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2021: the year of political bankruptcy of Lithuanian government



Ramūnas Karbauskis, Lithuanian businessman and politician, Chairman of the Farmers and Greens Union severely criticized  Lithuanian authorities’ actions.

The Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union (Lithuanian: LVŽS) is a green-conservative and agrarian political party in Lithuania. Following the 2020 parliamentary election, the LVŽS has been in opposition to the Šimonytė Cabinet.

Ramūnas Karbauskis did not even try to find softer words to describe on Facebook the results of the past year. He noted that “2021 Lithuanians will remember as the year of bankruptcy of government, the reluctance and inability to speak, which caused and deepened health and illegal migration crises.” According to him, 2021 is marked as “a scaling and segregation of society, demolition of diplomatic roads, cutting not only with one of the biggest economies in the world – China, but even with allies and neighbors.”

He paid attention to the fact, that current negative economic tendencies were the direct results of shortsighted government actions.

To his mind, “2021 will also be remembered as the year of emptying the state budget, gold government purchases, including golden houses for illegal migrants. The government actively pushed the decriminalization of drugs, the measures to promote the trade of alcohol. He also said, that the end of the year was crowned by the Belarusian fertilizer transit scandal, but Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis and Transport Minister Marius Skuodis responsible for it remained in their posts.

Thus, he is absolutely sure, that overall, this year has only strengthened the impression that “the government is not working for the Nation, not for its benefit.”

Ex-Lithuanian President Valdas Adamkas has also criticized the permission to open a Taiwanese representative office in Vilnius, saying that the conflict with China has led to huge loses. In his words, “that recognition should have, first, been done by the world, the major countries that have influence and their decision should provide results, not a small Lithuania.”

Today, when these loses have become more and more destructive for the Lithuanian economy, Ausrine Armonaite, the Economy and Innovation Minister says that “the European Union should be more united in its response to China’s pressure on Lithuania.” It turned out, that the mistake was made by Lithuania, but the EU for some reason should solve this problem. Once again Lithuanian authorities shift responsibility to others.

It seems as if Lithuanian officials have chosen the way of confrontation not only with China, but with neighbouring Russia and Belarus. Thus, they continue to increase defence budget of the country instead of allocating additional funds to economically fragile spheres. 2021 defence budget initially amounted to 1.028 billion euros. However, the government allocated additional 20.7 million euros during a budgetary review. 2022 defence budget will be increased to 1.298 billion euros.

The government has not learned how to place political accents correctly. Thus, the lack of coordination and common understanding in the ruling circles lead to political mistakes and the loss of the country’s image in the international arena. Lithuania’s behaviour has led to the shaping of ridiculous image as a country that takes on much more powers than it can afford.

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Eastern Europe

Rebuilding of Karabakh: Results of 2021



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The restoration work in Karabakh entered the active phase in 2021 as several projects had been completed and the foundations for new ones were laid down. The restoration process in Karabakh started right after the November 10th declaration that ended the 44-Day War between Armenia and Azerbaijan. After the war, Azerbaijan liberated its territories that constituted about 20% of the total territory of Azerbaijan and were occupied by Armenian forces in the early 90s.

During the occupation, about thirty years, Karabakh was subject to ruthless destruction and looting by the occupants. As a result, most of the social infrastructure, including residential buildings, schools, and hospitals, were totally destroyed, and most parts of the occupied territories were left empty. Despite the fact that the total destruction in Karabakh makes the restoration process complex and time-consuming, Azerbaijan immediately started the restoration process. For this purpose, the plan for socio-economic development of the liberated territories was prepared, and for the implementation of this plan, “Coordination Headquarters” and 17 working groups on different areas were established. In 2021, $2.2 billion was allocated from the state budget for the restoration process. The same amount of funds is planned to be directed to the restoration process in 2022 as well. The allocation of the necessary financial resources and the establishment of the state bodies for the efficient organization of the recovery process led to the rapid implementation of projects in 2021.

The most notable project that was almost completed in 2021 was the Fuzuli International Airport. The inauguration of the airport took place in Azerbaijan’s liberated city of Fuzuli in Karabakh on October 26. It was the first airport built by Azerbaijan in the liberated areas, and its construction took only eight months. It was built in accordance with the highest international standards, which enables it to accommodate any type of aircraft. A runway with a length of 3000 meters and a width of 60 meters has been put into operation at the airport. The first test flight to Fuzuli International Airport was performed on September 5, 2021, when the largest passenger aircraft of Azerbaijan Airlines, named Karabakh, landed at the airport. Because of its location, the new airport is considered as an “air gate of Karabakh”. Along with Fuzuli airport, the foundations of the other two airports in Lachin and Zangilan districts were also laid down in 2021.

The year 2021 was also marked by the establishment of the Horadiz-Jabrayil-Zangilan-Agband highway. The foundation of this road was laid on October 26, with the participation of the leaders of Azerbaijan and Turkey. With a length of 124 km, it is part of the Zangezur Corridor, the establishment of which was envisioned in the November 10 declaration. The Zangezur Corridor is a very important project that is going to change the transportation architecture of the South Caucasus and its neighborhood. Its proximity to the Karabakh and connection to the main roads in the region will accelerate the restoration and development of the Karabakh.

Within the framework of the restoration process, another important event in 2021 was the foundation of the first “smart village” in Agali village in the Zangilan district on April 26. As of October, the construction work on more than 110 hectares in Agali village was underway. It includes the construction of 200 ecological houses, 4 non-residential buildings, a smart school for about 360 students, and a kindergarten for 60 children. Work on establishing smart agricultural infrastructure on approximately 600 hectares of land is also ongoing. According to the restoration program, it is planned to re-establish cities and villages in the liberated territories based on the “smart city” and “smart village” concepts. Thus, after the Agali village, this concept will be implemented in other areas of Karabakh.

In 2021, the highway that connects the Fuzuli and Shusha cities was also opened. As this highway passes through the territory that was used to liberate Shusha city, it has a symbolic meaning for Azerbaijan, and therefore it is named “The Road to Victory.” The Fuzuli-Shusha highway is part of the Ahmadbeyli-Fuzuli-Shusha highway, one of the main highways in Karabakh. It is 101.5 km in length and reduces the distance from the capital Baku to Shusha to about 363 km. The foundation of another important transport project, the Horadiz–Agband railway, was also laid in 2021 and its construction continues. This railway is 100 kilometers long and has strategic importance as it will connect the mainland of Azerbaijan with Nakhchivan, Azerbaijan’s landlocked exclave, through the Zangezur corridor.

Along with the mentioned roads, the opening ceremony of the 28-kilometer highway that connects the city of Tartar with the villages of Sugovushan and Talish took place in 2021. The length of this road is 28 kilometers, and as planned, the extension of this project will include 22 kilometers of highway from Talish to Naftalan. Construction and planning work on various transportation projects such as the Barda–Aghdam railroad, the Fuzuli-Shusa railway, and the Toganal-Kalbacar highway were also continued.

Comprehensive works in the energy sector were also carried out within the framework of the restoration program, based on the strategy for transforming the liberated territories into “green energy” zones and connecting the energy infrastructure in those territories to Azerbaijan’s general energy system. In 2021, with a total capacity of 20 megawatts, “Gulabird”, “Sugovushan-1” and “Sugovushan-2” small hydroelectric power stations (HPS) were reconstructed and put into operation in the liberated territories. In total, nine digital substations were built in the Karabakh and East Zangezur regions. Simultaneously, in the Aghdam and Jabrail regions, the construction of “Aghdam-1,” “Aghdam-2,” and “Jabrayil” substations as well as the Karabakh Regional Digital Management Center has been completed.

The other important project in the energy sector was the foundation of the Digital Station Management Center in Fuzuli. This project, implemented for the first time in the South Caucasus, allows through automation to reduce the impact of the human factor on the operation of the network, increase reliability and reduce losses during the transmission of electricity. All these projects in the energy sector serve to maintain the energy security in liberated territories and to transform these territories into “green energy” zone.

All the mentioned projects show that Azerbaijan has actively worked for rebuilding Karabakh in 2021. It will enable Azerbaijan to fully integrate the Karabakh economy into the Azerbaijan economy and to use its economic potential in upcoming years. As the liberated territories have great potential in sectors such as agriculture and energy, it will also positively affect the development of the non-oil sector in Azerbaijan. Implementation of all projects that were started in 2021 will not only contribute to the economic development of Azerbaijan, but will also transport Azerbaijan and Karabakh to the transport and economic center of the region.

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Eastern Europe

No borders to struggle against COVİD-19: Solidarity of humanity can help the situation



Just as COVID-19 does not recognize borders, it is necessary to build the struggle against it on the basis of organization, solidarity, mutual assistance, the use of positive experience, and it should not recognize borders.

2021 was a year of continued struggle against the pandemic and of the emergence of new variants of the virus. The South Caucasus also was not away from COVID-19 and its variants. Azerbaijan continued its effective fight against COVID-19, making the most of the lessons of previous years and the opportunities for rapid response. The vaccination campaign, which was conducted as well as in highly developed countries, is a real sign of performance in this sector. During the year Azerbaijan gave humanitarian and financial aid to more than 30 countries in order to fight the pandemic, made a voluntary financial contribution of 10 million US dollars to the World Health Organization and freely donated 150,000 doses of vaccine to four countries.

The newly appointed head of the EU delegation to Azerbaijan, Petr Michako, also stressed the high level of vaccination in Azerbaijan. The capital – Baku is working closely with The European Union in this direction. The European Union and the World Health Organization have supported the fight against COVID-19 in Azerbaijan with the necessary medical equipment. Medical personnel in Azerbaijan have been repeatedly provided with respirators, goggles, transparent masks and overalls for this purpose. All equipment sent for the safety of medical personnel fighting the virus on the front lines was tested for compliance with quality and safety standards. Kestutis Jankauskas, Head of the EU Delegation to Azerbaijan, said that his organization, as a “Team Europe”, is helping to prevent, detect and combat the COVID-19 pandemic. “Healthcare workers are at the forefront of the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, which increases their risk of contracting the virus,” he said. -They are our heroes and they need protection. “As part of the Team Europe initiative, the EU has launched an individual COVID-19 package with a budget of around € 32 million to support urgent needs and socio-economic recovery.

In 2021, Azerbaijan achieved major progress in combating the pandemic and the global economic crisis and in mutual cooperation. As a chair of the Non-Aligned Movement, Azerbaijan put forward an initiative to establish a UN High-Level Panel on global restoration after COVID-19. The member states of the Non-Aligned Movement took a unanimous decision to extend Azerbaijan’s chairmanship of the movement for another year, until the end of 2023.

Azerbaijan proposed a resolution at the UN Human Rights Council on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement on equal and universal access to vaccines for all countries and the resolution was passed unanimously in March 2021. This resolution showed Azerbaijan’s stance on the increasing vaccine nationalism in the world and became an international success.

As a result of all measurements now the number of people receiving the second,third and further doses of the vaccine in Azerbaijan has exceeded 40 percent. Azerbaijan is one of the countries in the continent where the number of virus infections is rapidly declining. Azerbaijan is doing its best to observe this trend around the world. Solidarity can help the situation.

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Eastern Europe

OSCE’s Involvement in Conflict Resolution Across the Post-Soviet Space



On December 2–3, 2021, a meeting of the OSCE Ministerial Council was held. Amid the unrelenting crisis in the Russia-West relations, any events that facilitate dialogue are worthy of positive assessment. Especially if these are face-to-face meetings in a state of “new normal”, the COVID-19 pandemic. However, it would be difficult to argue that the OSCE Ministerial Council adopted any breakthrough decisions aimed at resolving existing conflicts. This led to the accusation of the organization that it was “mired in petty agendas.” Lack of significant and publicly visible achievements of the OSCE in recent years seems to cast doubt on the institution’s ability to contribute to security on the continent. At the same time, it raises the question of whether the classical approach to assessing the organisation’s activities can be applied without due account of the modalities of its emergence.

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe is not the most common example of a security institution. The OSCE’s consensus-based decision-making process and lack of international legal personality contribute to the fact that politicians and experts tend to emphasize the need to adhere to the norms and principles formulated within the framework of the organization, while at the same time criticizing it for inefficiency.

The origins of the OSCE’s peculiarities lie in the history of its establishment. The convening of the CSCE during the Cold War was prompted by the desire of representatives of the two opposing blocs to design norms for peaceful co-existence on the continent. Consequently, the solution of the fundamental issues was based on a consensus among all the participants.

Following the collapse of the socialist bloc, Moscow hoped that the CSCE/OSCE could emerge as the basis of a new international security architecture. Russia made proposals to empower the organisation through establishing a Permanent Council, increasing the role of the CSCE Troika, and creating working groups. However, the prospect that consensus decision-making be abandoned raised concerns in a number of smaller countries, and most Western representatives did not support the idea of transferring the leading role from NATO to the CSCE/OSCE [1].

Having lost its significance as a forum for interaction between the two opposing blocs but never becoming the basis for a new security architecture, the CSCE/OSCE had to imbue itself with a new identity. Due to the military engagements in the Balkans and the post-Soviet space, the organisation focused on several specific narrow areas, namely assistance in resolving conflicts, protecting human rights, developing democratic institutions and monitoring elections. The institute was designed to tackle new challenges, relying on old procedures. While this may have been effective in a hypothetical Common European Home, the OSCE’s response potential is limited in the context of real conflicts in Europe and increasing tensions between Russia and the West, all of which makes consensus-building difficult. It is therefore of particular interest to see how the organisation performs as a crisis mediator in the post-Soviet space.

The OSCE in Nagorno-Karabakh: In the Search of a New Role

The CSCE/OSCE has been involved in settling the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh since its active phase. Already in the 1990s, a three-element system was formed to work on its resolution, which included the Minsk Group led by the Co-Chairs, the High-Level Planning Group (HLPG) and the Personal Representative of the Chairperson-in-Office.

The preconditions for the Minsk Group were laid back in 1992, when the CSCE reached an agreement on the so-called Minsk Conference of 11 national representatives. When, over time, it became clear that no solution was to be arrived at in the near future, the establishment of the Minsk Group followed, and in 1996-1997 the institution of three co-chairs, comprising Russia, France and the United States, was finally formed. Within the Minsk Group, a number of concepts for conflict resolution were presented in 1997, 2001, 2005 and 2008, but none of them was ever implemented. Peaceful settlement was hampered by both the opposing sides’ differing visions of resolution principles, and the internal political situation in Azerbaijan and Armenia, including the attack on the parliament in Yerevan in 1999.

The 1994 Budapest Summit actively discussed the proposal to send a peacekeeping and observer mission to the conflict zone. The idea was not carried out due to controversy among the participants. Instead, a High-Level Planning Group with an unlimited mandate was created to provide the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office with recommendations on sending the organization’s peacekeeping forces to Nagorno-Karabakh. Although the HLPG continues with its annual speculations about possible scenarios for a peacekeeping/observer operation, little if any support for these ideas among the main actors prevents these proposals from being implemented.

In the absence of an observation mission, partial monitoring of the conflict zone began to be carried out by the Personal Representative of the Chair and his Office. However, the small size of the staff, the short duration of activities and the need for preliminary resolution of the disagreements between the parties seriously reduce the effectiveness of monitoring.

Thus, the OSCE mechanisms created the capacities for resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis back in the 1990s, but fundamental political differences between Baku and Yerevan did not allow them to realize the potential. Meanwhile, lack of tools to prevent escalation led to the fact that the organization did not have any impact on the outbreaks of military confrontation in 2016 and 2020. And while the conflict was terminated 5 years ago due to the military stalemate, the 2020 ceasefire was ensured by the intervention of Moscow and the subsequent introduction of Russian peacekeepers.

The qualitative change in the balance of power and the active involvement of countries such as Russia and Turkey in the crisis resulted in the OSCE mechanisms losing their previous significance in resolving the conflict, and in order to maintain them, they had to find a new role in the changed conditions [2].

The OSCE in Resolving the South Ossetian Crisis: Mission Closed

The OSCE was involved in resolving the conflict in South Ossetia when the main mechanisms for its settlement had already been formed. This greatly influenced the work of the organization. The Mission was created in 1992 at Tbilisi’s initiative, after the Agreement on Principles of Settlement of the Georgian-Ossetian Conflict was signed, with the mission being accordingly integrated into the already established structures. The OSCE participated in the work of the Joint Control Commission (JCC), which included Georgia, Russia, North and South Ossetia, monitored the Joint Peacekeeping Forces, consisting of Georgian, Russian and Ossetian forces, and conducted ceasefire monitoring. The organisation also worked to find a solution to the conflict. The patrolling of the Russian-Georgian border, which has been carried out since 1999, was called off in 2005 at Moscow’s initiative.

However, the mission did not make a significant contribution to the resolution of the conflict, despite the achievements in certain humanitarian issues. This can be explained both by the aforementioned secondary nature in comparison with the already created structures and by a lack of support among the key political actors. In particular, the OSCE conflict resolution suggestions developed independently of the JCC were not supported by the parties. Already in 1994, South Ossetia rejected a proposal guaranteeing its autonomous status within Georgia [3]. In August 2008, the OSCE monitored the development of the conflict, but did not play a significant role in its stabilization. Therefore, the mission was soon withdrawn due to controversy between Russia and the other member states of the organisation.

The OSCE Mission to Moldova: Small Steps Policy

The OSCE participated in the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict once its most acute phase had been overcome. In particular, the organisation was puzzled by the signing of a ceasefire agreement and the establishment of the Joint Control Commission (JCC), consisting of representatives of the armed forces of Moldova, Russia and the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. According to its mandate, the mission should assist in laying the groundwork for dialogue between Chisinau and Tiraspol, collecting information about the situation in the region, providing consultations, and encouraging negotiations on the conclusion of an agreement on the status of the PMR and the withdrawal of foreign troops. Late in 1999, the mandate of the OSCE mission was expanded with the additional task of “ensuring transparency of the removal and destruction of Russian ammunition and armaments”.

The participation of the OSCE mission in the settlement of the crisis is ensured both through observers and through involvement in the negotiation process. The OSCE, along with Russia and Ukraine, is a guarantor of the 5+2 format. Over 28 years, the mission has helped to resolve a number of issues, including the opening of traffic on the bridge across the Dnieper River near the village of Gura Bîcului, providing Moldovan farmers with access to plots in the Dubăsari District of Transnistria, recognition of documents and license plates, etc. However, one cannot speak of a substantial intermediary contribution by the OSCE to the conflict resolution process. Progress in this process can only be achieved by changing the policies of the leading actors. Thus, the proposals of the mission representatives on possible ways out of the crisis did not find support in Chisinau and Tiraspol (1993 Report No. 13 by T. Williams, Head of Mission, proposing a special status for Transdniestria) [4].

The OSCE and the Ukrainian Crisis: An Enhanced Role

Events in south-eastern Ukraine revived interest in the OSCE as a mediator in crisis settlement. A certain level of confidence in the organization on the part of Russia, Ukraine and the EU countries made the OSCE a multilateral platform where negotiations on a possible de-escalation of the conflict were conducted.

It was on the basis of the OSCE that the Trilateral Contact Group (TCG) of representatives of Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE was formed with the participation of the unrecognized republics of the DPR and LPR. The TCG’s contribution to the negotiations was both the signing of fundamental documents outlining ways of resolving the crisis, including the Minsk Protocol, the Package of Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements, the “Steinmeier Formula”, and the agreement on measures aimed at de-escalating the military situation, including the agreements on withdrawal of troops, ceasefires and the exchange of prisoners. It was the existence of this mechanism that made it possible to resolve a number of urgent issues fairly quickly—namely, to release the OSCE observers at the beginning of the conflict and to provide investigators with access to the crash site of the Malaysian Boeing-777. With the participation of working subgroups, the TCG develops and coordinates specific agreements. However, their signing requires the support of the Normandy Four, and the implementation of the coherent measures depends on the political situation. Thus, decisions on the disengagement of forces have repeatedly been frustrated and none of the fundamental settlement documents has been fully implemented.

The OSCE’s field experience in conflict zones allowed the organization to form a Special Monitoring Mission (SMM) in a short time. The SMM’s mandate includes monitoring the situation in the region in terms of security, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and incidents, especially those concerning alleged violations of fundamental OSCE principles and commitments. The observers publish daily reports on the OSCE website for the participating States of the organization and the general public.

The number of OSCE observers has increased from 100 to 660 and, together with other international and local staff, to 1,270 over 7 years of conflict. The SMM contingent has been reinforced with modern equipment, including unmanned aerial vehicles. Table 1 clearly shows that the monitoring mission in Ukraine is many times larger than the contingents involved in conflicts in the neighbouring states.

Table 1. The size of OSCE monitoring missions, including locally hired staff

 Ukrainian crisisSouth Ossetian crisisTransnistrian crisisNagorno-Karabakh crisis
Size (largest and smallest value)100–12708–1838–536–17 (Office of the Personal Representative of the Chair)

Source: Compiled by the author from OSCE open data.

The OSCE mission is sometimes criticized for bias by both Russia and Ukraine, although these reproaches from both sides may also confirm its relative neutrality. Russian Foreign Minister S. Lavrov expressed the hope that the OSCE would be impartial in monitoring the situation in Ukraine, noting that the Special Monitoring Mission should work with both Donetsk and Luhansk. This was announced at a meeting with A. Linde, Swedish Foreign Minister and OSCE Chairman-in-Office, on November 19, 2021.

The SMM’s limited ability to provide a complete picture of events is also a source of criticism. In particular, it concerns the ability to establish the ownership of military equipment and to investigate the shelling of populated areas [5]. If one looks at the daily reports of the SMM and tables of ceasefire violations, it can be concluded that the documents do not specify the party that carried out the shelling and the explosions, which gives some space for interpretation.

Despite some negative assessments, the existence of the OSCE mission still makes it possible to at least partially control the implementation of the decisions made within the organisation. Besides, observers being present serves as a kind of deterrent preventing an escalation of the conflict. In particular, according to the SMM, in recent months its activities have facilitated the operation of the Donetsk Filter Station, which supplies water to 380 thousand people on both sides of the contact line.

The deployment of observers, initiated by Moscow, at two checkpoints of the Russian-Ukrainian border, Donetsk and Gukovo, is considered less effective. Russia refused to extend the observation mission in September 2021.

Thus, the OSCE mechanisms are quite successfully embedded in the general system of initiatives aimed at resolving the Ukrainian crisis. Strategic decisions are made at the state level, including in the Normandy Four. The TCG develops and signs specific measures, while the SMM monitors the implementation of OSCE decisions and the situation in the conflict zone. The position of states, as well as the external and internal political environment, are the determining factors in crisis resolution. Without them, decisions made at the TCG level will remain fixed only on paper.

However, the OSCE formats fulfil their important role. Firstly, working mechanisms allow a plan to be developed more quickly in case of a change in the political environment. Secondly, it makes it possible to faster come to a compromise in emergency situations. Third, the presence of both the TCG and the SMM can be viewed as obstacles to an uncontrolled escalation of the conflict.


The CSCE/OSCE has been accused of being ineffective and weak in crisis management across the post-Soviet space for almost three decades. However, it seems that this criticism has more to do with incorrect assessments of the role and capabilities of the organisation and the excessive expectations placed on it. The historical context of the institution’s establishment has determined its features. The OSCE cannot force peace or resolve a conflict without consensus among the participating states.

In many ways, this has led to the organization’s rather poor contribution to the settlement of the crises in Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia. However, the OSCE’s weaknesses can become its strengths amid growing mistrust between states. The need to reach agreement among the 57 participating states, while making the organization dependent on the political environment, reduces fears that the institution will impose the will of more powerful players on the states in the minority. It was this credit of confidence that allowed the OSCE to become a forum for negotiating a de-escalation of the Ukrainian crisis. Moreover, the organisation has had principal experience in shaping mechanisms designed to solve specific narrow tasks over the past decades.

The Ukrainian crisis has demonstrated progress in establishing monitoring missions. In other words, the OSCE can provide framework conditions for conflict resolution, but these must be in demand among the political actors in order to for the potential to be realized.

1. Загорский А.В. Россия в системе европейской безопасности. М.: ИМЭМО, 2017. С.30.

2. Remler P., Giragosian R., Lorenzini M., Rastoltsev S. OSCE Minsk Group: Lessons from the Past and Tasks for the Future. OSCE Insights 2020/06. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2020. P. 85–99.

3. Stöber S. The Failure of the OSCE Mission to Georgia – What Remains? IFSH (ed.). OSCE Yearbook 2010. Baden-Baden 2011. P. 206.

4. Welbert R. Der Einsatz der OSZE in der Republik Moldau. IFSH (Hrsg.), OSZE-Jahrbuch 1995, Baden-Baden 1995, S. 193-210.

5. Загорский А.В. Ежегодник СИПРИ 2014: вооружения, разоружение и международная безопасность. М.: ИМЭМО РАН, 2015. С. 618.

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