‘Every word is a preconceived judgment.’-Friedrich Nietzsche, Human All-Too-Human
There are many conflicts one can’t avoid if not on the same linguistic frequency as others. To a common man, language is basically a way to communicate thoughts, opinions, and emotions, however, if we dig deeper into this singularity; we realize that it holds the crux of our identity. It gives us a way to express our feelings, opinions, and sentiments to others. It is through the phenomenon of globalization that linguistic boundaries are crumbling all over the world.
Language leading to communication are the basic tools necessary in education. The Language Barrier in schools sets up entire generations to live on the metaphorical sidelines. Language barriers are a common issue that all non-Anglophonic countries face. World economic conditions and globalization guarantee that no state can work in isolation which is why this limitation makes an appearance at both inter-state and intra-state interactions. Even something as simple as a change in dialect can cause waves of miscommunication. The language barrier may prove to be detrimental to a country’s progress/ development in the mid to long term. One avenue where it is particularly bothersome is in Governmental institutions. It leads to miscommunication or more often than not ‘incomplete’ communication and it can negatively impact the whole system.
The miscommunication can cause time strain, loss of funds, public scrutiny, etc. Compliance, confidentiality, and security of information are critical to interpretation for government agencies. The language barrier in a case of emergency response may also cost lives. Although Urdu is our national language, however, our colonized tongue rarely strays from English in official dealings. Pakistan itself is a multilingual/ multicultural nation with more than 6 major languages and countless regional influences. There are only two official languages used in government institutions, documentation, etc.
Those two being Urdu and English, they’ve grown to be respected and associated with a higher intellect. However, this has had an adverse effect on the other languages and their use has often been decreed as a sign of an uncultured upbringing or just a lower status in society in general. Linguistic racism in Pakistan is born out of a superiority complex that has hailed from the time of colonization of the subcontinent. It is not just a language that forms the base of such discrimination but it also stems out of the accent, modality, syntax, and variety in vocabulary. It is projected as a threat to the social cohesion of society and is often further pronounced in situations where multi-lingual individuals face multiple socio-cultural issues. This form of racism exists in several contexts, the most prevalent being its presence in the education sector of Pakistan.
A country that houses a minimum of 74 linguistically social groups (Adeel Tayyab 2021) requires more attention to be paid to its inherent multi-lingual character. Only 10% of Pakistan is fluent in Urdu (Adeel Tayyab 2021) despite it being the national language. English stands out as a powerful language and comes out on top whenever put in comparison with national or regional languages, this is mainly because of its heavy influence in our region’s past. It is considered important as the language of employment. Urdu held influence over other provincial languages because it was so wide-spread that it naturally was assumed to be everyone’s first language but in the spirit of staying democratic, it was allowed to use provincial languages where required. In the educational sector, we can easily blame the failing system to a smaller than necessary amount of funds but a major role is played by the disadvantage children have to face in regions where they have to shift from their native language such as Sindhi or Pashto to English and Urdu abruptly. If there is one student amongst forty who stutters or isn’t as assured in English or Urdu then he is marginalized. Linguistic racism is born from such conditions and carves a place in the crux of our existence.
The fate of East Pakistan pays homage to this very point. Granted the unfairness of leaving out Bengali as one of the official languages was not the only reason for dissent but it did light the spark. The issue that the Bengali had with Urdu being the national language of Pakistan was also drawn from the fact that the people who got salaries from the state or the government workers ‘salariat’ faced many challenges because Urdu was used in governmental institutions and positions of a lower level within the administration, military, judiciary, education, etc. In places of a higher power, English had taken over which left the Bengalis hung in between a colonial language take-over and a provincial language dispute. The language barrier soon became stifling. The language became a symbol of Bengali unity and once it was disregarded in the race for the national language the conflict only grew till the annexation in 1971. After the separation of Bangladesh, the Sindhi Movement rose. It gleaned inspiration from the Bengali language movement and G.M Syed brought about the idea of Sindhudesh in 1972. Its main focus was on a separate state that would protect and promote Sindhi identity, culture, and language.
The language movement had roots in provincial conflicts with the Punjabi population encroaching on Sindhi territory and Urdu being the national language, leading to subtle isolation of the Sindhi population and difficulty in societal integration. The emergence of Sindhudesh was from this issue that the presence of Urdu wasn’t as much of a problem on its own but what it represented, which was Punjabi dominion and superiority over the area. UNESCO itself has researched and concluded that Urdu being the only major language taught in all provincial educational institutions till Higher education where there is an abrupt change to English, is damaging the uniformity of a country.
Keeping in view the problems/ shortfalls relating to overcoming ingress of foreign languages and number of local languages in mid to long term following recommendations are proffered:
a. As far as our number of regional languages are concerned these must be optimally used to strengthen our national fiber. These must be merged at lower levels of education and selected specialization.
b. Above will also help in achieving inter-provincial integration and harmony at the national level, leading international image building of Pakistan as a nation.
c. In case the ongoing China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is to achieve the desired and optimum results, we must be all set to absorb all foreign languages including Chinese and languages of other members of One Belt One Road (OBOR) as required, alongside our official language.
Although linguistic racism is not a rampant issue that needs immediate attention, it is one whose roots have dug deep and taken hold in both national institutions and the human psyche. Pakistan is home to 212.2 million and promises them their safety along with constitutional and human rights. Such a feat is not possible if the language barrier remains in existence without achievable ways to dismantle it.
- Bureau Report. 2017. “People Advised to Remove Language Barrier to Benefit from CPEC.” DAWN.COM. DAWN.COM. August 11, 2017. https://www.dawn.com/news/1350934.
- Eun, Ellen, Kyoo Kim, and Anna Mattila. n.d. “The Impact of Language Barrier & Cultural Differences on Restaurant Experiences: A Grounded Theory Approach.” https://scholarworks.umass.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1175&context=gradconf_hospitality .
- “Language Policy, Multilingualism and Language Vitality in Pakistan.” 2020. Apnaorg.com. 2020. http://apnaorg.com/book-chapters/tariq/. 4
- “Linguistic Racism: Its Negative Effects and Why We Need to Contest It.” 2020. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism. 2020. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13670050.2020.1783638?scroll=top&needAccess =true.
- Max de Lotbinière. 2010. “Pakistan Facing Language ‘crisis’ in Schools.” The Guardian. The Guardian. December 7, 2010. https://www.theguardian.com/education/2010/dec/07/pakistanschools-language-crisis-lotbiniere.
- Scamman, Kimberly. 2018. “Telelanguage.” Telelanguage. September 7, 2018. https://telelanguage.com/the-impact-of-language-interpretation-for-government-agencies/.
- TechGig Correspondent. 2020. “Understanding the Difference between AI, ML, and DL.” TechGig. TechGig. May 3, 2020. https://content.techgig.com/understanding-the-differencebetween-ai-ml-and-dl/articleshow/75493798.cms.
- The Nation. 2016. “Language Barrier.” The Nation. The Nation. February 21, 2016. https://nation.com.pk/22-Feb-2016/language-barrier.
- VimolanMudaly, and Kajal Singh. 2018. “LANGUAGE: A BARRIER WHEN TEACHING AND LEARNING BUSINESS STUDIES.” ResearchGate. unknown. 2018. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327985564_LANGUAGE_A_BARRIER_WHEN_TE ACHING_AND_LEARNING_BUSINESS_STUDIES.
- Zubair Torwali. 2018. “The Lure of Linguicism.” Thenews.com.Pk. The News International. February 22, 2018. https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/284470-the-lure-of-linguicism.
Women in leadership ‘must be the norm’
We can no longer exclude half of humanity from international peace and security matters, the UN chief told the Security Council on Thursday, emphasizing the need to fully address the challenges and gaps that continue to prevent women having an equal say.
Having just visited the photo exhibition, In their Hands: Women Taking Ownership of Peace – a collection of inspiring stories of women around the world seen through the lenses of women photographers – he told ambassadors that the exhibit brings to “vivid life” their dedication to “the most important and consequential cause of all, peace”.
“From the safety of this chamber, we discuss and debate pathways of peace for countries around the world”, said the UN chief. “But the women portrayed in the exhibition are on the front lines of the fight for peace”.
He called them peacebuilders, changemakers and human rights leaders, and described their work mediating and negotiating with armed groups; implementing peace agreements; pushing for peaceful transitions; and fighting for women’s rights and social cohesion throughout their communities.
Yet, he pointed out, “women remain on the periphery of formal peace processes, and they’re largely excluded from rooms where decisions are made”.
Citing rising rates of violence and misogyny; the extreme under-representation of women in decision-making positions; and a myriad of challenges faced by those in conflict, the top UN official observed that the power imbalance between men and women remains “the most stubborn and persistent of all inequalities”.
“In every humanitarian emergency, the clock on women’s rights has not stopped. It’s moving backwards”, he said regretfully.
In Ethiopia, women have been victims of sexual violence; in Yemen, excluded from political processes by the warring parties; in Afghanistan, undergoing a rapid reversal of the rights they had achieved in recent decades; and in Mali, after two coups in nine months, “the space for women’s rights is not just shrinking, but closing”, Mr. Guterres said.
“Increasing women’s representation and leadership across every aspect of the UN’s peace activities is critical to improving the delivery of our mandate and better representing the communities we serve”, he said.
But Council’s support is needed for partnerships, protection and participation.
Women leaders and their networks must be supported to meaningfully engage in peace and political processes, he explained.
Secondly, women human rights defenders and activists must be protected as they carry out their essential work.
And finally, women’s “full, equal and meaningful participation” must be supported in peace talks, peacebuilding, and political systems as countries transition to peace, he said.
“We need full gender parity”, underscored the UN chief. “We know it can be done”.
Advancing women’s rights
Women should not have to accept reversals of their rights in countries in conflict, or anywhere else.
Mr. Guterres said that the UN will double down on “truly inclusive peacemaking” and put women’s participation and rights “at the centre of everything we do – everywhere we do it”.
The best way to build peace is through inclusion, and to honour the commitment and bravery of women peacemakers we must “open doors to their meaningful participation”.
“Let’s turn the clock forward on women’s rights and give half of humanity the opportunity to build the peace we all seek”, concluded the Secretary-General.
Time to say ‘enough’
To create a tangible difference in the lives of women and girls, UN Women Executive Director, Sima Bahous, highlighted the need for governments and the Security Council “to step up” to address the way we confront peace and security issues.
For too long violence has targeted females and their rights; and women continue to be marginalized and excluded “in those very places where they can drive change”, she told the Council.
“Surely the time has come to say enough”, she said.
Open doors to women
While acknowledging a “glimmer of light” resulting from the passage of the original resolution, Ms. Bahous said that while not enough, it must be used in the fight for women’s equality.
Noting that vast military spending has been “in bitter contrast” to limited investments in other areas, she advocated for curbing military spending and expressed hope that delegates “share my sense of urgency” on the issue, which impacts other priorities, including women’s rights.
The UN Women chief noted that increased participation, combined with curbing the sale of arms in post-conflict settings, significantly reduces the risk of backsliding.
She reminded ambassadors that while “equal nations are more peaceful nations”, equality requires higher levels of support for healthcare and related services.
Moreover, Ms. Bahous regretted that women’s organizations are poorly funded, noting that without the necessary financial resources, they cannot effectively carry out their work.
Turning to Afghanistan, she shone a light on the women who had collaborated with the UN and whose lives are now in danger, advocating for doors to be opened wider, to women asylum seekers.
Women at the stakeout
Subsequently, former Afghan women politicians took to the Security Council stakeout to ask the international community to pressure the Taliban “to put their words in action” and fulfill their promises made in 2019 in Qatar including supporting girls’ education and women’s rights.
“The reason we are here today is to meet with different Member States and ask them to regard women and human rights in Afghanistan as a matter of national security of their own countries, because it’s not just a political or social issue but it’s a matter of security”, said Fawzia Koofi, former Peace Negotiator and first woman Deputy Speaker of Afghan Parliament.
Former Afghan Parliamentarian and Chairperson of the House Standing Committee for Human Rights, Civil Society and Women Affairs, Naheed Fareed, questioned whether the world wanted to “register in history” their recognition of “a de facto structure that is in place in Afghanistan”, to represent Afghan women, their dignity and desires. “From my point of view, they don’t”, she told reporters.
Gender Mainstreaming and the Development of three Models
The field of gender mainstreaming plays a central role in the debate of critical feminist International Relations (IR) theorists. Reading the influential work of Enloe 2014 regarding the locations and the roles of women in the subject of IR brings women into the central discussion of international studies. However, some of the feminist IR scholars defy the negligible participation of women in international political theory and practice.
The main aim of gender mainstreaming is to achieve gender equity in all spheres of life (social, political, economic), without any doubt that gender mainstreaming has had a central role in pushing the strategy of realising gender equity since the concept’s inception. However, feminist IR scholarship admits that it is not the best approach, or in other words, the right pathway concerning feminist struggle. There are many different approaches and mechanisms in which such dissatisfaction is conveyed; nonetheless, at the axis of Postcolonial Feminist scholars debate, gender main streaming depoliticises the concerns of feminist scholars. Feminist studies show that theoretically, the change of structuring of gender equity determinations from women to gender in gender mainstreaming perhaps contradicted achievements made to bring women from the periphery to the centre of Feminist IR.
The emergence of Models in Development:
Discussion asking to what extent women have been benefited (or not) from the developmenthas given rise to the following three models. These approaches show how men and women are affected in different ways because of the development of how the lives of women, in particular, are affected.
Women in Development (WID):
By the 1970s, the reality that women were subjugated and left far behind in the process of development became clear and widely recognised. In some areas, this recognition even acknowledged development has further worsened the status of women, for example, the exclusion of women from
the main development projects. The Women in Development (WID) approach proposed the inclusion of women into programs related to development. WID was a successful initiative that strengthened the consideration of women as an integral part of society. The decade of 1975 to 1985 was even declared the decade of women. However, this approach was problematic, as WID did not focus on structural changes in social and economic systems, which were necessary for discussion. Furthermore, this approach was not enough to bring women to the mainstream of development successfully.
Women and Development (WAD):
Thisapproach was critical and arose in the late 1970s using Marxist feminist (critical) thoughts. As its nature, the Women and Development (WAD) approach criticised WID because of an increasing gap between men and women. According to WAD, the idea of women’s inclusion was wrong because women already contributed substantially to society. Yet, they were not receiving the benefits of their contributions, and WID further contributed to global inequalities. The main rationale of WAD was to increase interactions between men and women rather than just implementing strategies of women’s inclusion. Besides, WAD considered the class system and unequal distribution of resources to be primary problems, as it’s women and men who suffer from the current system. On a theoretical level, WAD strongly endorsed changes to the class system; however, it proved impractical as it ignored the reason for patriarchy and failed to answer the social relationships between men and women.
Gender and Development (GAD):
In the 1980s, further reflection on development approaches started the debate of Gender and Development (GAD). As GAD followed and learned from the weaknesses and failures of WID and WAD, it was a more comprehensive approach. GAD paid particular attention to social and gender relations and divisions of labour in society. The GAD approach strove to provide further rise to women’s voices while simultaneously emphasising women’s productive and reproductive roles, contending taking care of children is a state responsibility. As a result of GAD, in 1996, the Zambian government changed their department of WID to the Gender and Development Division (GADD). These changes made it easier for women to raise their voices more constructively in an African country. Gender development is a continuous, current phenomenon. Women have choices today that they did not have in prior or even the last generation.
The main point is that instead of discussing whether to mainstream gender or not, it needs to be discussed how it can happen in a better way. Gender mainstreaming is considered a theory of change in GAD.
The above discussion has offered an overview of how gender mainstreaming’s theoretical approaches and expectations have met with the praxis; however, some scholars critique the concept of depoliticising and diluting equality struggles. These considerations are also worth inquiry and, accordingly, are discussed below.
KP’s Education Reforms – Heading Towards Right Path
The first word revealed in the holy Quran was “Iqra” which means “to read”. This first verse of Holy Quran shows us the importance of pen, greatness of knowledge and importance of education in Islam. Article 25-A of Pakistan’s constitution obliges the state to provide free and compulsory education to all children between the ages of five and sixteen. Education is the reason behind rise and fall of any nation. After the 18th amendment, on April 19th 2010, the education sector was assigned to the provinces, with a hope that provinces would focus on providing quality education, as previously; there was a lack of comprehensive planning and strategy in this sector.
During its second stint in KP, PTI-led government declared an education emergency in the province. As part of election manifesto, PM Imran Khan reiterated his firm resolve to upgrade education system across KP. Consequently, during past three years, KP government has focused on the neglected education sector and introduced various revolutionary steps to improve the quality of education.
The provincial government is spending heavily on building infrastructure and basic facilities. The number of non-functional schools have been reduced massively due to effective policies. A real time focus is given to the lack of facilities like boundary walls, water supply, electricity, and toilets. To get rid of load shedding issues, the government installed thousands of solar panels in schools to have an un-interrupted supply of electricity at daytime. Simultaneously, increased annual budget for education.
The present age is known as an era of Information Technology (IT) and a nation cannot progress without making full use of it. Therefore, the provincial government has established thousands of state of the art IT labs across KP. It is pertinent to mention here that Microsoft has also endorsed this effort and offered to train above 15000 IT teachers with free certification.
The major five-year revolutionary educational reform plan (2019-2023) was brought by department of Elementary and Secondary Education as a flagship project of KP government in this tenure. The four core aspects of this innovative plan includes teachers’ training, curriculum reforms, establishment and up-gradation of schools and the appointment of new teaching staff.
In order to reduce teacher to student ratio it has been decided to hire 65,000 new teachers well versed with modern education techniques, including 11,000 primary teachers under this five years’ plan. So far, more than 40,000 teachers have been recruited on merit bases through NTS. After the merger of tribal districts in KP, the education Ministry has approved a handsome amount for the restructuring the current education system. In order to modernize the current education system, KP government has established 138 Data Collection Monitoring Assistants (DCMAs) in tribal districts.
Taleemi Islahi Jirga (TIJs) are converted into Parent-Teacher Councils (PTCs) and connected them with education ministry with an aim to keep a check and balance. Government has introduced a new concept of school leaders and aims to train about 3,000 leaders who will be responsible for monitoring the classrooms, lesson management, implementation, and daily school life.
The process of expanding teachers’ training program to all districts of the province is also in process. Furthermore, the education department has almost completed its working on the development of high-quality script lessons for different subjects. Textbooks for classes 1 to 10, will also be revised according to modern standards by 2023.
Another milestone achieved by KP government is the establishment of Independent Monitoring Unit (IMU). This vigilant monitoring system has reduced teachers’ absenteeism by 17% to 20%. It also constantly collects reliable data which is helpful for realistic planning.
Previously, teachers used to take salaries without performing any duties; however, with the advent of biometric attendance system, those ghost servants have been captured. Enrollment drives have been organized every year. Government is giving free books to the children including drawing and coloring books to enhance their creative thinking. Government is also stressing on female education through its new policy of building classrooms with a ratio of 2 for female and 1 for male.
To impart the true teachings of Islam, Quranic education and Nazira is made compulsory up to class 12th. In a refreshing development, students of private schools are migrating to government schools due to student-friendly policies.
Nevertheless, there is room for improvement in the education sector like linking promotions of teaching and administrative staff with performance. Government teachers should be made bound to enroll their children in public sector. The concept of uniform curriculum will create national thinking. Another important aspect which needs attention is to address the growing role of tuition and coaching centers. Technical education should also be focused from the base. Experiences of others successful educational models like Finland model may be studied to improve the sector.
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