Vietnam has witnessed a transition to new leadership with new President Nguyen Xuan Phuc, Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh and Chairman of National Assembly Vuong Dinh Hue taking charge. The third time re-elected general secretary Nguyen Phu Trong made it clear that there will be structural reforms and the anti-corruption drive would continue. This is meant to cleanse party of corrupt cadres and provide corruption free environment in the country. The Covid-19 and the recovery from the economic setback that was brought about by this pandemic, is now incrementally reversed. Mr. Trong has highlighted in his opening speech that pro business reforms is critical for the economy to take a giant leap as a liberal economy but with specific Vietnamese characteristics.
Vietnam is now a signatory to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) also known as Trans Pacific Partnership-11, as well as Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). It has been seen that the improved relations between US and Vietnam as well as the ratification of the Vietnam- EU Free Trade Agreement in August 2020 has opened new avenues for promoting trade and investment with these economies. Vietnam has already made impressive growth last year when it reached near about 3 per cent of economic growth despite economic setbacks because of the Corona pandemic. Within the senior party leadership, it is acknowledged that high growth rates and better living standards would be instrumental in better economic management as well as integrating Vietnam into the global supply chains. At times, even global financial institutions such as World Bank and International Monetary Fund has expressed belief that Vietnam is continuing towards a more open and competitive economy, and is increasingly diversifying its economic relationship with various countries across the world.
It is expected that Vietnam will adhere to its 2016-2020 economic reforms blueprint outlining favourable conditions for the private sector to grow which includes structural and institutional support for private sector, as an important engine of the Vietnam’s economy. As per the IMF reports, in the year 2021, Vietnam is expected to grow at the rate of nearly 7 per cent and the per capita income is expected grow more than $ 3750 in the next couple of years. It is expected that with Joe Biden coming to power in US, the country might reconsider its withdrawal from Trans Pacific Partnership and might re-join so as to work out on trade and investment possibilities with the other 11 nations which have made structural adjustments to trade and investment so as to accommodate the stringent trade norms and the tax procedures required for the TPP.
The new Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh remarked in his first speech that he would protect the country’s sovereignty and independence while at the same time maintain the anti-corruption drive to cleanse the economy and provide better avenues for growth and investment. The new prime minister has gained experience in different capacities starting with public security and thereafter becoming deputy minister in 2010.
The priority for the new leadership will be focused more on economy as Vietnam is seen as a middle-income country which has developed as a small and medium enterprises economy, and has been working on its disinvestment policy, and also implementing the various multilateral and bilateral agreements that it had signed in the last two years. The bilateral agreements that Vietnam has signed include Vietnam Eurasian Economic Union FTA, and Vietnam- UK and North Ireland FTA. Efforts have been made at all levels for liberalising Vietnamese economy and improving its trade with countries such as US and the EU as the benefits of larger volume of trade would trickle down to the different sectors of the economy. The new leadership is focusing on proficiency of English among its entrepreneurs and also easing the foreign direct investment procedures in different provinces.
In the first quarter of this year the Vietnam economy grew at 4.5 percent with the increasing trade with the US. Also, Vietnam’s new leadership has made a commitment to build a technical ecosystem which would provide both capital and skilled labour which is a prerequisite for such a network to thrive.
One of the World Bank reports acknowledges the fact that Vietnam has transitioned from a centrally planned to a market economy which has led to the liberation of Vietnam as the lower middle-income country. It has also facilitated Vietnam’s recognition as the most dynamic emerging countries in Southeast Asia region. As per the data evaluated by the World Bank between the year 2002 to 2018, the GDP has increased by 2.7-fold while at the same time the per capita income was reported in 2019 to be US $ 2700. The World Bank has lauded Vietnam’s initiative of alleviating poverty from 70 per cent to less than 6 per cent during this period. Vietnam’s economy grew by 3 per cent in 2020 and is said to grow 7 per cent despite adverse impact of COVID-19 pandemic. The increase in economic growth has been facilitated by export-oriented manufacturing and resurgent domestic demand. Given the fact that Vietnam’s has a sizeable number of young populations with the life expectancy of 76 years, this population is going to fill the gap between the rich and the poor. It is expected that the middle-class which is growing in the country will account for 26 per cent of the population by 2026.
With the increased urbanisation and the strong economic fundamentals, the new leadership is preparing for addressing the challenges such as waste management and supporting green technologies so as to address pollution challenges. In another report which was released by IMF focusing on Vietnam’s economy it stated that Vietnam has taken decisive steps to limit both the impact on health, and the economic fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic. Addressing the fact that successful containment along with structured policy support has helped to limit the economic repercussion and also reduce the stimulus package for the industry in the year 2020. It also states that it is going to emerge as one of the major centres of high-tech exports of electronics. It acknowledges that the country has graduated from agriculture-based economy to a modern economy which has boosted living standards due to strong foreign investment and sufficient current account surpluses.
The new leadership led by the Party General Secretary, Prime Minister along with the Finance minister has found strong fundamentals to boost economic growth and improve productivity. It is speculated that the macroeconomic policies will be supporting the active labour market and provide job training as well as structural social safety net to address socio-economic issues. The economic reforms (Doi Moi) initiated after 1986 would be completing three half decades, and therefore plans are afoot to provide better avenues for growth and active participation of private sector in the building Vietnam as a robust economy of East Asia.
The Blazing Revival of Bitcoin: BITO ETF Debuts as the Second-Highest Traded Fund
It seems like bitcoin is as resilient as a relentless pandemic: persistent and refusing to stay down. Not long ago, the crypto-giant lost more than half of its valuation in the aftermath of a brutal crackdown by China. Coupled with pessimism reflected by influencers like Elon Musk, the bitcoin plummeted from the all-time high valuation of $64,888.99 to flirt around the $30,000 mark in mere weeks. However, over the course of the last four months, the behemoth of the crypto-market gradually climbed to reclaim its supremacy. Today, weaving through national acceptance to market recognition, bitcoin could be the gateway to normalizing the elusive crypto-world in the traditional global markets: particularly the United States.
The recent bullish development is the launch of the ProShares Bitcoin Strategy ETF – the first Bitcoin-linked exchange-traded fund – on the New York Stock Exchange. Trading under the ticker BITO, the Bitcoin ETF welcomed a robust trading day: rising 4.9% to $41.94. According to the data compiled by Bloomberg, BITO’s debut marked it as the second-highest traded fund, behind BlackRock’s Carbon fund, for the first day of trading. With a turnover of almost $1 billion, the listing of BITO highlighted the demand for reliable investment in bitcoin in the US market. According to estimates on Tuesday, More than 24 million shares changed hands while BITO was one of the most-bought assets on Fidelity’s platform with more than 8,800 buy orders.
The bitcoin continued to rally, cruising over the lucrative launch of BITO. The digital currency rose to $64,309.33 on Tuesday: less than 1% below the all-time high valuation. In hindsight, the recovery seems commendable. The growing acceptance, albeit, has far more consequential attributes. The cardinal benefit is apparent: evidence of gradual acceptance by regulators. “The launch of ProShares’ bitcoin ETF on the NYSE provides the validation that some investors need to consider adding BTC to their portfolio,” stated Hong Fang, CEO of Okcoin. In simpler terms, not only would the listing allow relief to the crypto loyalists (solidifying their belief in the currency), but it would also embolden investors on the sidelines who have long been deterred by regulatory uncertainty. Thus, bringing larger, more rooted institutional investors into the crypto market: along with a surge of capital.
However, the surging acceptance may be diluting the rudimentary phenomenon of bitcoin. While retail investors would continue to participate in the notorious game of speculation via trading bitcoin, the opportunity to gain indirect exposure to bitcoin could divert the risk-averse investors. It means many loyalists could retract and direct towards BITO and other imminent bitcoin-linked ETFs instead of setting up a digital custodianship. Ultimately, it boils down to Bitcoin ETFs being managed by third parties instead of the investor: relenting control to a centralized figure. Moreover, with growing scrutiny under the eye of SECP, the steps vaguely intimate a transition to harness the market instead of liberalizing it: quiet oxymoronic to the entire decentralized model of cryptocurrencies.
Nonetheless, the listing of BITO is an optimistic development that would draw skeptics to at least observe the rampant popularity of the asset class. While the options on BITO are expected to begin trading on the NYSE Arca Options and NYSE American Options exchanges on Wednesday, other futures-based Bitcoin ETFs are on the cards. The surging popularity (and reluctant acceptance) amid tightening regulation could prove a turn of an era for the US capital markets. However, as some critics have cited, BITO is not a spot-based ETF and is instead linked to futures contracts. Thus, the restrain is still present as the regulators do not want a repeat of the financial crisis. Nevertheless, bitcoin has proved its deterrence in the face of skepticism. And if the BITO launch is to be marveled at, then the regulations are bound to adapt to the revolution that is unraveling in the modern financial reality.
Is Myanmar an ethical minefield for multinational corporations?
Business at a crossroads
Political reforms in Myanmar started in November 2010 followed by the release of the opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and ended by the coup d’état in February 2021. Business empire run by the military generals thanks to the fruitful benefits of democratic transition during the last decade will come to an end with the return of trade and diplomatic sanctions from the western countries – United States (US) and members of European Union (EU). US and EU align with other major international partners quickly responded and imposed sanctions over the military’s takeover and subsequent repression in Myanmar. These measures targeted not only the conglomerates of the military generals but also the individuals who have been appointed in the authority positions and supporting the military regime.
However, the generals and their cronies own the majority of economic power both in strategic sectors ranging from telecommunication to oil & gas and in non-strategic commodity sectors such as food and beverages, construction materials, and the list goes on. It is a tall order for the investors to do business by avoiding this lucrative network of the military across the country. After the coup, it raises the most puzzling issue to investors and corporate giants in this natural resource-rich country, “Should I stay or Should I go?”
Crimes against humanity
For most of the people in the country, war crimes and atrocities committed by the military are nothing new. For instances, in 1988, student activists led a political movement and tried to bring an end to the military regime of the general Ne Win. This movement sparked a fire and grew into a nationwide uprising in a very short period but the military used lethal force and slaughtered thousands of civilian protestors including medical doctors, religious figures, student leaders, etc. A few months later, the public had no better options than being silenced under barbaric torture and lawless killings of the regime.
In 2007, there was another major protest called ‘Saffron Uprising’ against the military regime led by the Buddhist monks. It was actually the biggest pro-democracy movement since 1988 and the atmosphere of the demonstration was rather peaceful and non-violent before the military opened live ammunitions towards the crowd full of monks. Everything was in chaos for a couple of months but it ended as usual.
In 2017, the entire world witnessed one of the most tragic events in Myanmar – Again!. The reports published by the UN stated that hundreds of civilians were killed, dozens of villages were burnt down, and over 700,000 people including the majority of Rohingya were displaced to neighboring countries because of the atrocities committed by the military in the western border of the country. After four years passed, the repatriation process and the safety return of these refugees to their places of origin are yet unknown. Most importantly, there is no legal punishment for those who committed and there is no transitional justice for those who suffered in the aforementioned examples of brutalities.
The vicious circle repeated in 2021. With the economy in free fall and the deadliest virus at doorsteps, the people are still unbowed by the oppression of the junta and continue demanding the restoration of democracy and justice. To date, Assistant Association for Political Prisoner (AAPP) reported that due to practicing the rights to expression, 1178 civilians were killed and 7355 were arrested, charged or sentenced by the military junta. Unfortunately, the numbers are still increasing.
Call for economic disengagement
In 2019, the economic interests of the military were disclosed by the report of UN Fact-Finding Mission in which Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holding Limited (MEHL) were described as the prominent entities controlled by the military profitable through the almost-monopoly market in real estate, insurance, health care, manufacturing, extractive industry and telecommunication. It also mentioned the list of foreign businesses in partnership with the military-linked activities which includes Adani (India), Kirin Holdings (Japan), Posco Steel (South Korea), Infosys (India) and Universal Apparel (Hong Kong).
Moreover, Justice for Myanmar, a non-profit watchdog organization, revealed the specific facts and figures on how the billions of revenues has been pouring into the pockets of the high-ranked officers in the military in 2021. Myanmar Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE), an another military-controlled authority body, is the key player handling the financial transactions, profit sharing, and contractual agreements with the international counterparts including Total (France), Chevron (US), PTTEP (Thailand), Petronas (Malaysia), and Posco (South Korea) in natural gas projects. It is also estimated that the military will enjoy 1.5 billion USD from these energy giants in 2022.
Additionally, data shows that the corporate businesses currently operating in Myanmar has been enriching the conglomerates of the generals and their cronies as a proof to the ongoing debate among the public and scholars, “Do sanctions actually work?” Some critics stressed that sanctions alone might be difficult to pressure the junta without any collaborative actions from Moscow and Beijing, the longstanding allies of the military. Recent bilateral visits and arm deals between Nay Pyi Taw and Moscow dimmed the hope of the people in Myanmar. It is now crystal clear that the Burmese military never had an intention to use the money from multinational corporations for benefits of its citizens, but instead for buying weapons, building up military academies, and sending scholars to Russia to learn about military technology. In March 2021, the International Fact Finding Mission to Myanmar reiterated its recommendation for the complete economic disengagement as a response to the coup, “No business enterprise active in Myanmar or trading with or investing in businesses in Myanmar should enter into an economic or financial relationship with the security forces of Myanmar, in particular the Tatmadaw [the military], or any enterprise owned or controlled by them or their individual members…”
Blood money and ethical dilemma
In the previous military regime until 2009, the US, UK and other democratic champion countries imposed strict economic and diplomatic sanctions on Myanmar while maintaining ‘carrot and stick’ approach against the geopolitical dominance of China. Even so, energy giants such as Total (France) and Chevron (US), and other ‘low-profile’ companies from ASEAN succeeded in running their operations in Myanmar, let alone the nakedly abuses of its natural resources by China. Doing business in this country at the time of injustice is an ethical question to corporate businesses but most of them seems to prefer maximizing the wealth of their shareholders to the freedom of its bottom millions in poverty.
But there are also companies not hesitating to do something right by showing their willingness not to be a part of human right violations of the regime. For example, Australian mining company, Woodside, decided not to proceed further operations, and ‘get off the fence’ on Myanmar by mentioning that the possibility of complete economical disengagement has been under review. A breaking news in July, 2021 that surprised everyone was the exit of Telenor Myanmar – one of four current telecom operators in the country. The CEO of the Norwegian company announced that the business had been sold to M1 Group, a Lebanese investment firm, due to the declining sales and ongoing political situations compromising its basic principles of human rights and workplace safety.
In fact, cutting off the economic ties with the junta and introducing a unified, complete economic disengagement become a matter of necessity to end the consistent suffering of the people of Myanmar. Otherwise, no one can blame the people for presuming that international community is just taking a moral high ground without any genuine desire to support the fight for freedom and pro-democracy movement.
The Covid After-Effects and the Looming Skills Shortage
The shock of the pandemic is changing the ways in which we think about the world and in which we analyze the future trajectories of development. The persistence of the Covid pandemic will likely accentuate this transformation and the prominence of the “green agenda” this year is just one of the facets of these changes. Market research as well as the numerous think-tanks will be accordingly re-calibrating the time horizons and the main themes of analysis. Greater attention to longer risks and fragilities is likely to take on greater prominence, with particular scrutiny being accorded to high-impact risk factors that have a non-negligible probability of materializing in the medium- to long-term. Apart from the risks of global warming other key risk factors involve the rising labour shortages, most notably in areas pertaining to human capital development.
The impact of the Covid pandemic on the labour market will have long-term implications, with “hysteresis effects” observed in both highly skilled and low-income tiers of the labour market. One of the most significant factors affecting the global labour market was the reduction in migration flows, which resulted in the exacerbation of labour shortages across the major migrant recipient countries, such as Russia. There was also a notable blow delivered by the pandemic to the spheres of human capital development such as education and healthcare, which in turn exacerbated the imbalances and shortages in these areas. In particular, according to the estimates of the World Health Organization (WHO) shortages can mount up to 9.9 million physicians, nurses and midwives globally by 2030.
In Europe, although the number of physicians and nurses has increased in general in the region by approximately 10% over the past 10 years, this increase appears to be insufficient to cover the needs of ageing populations. At the same time the WHO points to sizeable inequalities in the availability of physicians and nurses between countries, whereby there are 5 times more doctors in some countries than in others. The situation with regard to nurses is even more acute, as data show that some countries have 9 times fewer nurses than others.
In the US substantial labour shortages in the healthcare sector are also expected, with anti-crisis measures falling short of substantially reversing the ailments in the national healthcare system. In particular, data published by the AAMC (Association of American Medical Colleges), suggests that the United States could see an estimated shortage of between 37,800 and 124,000 physicians by 2034, including shortfalls in both primary and specialty care.
The blows sustained by global education from the pandemic were no less formidable. These affected first and foremost the youngest generation of the globe – according to UNESCO, “more than 1.5 billion students and youth across the planet are or have been affected by school and university closures due to the COVID-19 pandemic”. On top of the adverse effects on the younger generation (see Box 1), there is also the widening “teachers gap”, namely a worldwide shortage of well-trained teachers. According to the UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS), “69 million teachers must be recruited to achieve universal primary and secondary education by 2030”.
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