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A look at Afghanistan’s Regional Diplomacy in the Transformation Decade (2014-2024)



The 100th anniversary of Afghanistan’s Independence was celebrated in Kandahar and across the country in August 2019 with hundreds of people taking to the streets with Afghan flags. UNAMA/Mujeeb Rahman

Regionalism has played an important and fundamental role in the post-Taliban foreign policy of Afghanistan. Afghanistan’s location at the center of turbulent regional subsystems such as South Asia, the Middle East, Central Asia, and East Asia has made regional cooperation and regionalism an inevitable option and a strategic necessity for the country. Due to this undeniable necessity, from 2001 to 2006,the initial steps towards regional cooperation were taken in Afghanistan’s foreign policy. However, in this period the level of engagement of Afghanistan with its surrounding regions was limited, Afghanistan’s understanding of the region was ambiguous, and there was no clear vision for a meaningful regionalism. Nevertheless, in the wake of the adoption of Afghanistan’s National Development Strategy at the London Conference (2006), regionalism became one of the fundamental pillars of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. Under the influence of this development, Afghanistan’s regionalism flow was broadened both vertically and horizontally. Internal and external requirements of this period of time made the government of Afghanistan and the international community to put regionalism, alongside internationalism on the agenda as an effective tool for security building, economic development, and underling the position of Afghanistan in the region. Thus, Afghanistan’s engagement with the region broadened and joined various regional organizations and platforms such as SAARC (2007), CAREC (2005),SPECA (2005),and SCO Observer (2012). What’s more, important Afghanistan-led initiatives such as RECCA (2005) and the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process (2011) were founded as significant steps aiming to find Afghanistan’s agenda on regionalism.

Meanwhile, during the transformation decade (2014-2024), security transition on the one hand and ambitious plans of president Ghani in the field of foreign policy, on the other hand, gave a new spirit to the regional diplomacy of the country. President Ghani defined five circles for Afghanistan’s foreign policy, among which the regional countries fall under the first circle. This circle has a significant place in Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The logic behind focusing on the countries of the region is due to the fact that the fate of Afghanistan is tied to its surrounding regions in such a way that, this circle affects all other four circles of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. Now the question that arises is, how can one claim that Afghanistan’s regional diplomacy has had dynamism in the transformation decade? It sounds that the following developments to be evidence for confirmation of this claim.

Creating a new Discourse for Afghanistan’s Position in the Region

Before the formation of the national unity government, our knowledge of the region was primarily of the twentieth century and even the nineteenth century. In this epistemology, Afghanistan’s position in the region was not defined by itself; rather it was the outsiders, especially the major powers who defined the Geopolitical Identity (the region Afghanistan is located in and the region that has the capacity to attract it) for Afghanistan. Based on this, Afghanistan was defined as a buffer state between the two great powers, Britain and Russia in the nineteenth century. During this period, Afghanistan prevented direct confrontation between the two powers, However, the damages originated as a result of ups and downs in interactions between the two powers, was imposed on the country.

In the bipolar structure of the Cold War, Afghanistan was recognized as an insulator state among its surrounding regions; as described by Barry Buzan in his security studies as Insulator State as well. Meaning that Afghanistan was considered a country that separates several regional subsystems at the same time, however, it cannot fully fit in any of the surrounding regions. Thus, until 2014, Afghanistan’s position in the region was defined based on the dominant discourse and epistemology of great powers. Although, still many authors are influenced by this discourse; their perception of Afghanistan’s position in the region remains in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In the sense that they still consider Afghanistan as a buffer or insulator state, but this understanding of Afghanistan’s position in the region is clichéd. In today’s situation, one cannot study Afghanistan’s regional relations based on the literature of the nineteenth century; rather today’s realities require a new understanding of regional and international trends.

Thus, in the transformation decade, influenced by the understanding of policymakers, especially President Ghani’s conception, the existing discourse on Afghanistan’s position in the region was criticized and a new discourse on Afghanistan in the region was presented.In the new discourse, Afghanistan is considered as a “crossroads of regional trade and transit”, the “Heart of Asia” and the connecting hub of regions (South Asia, the Middle East, Central Asia, and East Asia).A discourse whose historical roots goes back to the poetry of Allama Iqbal. Iqbal describes Afghanistan in the strategic depth of Asia and says: “Asia is a body built of clay and water and Afghanistan is a heart in that body”. Influenced by this discourse, Afghanistan moved from a buffer and insulator state to a connecting hub of the region. The creation of this discourse per se considered an active practice in Afghanistan’s regional diplomacy. Because, for the first time, considering domestic and regional necessities, Afghanistan is making a discourse by and for itself and defining its regional identity. This discourse carries a great logic, and that is that by creating this discourse, Afghanistan seeks to define an active role for itself in the region, so that it is no longer a realm of regional rivalries, but a ground of regional cooperation. This discourse originating from this calculation that, Afghanistan is the nexus of economic, historical, and cultural connection among the region and this can turn the country to an important side in regional initiatives.

Adopting an Accountable Regionalist Attitude in Afghanistan’s Foreign Policy

During Karzai’s administration, Afghanistan’s regionalism was more security-oriented. Although Afghanistan’s security-based emergencies justified this attitude to some extent, its application in practice failed to respond to Afghanistan’s security needs and did not remove the limitations of Afghanistan’s interaction with the surrounding regions. Thus, in the transformation decade, Afghanistan’s regionalist attitude changed from security-oriented to economic-oriented. This attitude, by emphasizing the connection of regions, especially with Central Asia and South Asia, seeks to provide effective regionalism in the long run. The logic for this approach is that increasing the level of economic interactions and ties between Afghanistan and the region leads to economic interdependence. Economic interdependence acts as a deterrent to sources of regional instability and insecurity because, in the existence of interdependence, insecurity entails exorbitant costs. In addition, trade and economic exchanges create a common perception, which in this sense also contributes to regional convergence. Thus, pursuing the economic-oriented regionalism has been able to enhance the level of convergence of Afghanistan and the region, leading to the openness of transit routes and the opening of major regional economic projects, especially in Central Asia and South Asia.

Launching Regional Initiatives and Successful Management of Regional Mechanisms

Another dynamic for Afghanistan’s regional diplomacy in the transformation decade has been the establishment of a broad range of regional initiatives. On the other hand, it has a constructive role in managing regional initiatives and mechanisms. Alongside membership in several regional organizations, Afghanistan has itself launched important initiatives to strengthen regional cooperation. The Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process is one of these unique Afghanistan-led initiatives that has played a pivotal role in realizing Afghanistan’s regionalism outlook and regional economic connectivity. These initiatives are based on the strategic insight to define and consolidate a pivotal role for Afghanistan at regional tables. Also, utilize its potential to address challenges and to actualize potential opportunities for regional connectivity. Here, the Heart of Asia process has an undeniable role. This mechanism, with its unique structure, addresses exactly the problem that has been an obstacle facing the achievement of economic and trade programs in the region. In other words, this process, by utilizing its seven Confidence Building Measures (CBMs), seeks to transform the existing misperception and mistrusts in the region in favor of regional cooperation. On the other hand, the Heart of Asia process acts as a multilateral platform for dialogue between the regional, and the trans-regional countries, that by doing so it provides a balance between regionalism and internationalism in Afghanistan’s foreign policy. As well as, the establishment of a broad range of multilateral mechanisms such as Afghanistan-Pakistan-Turkey, Afghanistan-Pakistan-Iran, Afghanistan-Pakistan-Tajikistan, Afghanistan-Pakistan-Russia-Tajikistan, Afghanistan-Pakistan-China, Afghanistan-Iran- Tajikistan, Afghanistan, India, the United States, and the likes have procured as effective mechanisms to address regional challenges and strengthen cooperation.

Changing the Approach of the Region Towards Afghanistan

Until 2014, the region saw Afghanistan as a source of insecurity, terrorism, narcotics, and dozens of other security threats. But after 2014, under the new discourse, by pursuing an economic-oriented regionalism, the prevailing view of the region towards Afghanistan was transformed. Now most countries in the region sees Afghanistan as a partner for regional cooperation. Now, due to the expansion of economic ties between the parties concluding that Afghanistan’s security threats were exaggerated.

Diversifying Trade Routes and Ending the Economic Blockade

Another dynamic of Afghanistan’s regional diplomacy has been that the country became able to largely get out of its geographical prison and economic blockade. Pursuing the strategy of diversifying trade and transit routes through Afghanistan-led regional platforms such as the Heart of Asia-Istanbul Process, RECCA, and other diplomatic activities including the signing of bilateral and multilateral cooperation agreements, has paved the way for breaking the economic blockade of Afghanistan. The implementation of major regional projects such as Chabahar, CASA 1000, TAPI, as well as Lapis Lazuli corridor have been one of the important steps regarding diversification to the transit routes of the country. Also, Afghanistan’s connecting to the regional railway network such as the trilateral railway (Tajikistan, Afghanistan, and Turkmenistan), the Five Nations Railway Corridor (Tajikistan, Iran, Afghanistan, China, and Kyrgyzstan), and the inauguration of the Sangan-Khafrailway project in Iran and its expansion to Afghanistan, are the measures that will have wide economic consequences while diversifying transit routes. In addition, activation of the air corridors also is a large step towards Afghanistan’s independent transit trade and diminishing of dependency on Pakistan.

The wrap-up, Afghanistan’s regional diplomacy has greatly changed the region’s view of Afghanistan by creating a new discourse and taking the right approach. By diversifying transit routes and opening up regional projects, Afghanistan’s position in the regional interactions has improved. However, it can be said that Afghanistan’s regional diplomacy still has a long and twisty road ahead.

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South Asia

India’s North East: A cauldron of resentment



The writer is of the view that the recent clash between police force of Mizoram and Assam is not an isolated event. Similar incidents have happened in the past. They reflect that it is not hunky dory in India’s north east as BJP’s government would have us believe. New states in India were created willy-nilly pacify agitation. Yet the boundaries of the new states do not satisfy the people of the new states fully. They are a simmering cauldron of resentment against India’s central government. They love their traditions more than monolithic Hindutva. s

On July 10, 2021, five Assamese policemen were killed while proceeding towards Varengate (outsider gate). Amid fiery statements of chief ministers of Assam and Mizoram, police officials and politicians, it appeared that the two states would launch a full-fledged war against one another. This was not the first incident of its kind. There had been similar clashes in the past (1979, 1985 at Mirapani where 42 persons were burnt alive and 2014 clash).

Crux of the problem

Hasty creation of states to deal with separatism

When India came into being, many of it states were in grip of insurgencies. To pacify the separatist movements India hastily bowed to demand for creation of new states by reorganising the existing territories of bigger states. Many northeastern states were carved out of the state of Assam. Under the Indian constitution, secession is an offence but a new state could be created through reorganistion of the bigger state. Mizoram and Nagaland were created in haste to meet insurgents’ demand for greater self-representation.

Northeastern frontier Agency was converted into Arunachal Pradesh after the fall of Dacca. Indira Gandhi hoped that China would remain a silent spectator to her initiative as it did while East Pakistan was seceded through intervention in East Pakistan.

Linguistic states of Maharashtra and Gujarat were created mainly owing to agitation by Marathi and Gujarati speaking populations of Bombay.

In 1960, the Indian government accepted the Naga tribes’ demand for a separate state. Three districts of the state of Assam were detached from Assam to create Nagaland. It had no railway station or airport. So Dmapur also was truncated from Assam and included in Nagaland. The Dima Kachhari tribe that mostly inhabited Dimapur resented this decision. Any how the city is now a throbbing commercial centre.

In 1966, the state of Punjab was divided to create the hind-speaking state of Haryana. In 1971 Himachal Pradesh was created. Then in early 1970s, three new states were created: Jharkhand out of Bihar, Chhattisgarh out of Madhya Pradesh, and Uttaranchal out of Utter Pradesh. In 2014, Talangana was created out of Andhra Pradesh.

Nagaling (Naga homeland)

The Naga consider that the demarcation of their state is repugnant to demarcation done in 1875 by the British government. Their concept of Nagaland extends up to Nepal.

Citizenship Amendment Act and the national Register of Citizenship

These two laws are abhorred in many states of the North East.

Concluding remarks

The pitched battle between the Mizo and Assamese policemen exposed India’s “myth of unity in diversity”. Like the British rulers, India is holding together its union of states by use of brutal force and draconian laws. However sub-surface against the Indian government persists. Obviously people cherish their tradition culture and religions more than monolithic Hindutva. The BJP has set up a north East Democratic Alliance to forestall disputes between the northeastern states. This body utterly failed to predict or prevent the recent Mizo-Assam clash.

India understood that if the erstwhile East Pakistan supported the insurgencies in the North east, it will be impossible for India to keep them within Indian fold. As such, India aided and abetted insurgency in East Pakistan.

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South Asia

Pakistani PM’s Interview with PBS News Hours on Afghanistan Issues



In an interview with PBS News Hour, host Judy Woodruff asked PM Imran Khan multiple questions about Pakistan’s point of view for Afghanistan and its relationship with the United States.

When she asked the PM about his assessment of the situation in Afghanistan, he said that Washington had really messed up the situation in Afghanistan. The US military failure is causing mess-ups in Afghanistan. “First of all, they tried to look for a military solution in Afghanistan when there was never one. And people like me, who know the history of Afghanistan and kept saying there isn’t a military solution, were called anti-American. I was called Taliban Khan,” said PM Imran. But now the US, after spending trillions of Dollars, sacrificing thousands of servicemen, and killing millions of innocent Afghans, destroying Afghanistan infrastructure, and damaging the whole country, realized that it is un-win able and withdrawing its troops in hap-hazard, causing a huge mess-up.

PM Imran also shared that despite the US being in Afghanistan for 20 years and 46 nations’ strong allied forces up to 150,000 troops, he does not know what the US objective was in the country. Only the destruction of a country, killing human beings, is beyond understanding.

“I don’t know what the objective was in Afghanistan, whether there was to have some nation-building, democracy, or liberate the women. Whatever the cause was, the way they went about it was never going to be the solution,” said PM Imran.

While the US is facing tremendous unrest and the civil war-like situation at home and yet wanted to interfere in other domestic issues. Beyond understanding!

He also lamented the way the US dealt with this solution. The PM explained that when the NATO forces had decided that there was no military solution, the bargaining power they had was gone.

“When they finally decided there is no military solution, unfortunately, the bargaining power of the American or NATO forces had gone,” said PM Imran. He added that the US should have gone for a political solution when 150,000 NATO troops were in Afghanistan.

“Once they had reduced the troops to barely 10,000, and when they gave the exit date, Taliban thought they had won,” said PM Imran. He added that it is difficult right now to ask the group to compromise or “force them” to take a political solution. “It’s tough to force them into a political solution because they [Taliban] think that they won,” said PM Imran.

PM rejects claims of Taliban sanctuaries.

The anchor also asked PM Imran about claims of Taliban sanctuaries being present in Pakistan and a report about 10,000 fighters crossing the border to help the group in Afghanistan.

“Judy, for a start, this 10,000 Taliban, or as the Afghan govt. Says, Jihadi fighters have crossed over, is absolute nonsense. Why don’t they give us evidence of this?” he said in response.

As a matter of fact, the Afghan Government is confused and helpless. After the foreign troop’s withdrawal, they are left at the mercy of the Taliban. The US has admitted its defeat, Afghan Government as a puppet Government has also been defeated. Taliban is the winner and in a position to dictate.

To the question about the safe-havens, PM Imran wondered where the sanctuaries are located in Pakistan. In fact, Pakistan is a victim of terrorism, and the recent terrorist attack in Pakistan is planned, managed, and originated from Afghanistan. Pakistan has provided irrefutable evidence on several occasions.

The premier explained that Pakistan is hosting three million refugees, Pashtuns, the same ethnic group as the Taliban. He added that there are camps of 500,000 and 100,000 people or more. “Taliban are not some military outfit. They are normal civilians. If there are some civilians in these camps, how is Pakistan supposed to hunt these people down? How can you call them sanctuaries?” asked PM Imran.

The host had thrown this question to a follow-up on Washington and other organizations’ claims that Pakistan has helped the Afghan Taliban. The PM had told the host that the allegations were unfair and told her the history of the conflict. He explained that Pakistan had nothing to do with the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack in New York. The premier said that Al Qaeda was based in Afghanistan, and no Pakistani was involved in the attack. “There were no militant Taliban in Pakistan, and no Pakistani was involved,” said PM Imran. He added that when Pakistan decided to join the US war on terror, the country was devastated as it lost 70,000 of its citizens, and $150 billion was lost in the economy.

Pakistan’s good and bad outcomes for Afghanistan

The host had also asked the PM about Pakistan’s good and bad outcomes for the Afghanistan conflict. PM Imran told the host that the good outcome for Islamabad would be if an inclusive government with all factions, including the Taliban, is formed in Afghanistan. He added that the worst situation for Pakistan would be a “protracted civil war” in Afghanistan.

In such a scenario, the PM said Islamabad would face two problems, firstly, of refugees, and secondly, the country fears that Pashtuns within Pakistan would be drawn to the conflict.

“What we fear is that a protracted civil war would bring more refugees, and you know our economic situation is not such that we can have another influx,” said the PM.

“Secondly, the worry is that the civil war will flow into Pakistan because Taliban are ethnic Pashtuns. Now there are more Pashtuns on our side of the border than in Afghanistan. And so the worry is if this goes on, the Pashtuns on our side will be drawn into it, and that is also the last thing we want,” said PM Imran.

US bases will make Pakistan a target: PM.

The PM also shared that having a US military presence in Pakistan would make the country a target. He told Woodruff that when Pakistan joined the war on terror, it lost 70,000 people and was on the verge of bankruptcy. “We do not have the capacity to have any more fighting within our border or any terrorism within our country,” said the PM. He reminded that at the height of the war on terror, there were suicide bombings taking place all over the country, and businesses and tourism had collapsed.

“If there is a conflict going on in Afghanistan and there are bases in Pakistan, we then become targets, and we will then become part of a conflict,” said PM Imran. The premier said that Pakistan wants to partner with the US in peace but not in conflict. He added that the last relationship between Islamabad and Washington was transactional. “Pakistan was more like a hired gun. The US says we gave you aid, and that’s why you were fighting this so-called war on terror,” said PM Imran. He added that the aid given by the US was “minuscule” compared to the cost of Pakistan’s participation in the conflict.

‘Afghanistan in this situation because of US military failure.’

PM Imran told the host that Pakistan could not do much if the Taliban take over Afghanistan as the military solution has already failed. “What are we supposed to do about it? Here was the US for two decades in Afghanistan trying to force a military solution. The reason why we are in this position now is that the military solution failed,” said PM Imran.

The premier repeated that the best choice that everyone has is that somehow a political settlement emerges in Afghanistan. He added that the Taliban sitting down with the Ashraf Ghani government to form an inclusive government was the best choice.

“Absolutely, there is nothing more we can do except push them as much as we can for a political settlement – that’s all,” the PM said when asked if Pakistan was willing to accept a Taliban government in Afghanistan. However, he said that all Pakistan could pray that the people of Afghanistan decide what Government they wish to have, “As far as Pakistan is concerned, we have done what we can,” said PM Imran.

It is well understood that the Taliban have won the war, and it is time to rule the country. The US has negotiated with the Taliban and recognized them as the actual power of pillar and real owner of Afghanistan. It is a practice that the winner will dictate the defeated ones. It is proved that the unholy and biased media projecting Taliban as terrorists, insurgents, and illegal outfits were right people and were freedom fighters and opposed their homeland’s foreign occupation. Suppose the Taliban were so bad, how the US negotiated with them and signed a peace agreement with them. It is indirectly recognition of the Taliban as legitimate rulers of the country.

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South Asia

The Indo-US bonhomie: A challenge to China in the IOR



The oceans have long been recognized as one of the world’s valuable natural resources, and our well-being is tied to the oceans. From providing minerals and food to coastal nations to serve as highways for seaborne trade, Oceans are highly-regarded in the geopolitics and geo-economics. In 2010, the global ocean economy was valued at $1.5 trillion, and by 2030, it is likely to surpass $3 trillion. Such a growing geostrategic and economic significance pit authoritative nations into the race. 

Bounded by Africa on the west, the Indian subcontinent on the North, Australia on the East, and the Antarctic Ocean on the South, the Indian Ocean is the third largest water body. Over the years, it has become an area of competition among Washington, Beijing, and New Delhi. China, the world’s second-largest economy, imports energy via sea lanes in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), while India, an influential regional actor and competitor of China, has also significant reliance on the IOR for its trade. Therefore, the reliance of both countries on the safe transportation of resources is inevitable, and they seek dominance in this water body. The growing global leadership of China, and the Indian economic rise have heightened the strategic value of the IOR and both powers have locked horns in it.

The success of the Chinese Belt and Road initiative (BRI), which strives to enhance China’s economic dominance from East Asia to Europe, hinges on the IOR. The IOR provides China with critical sea trade routes to the Mideast and Africa through BRI’s flagship project: China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). China, through BRI’s connectivity and economic potential, outweighs Indian influence in the IOR. Snaking its way from China’s western province Xinjiang to Gawadar port on the Arabian Sea, CPEC is a counterfoil to India, diminishing India’s strategic weight in the IOR. Therefore, India has an aversion to the CPEC because it ends the Chinese Strait of Malacca dilemma and makes its way through Azad Jammu and Kashmir. Having access to a port like Gawadar, China is likely to gain strategic and economic leverage in the region. Not only in India, but Beijing’s grandeur BRI is not well-received in the US as well. The world’s second-largest economy, China, aims to surpass the US economy in the coming years. On the accounts of the Chinese economic growth, the unipolar world order, once dominated by the US, has swapped its position with multipolar world. In addition, the US stakes are high in the IOR. With its interests in the Mideast, Africa, and Central Asia, the US is wary of China’s growing influence in the IOR. As a result, the US and India share a broader spectrum of mutual interests in the IOR.

New Delhi and Washington are enjoying rapprochement in their ties so as to limit China’s burgeoning influence. To materialize the quest of Washington about the freedom of navigation and maintaining open sea lanes, India spearheads the US paradigms in the IOR to curb China. For this purpose, India has eyed to magnify its naval capabilities and seeks partnership with many littoral-nations in the IOR. “Activating partnerships and expanding capabilities in the Indian Ocean are central to our quest for security,” says Indian Foreign Secretary. Indian bonhomie with Japan and Australia stands as the crux of New Delhi’s disposition to share warm ties with influential global actors. Australia, India, and Japan share the same US security umbrella: Checkmating the Beijing rise. These nations have translated their partnership in the Quad as a new feature of diplomacy to establish their authority in the Indo-Pacific region. Navies of India, the US, and Japan cooperate under the aegis of the trilateral Malabar Exercises, the most recent held in early November near Visakhapatnam in the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea. This time, Australia was also part of the exercise. The Indian Fusion Centre-Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR), a naval information hub initiated by India, brings all Quad members under one roof to exchange vital maritime information in the IOR.  Australia and Japan recently posted liaison officers to the (IFC-IOR), where a US liaison officer has served since 2019.

India has a long aspiration to dominate the Bay of Bengal and prioritizes closer economic ties with South Asian states to balance China’s trade advantage. For its part, India is eager to visualize greater security cooperation among the littoral nations through BIMSTEC. The seven-member alliance among India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand, and Nepal aims to accelerate members’ economic growth and social progress among members across multiple sectors. BIMSTEC is a platform accentuating Indian vigor and its manifests the Indian overtures against China in the IOR.

Sharing common goals in the IOR, the US perceives India as a significant ally in the region and strongly supports its maritime expansion. The rapprochement between the two sides has resulted in the significant naval build-up of Indian forces in the IOR. The construction of military bases, modernized equipment and fleets, new maritime assets, and the expansion of security ties are all part of New Delhi’s push to assert itself as the region’s leader. By acquiring ‘blue water’ capabilities, the Indian Navy aspires to undertake its traditional role, like ensuring the coastal defense of the country, providing sea-based nuclear deterrence (entailing its assured second-strike capability), projecting the nation’s soft power beyond its shores, and maximizing the sphere of influence in the region. India aims to become a 200-ship navy in the next decade. In the defense budget for the year 2015-16, 16% share has been allocated to the Navy.

The Indo-US cooperation poses a considerable challenge to China’s ingress in the IOR, and Pakistan is no exception. Moreover, their cooperation undermines the peace prospects and endangers stability in the IOR. Recently, the G7 summit concluded with an objective focusing to challenge China’s rise. Joe Biden Administration maintained a firm line against China. Therefore, in the near future, pining hopes for preemption of the competition among authoritative nations in the IOR would be the pie in the sky.

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