the brilliant organisation of the work, saying that there were far more specifics than general declarations. Paraphrasing the famous phrase of Alexander Gorchakov, one can say that the Brazilian presidency allowed BRICS to focus, to replace the extensive growth of the agenda of previous years with intensive progress in really important and compromise-driven areas.

The arrival of the Joe Biden administration in Washington in 2021 has led to a cooling of the enthusiasm among the Brazilian elites regarding the prospects for rapprochement with the United States. In Brasilia the incumbent American President’s threats, made during the election campaign, were well-heard: to impose sanctions against the Tropical Giant if it does not reconsider its policy toward the Amazon River. Bolsonaro is also worried about the inclusion of environmental issues in the NATO agenda. That is, the increased attention of the military alliance in the Amazon region is not ruled out, which is traditionally an extremely sensitive topic for Brazilians. In this context, the Brazilian leader is revisiting his previously restrained approach to the BRICS, recognising its importance and strategic significance for the country as a tool to counter isolation in the event that the risks of worsening relations with the US and the EU materialise. Following this logic, Bolsonaro today advocates expanding the association, including within the framework of BRICS +, and in official speeches he speaks of the need to reform the World Bank, IMF and the UN Security Council, which was difficult to imagine a few years ago.

Geographic expansion

Expansion through the inclusion of new full members has been talked about since the first years of the BRICS. Since the concept of BRICS as an alliance of civilizations initially prevailed, where each macro-region is represented by one leader, the inclusion of a large Islamic country was most likely. Indonesia, as the world’s largest Islamic country in terms of population, and Egypt were usually considered. The recent application for the entry of Shiite Iran alters this logic, since, apparently, when inviting Tehran to the recent 14th Summit, China was guided by the exceptional importance of the country precisely from the point of view of its energy potential as one of the leaders in hydrocarbon reserves.

The possibility of Argentina joining the BRICS was also discussed for a long time, but Brazil was interested in maintaining its role as a regional leader, representing all of Latin America. The possibility of competition from Buenos Aires did not rouse enthusiasm among the authorities of the Tropical Giant, even during the reign of the left, despite the friendly relations between the countries at that time. Argentina then did not yet face the economic problems that it is experiencing today; the country’s economy was one of the most dynamic in the region. At present, the countries are going through a difficult period in the history of their bilateral relations; the leaders have no trusting, friendly contact. In BRICS, any decision on the admission of new members is made by consensus, but how easy it will be to get the support of the Brazilian authorities for the entry of Argentina remains a big question. Argentina’s entry into the association will not only exacerbate political rivalry; the countries are the largest food producers, competing in many markets. The appearance of a second country from one continent in BRICS will finally move the organisation away from its original concept of uniting the political and economic leaders of their continents (or civilizations). However, these challenges also present opportunities. The new global situation requires developing countries to push old grievances to the background, so that they may work on the task of increasing the representative nature of the BRICS, expanding its potential in addressing the food and energy crises.

Without Argentina, achieving this goal will be much more difficult, since together the two Latin American countries are able to provide food for more than 1 billion people. Participation in the BRICS of another state of the region, especially a partner in Mercosur, despite the competition, creates more opportunities to convey the Latin American agenda and priorities.

At the time of writing, Jair Bolsonaro had not officially commented on his decision to support or not support the entry of Argentina, while the statements were limited to the words of the Minister of Economy Paulo Guedes about the possibility of connecting Buenos Aires to the New Development Bank. However, the mere fact of the official application for membership may indicate that there may be some informal arrangements between Brasilia and Buenos Aires.

The inclusion of new full members of the BRICS is a long process, which, even with the consent of all participants, could take several years. The Chinese approach to foreign policy is traditionally characterised by flexibility and action on several tracks at once. It is this “second track” that BRICS+ is intended to become. There are two approaches to the implementation of cooperation within the framework of this format. The approach of Russia is known, which promoted the concept of “integration of integrations”, which implies the cooperation of integration projects, where the participating countries are leaders (EAEU, Mercosur, South African Customs Union). China could participate through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. If to consider the concept of “integration” precisely as a formalized process of trade liberalisation, then at present individual regional integration blocs would really be interested in implementing deep forms of integration, for example, through the signing of free trade agreements (FTAs). Mercosur, having signed a Memorandum of Cooperation with the EAEU, consistently offers the Eurasian bloc the opportunity to start trade negotiations. China would also be interested in rapprochement with all associations, but many countries see significant risks from such agreements for their producers. It may seem paradoxical that the “integration of integrations” format was promoted by Moscow, whose foreign trade policy is conservative; the EAEU has only a few FTAs with third countries. Despite the optimism of many experts about the prospects for establishing such a network of trade agreements between integration blocs, the author sees such breakthroughs as unlikely in the medium term. Today, in many countries or associations, there is a growing demand for closeness and the protection of national producers in order to achieve greater industrial and technological independence. The willingness to actively cooperate in creating a common financial or logistics infrastructure does not mean the willingness of Brazil, Russia or perhaps Argentina to open their markets and increase competition with imports from China.

China’s approach to the implementation of the BRICS+ format implies rather a “union of regionalisms”, when not trade blocs, but regional associations (SCO, CELAC, African Union) participate in the dialogue. China has established a dialogue with all these organisations (or being a member); there is a broad agenda of cooperation related to economic, political, scientific and technological areas and other topics. Obviously, the advantage of the Chinese approach is flexibility, as there is no need to talk about trade agreements by imposing rigid standards. The only formal obstacle to the implementation of the model today is the non-participation of Brazil (by Bolsonaro’s decision) in CELAC since 2019, the return of the country to the organisation has not yet been discussed. However, it is possible to expect that the position of the Brazilian leader in a reasonable perspective will change amid disappointment in the stalled rapprochement with the United States. A softening of the position is also noticeable in relations with the left-wing radical governments of Latin America, primarily Venezuela (it was precisely the preservation of this country’s participation in CELAC that became the reason for Brazil’s withdrawal). In any case, the decision on the possible resumption of participation in the regional union, if it is made, looks most likely after the elections in October 2022. If the left-wing politician Lula da Silva wins, the country’s return to CELAC can be considered a foregone conclusion. Therefore, Beijing is ready to bide its time. Chinese approaches to diplomacy and international politics are known for their strategic vision for the long term, the current formal obstacles to the implementation of their plans are perceived as temporary, and simply to be waited out. When communicating with our Chinese colleagues dealing with the topic of BRICS, one can feel a similar conviction in the objective mutual benefit and usefulness of the format for all participants.

New realities — new agenda

In the year of its presidency, China was noted not only for initiatives to expand the BRICS; it also significantly developed the agenda, including 23 priorities in 5 areas. There have not been such a number of initiatives within the BRICS for a long time, although most areas of work continue to develop the previous priorities. However, attention is drawn to the surprising similarity of the agenda of all major international forums in 2022. For example, within the framework of the 9th Summit of the Americas, held in early June under the chairmanship of the United States, Washington promoted an agenda that included the problems of post-pandemic recovery, combating the food and energy crises, cooperation in the field of healthcare, innovation, security, ecology, and trade. The intersections with China’s priorities in BRICS are significant. Washington’s main message during the Summit can be formulated as a desire to limit the presence of external players in the zone of their traditional interests. China, which did not participate in any way at the Summit of the Americas and was not mentioned by US officials in speeches, was in fact invisibly present. During his keynote speech at the opening of the forum on June 6, Joe Biden, after the announcement of new proposals for cooperation, emphasised, clearly in defiance of China, that the Western Hemisphere has enough of its own resources to solve all its main problems. The competition of the main financial development instruments is also obvious. For example, the United States promised to capitalise the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) as it is concerned about the growing presence of the Chinese New Infrastructure Investment Bank and the BRICS New Development Bank, financed mainly by Beijing.

Certain signs of rivalry with China can also be seen on the agenda of the 48th G7 summit at the end of June. Developed countries, largely in opposition to the Chinese Belt and Road project, announced their own infrastructure development project in developing countries. There was also talk about the food crisis and assistance to poor countries in counteracting rising prices, where Argentina was also invited to participate. The Western countries and China are entering into intense competition for the developing world, where aid and development programmes will become the main tool, and the developed world is playing the role of catching up in many respects.

For Russia, such a transformation and expansion (geographical and thematic) of the BRICS is obviously beneficial. The intensification of work on the creation of independent financial mechanisms (a new international currency, a pool of reserve currencies, the BRICS Pay payment system) is of interest not only to Moscow, which seeks to reduce its dependence on the monetary infrastructure of the West. The possible inclusion of new members, like Argentina and Iran, demonstrates the failure of the policy of isolating Russia. The Kremlin is ready to move away from the previous logic of the BRICS, when the association was emphatically positioned neither as an alternative to the West, nor as a coalition against it. Today, such positioning is no longer relevant for Russia and China. The latter confirmed this by inviting Iran to participate in the Summit, a country that is in a long-standing conflict with the US, but at the same time has almost 9% of the world’s oil reserves and 17% of its natural gas.

However, such an anti-Western projection of the BRICS is not beneficial to all its participants. Significantly, India, as well as candidate Argentina, took part in the G7 Summit. Argentina depends on the position of the IMF because of its debt problem; it discusses the possibility of obtaining assistance from developed countries. India seeks to pursue a multi-vector policy by participating with the US, Japan and Australia in the Quadripartite Security Dialogue (QUAD). Its interest in achieving the common goals of improving global regulation and interaction for the sake of development does not mean that all BRICS members are ready to oppose the countries of the West. Realising the positive chances from the emerging new period of growth of the association, all countries need to remain diplomatic in promoting their priorities, and seek a delicate balance that will give the BRICS the required stability in the next development cycle.

from our partner RIAC

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