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Turkey: A power in decline

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Since the Ottoman Empire founded at the end of the 13th century, Turkey has always been an undisputed power. However, in recent years, due to various social and geopolitical factors, Turkey seems to have weakened.

Turkey, a weakened power

While Turkey is currently experiencing tensions with the European Union, the country has always distinguished itself by having an undeniable influence, especially during the heyday of the Ottoman Empire.
However, this Turkish influence is weakening more and more, especially with the European Union, which it has been striving to join since 1987.

Recently, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has expressed his disapproval about the remarks of French President Emmanuel Macron concerning the right to caricature, following the attack in France on 16 October.
The Secretary of State for European Affairs, Clément Beaune, announced that economic sanctions from the European Union are considered. France proposes particularly to abolish the customs union between the European Union and Turkey.
The weakening of Turkish power is felt, but this decline dates back to the fall of the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century.

The Ottoman Empire reached its peak when Suleiman the Magnificent came to power in 1521. The Ottoman Empire was the most powerful state in the world from his accession to power until his death in 1566.
Nevertheless, after centuries of glory, the Ottoman Empire began to weaken when revolts and military uprisings began to emerge in the early 17th century. The empire endured a real decline at the end of the nineteenth century, when it decreased territorially.
The Balkan war broke out in 1912. The Balkan League, which demands its independence and wants to push back the Ottoman Empire, is made up of Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece and Montenegro. It has the support of Russia. The Ottoman Empire is unable to resist and is gradually dismantling.

Albania was the first country in the Balkans to rise up against the Ottoman Empire. The Albanian people fought for years with many rebellion movements against the Ottoman Empire. After a final revolt, Albania proclaimed its independence on 28 November 1912.
Since independence, Albania has had specific relations with Turkey.

Exclusive relations between Turkey and Albania

Turkey and Albania have always had special relations. During the post-Cold War period, geopolitical complexities and conflicts in the Western Balkans led Albania to seek protective power from Turkey, member of NATO since 1951.

During the 1990s, relations between Turkey and Albania were marked by a military cooperation agreement between the two countries, signed on 29 July 1992. This agreement provided for education and training of personnel, bilateral cooperation in arms production, joint military exercises, exchange of military delegations and joint commissions on future strengthening of military relations.

Albania joined NATO on April 1, 2009, after years of collaboration.
This accession was strongly supported by Turkey. Albania has quickly become a producer of security and a stabilizing vector even beyond its own borders. Following its accession to the Alliance, Albania is notably committed to promoting stability and peace in the Western Balkans to ensure the development of Europe : “At present, it [Albania] is considered a safe country in the region, where it plays a role for peace and stability,” says Amant Josifi, former advisor to the Albanian Minister of Defence, who has worked to promote his country’s action within NATO.


The emergence of Albania in the Western Balkans as a key NATO partner has contributed to stronger Albanian-Turkish relations.

Turkey has consistently  supported Albania since the 1990s on issues related to the European Union, both countries aiming to join the EU as a common objective. While the European Union has agreed to open negotiations for Albania’s membership in March 2020, the prospect of Turkey’s next accession has faded in recent years.

A desire to reaffirm its power

Turkey intends to prove its power within Europe. In this regard, the country plans strong actions to assert itself.

Recently, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan took position on the division of the territory of Cyprus. Indeed, following the invasion of Turkish forces in 1974, the Mediterranean island is divided between the South (called the Greek part) and the North (the so-called Turkish part). The discovery of gas deposits off the Cypriot coast has, in particular, reignited  tensions in this coveted area.

On November 15, the Turkish President, during a visit to northern Cyprus, called for the creation of two states on the island: “There are two peoples and two separate states in Cyprus. Talks are needed for a solution on the basis of two separate states,” he said in a speech in the capital. According to him, a reunification of the island in the form of a federal state is now impossible.

Recep Tayyip Erdogan also opposed the latest measures taken by France. Indeed, tensions between France and Turkey have been high lately. Following the attack in France on 16 October, President Emmanuel Macron spoke out in defence of the right to caricature in French territory. These comments were strongly condemned by the Turkish president, who called on the Turkish people to boycott French products.
Facing these tensions, the European Union has shown solidarity with France. The possibility of economic sanctions against Turkey is being discussed within the European Union.

Graduated in political science and journalism, I am part of the generation of European children, with two nationalities and one culture. Writing is my favorite activity, I look forward to writing more articles about modern politics.

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Middle East

Process to draft Syria constitution begins this week

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The process of drafting a new constitution for Syria will begin this week, the UN Special Envoy for the country, Geir Pedersen, said on Sunday at a press conference in Geneva.

Mr. Pedersen was speaking following a meeting with the government and opposition co-chairs of the Syrian Constitutional Committee, who have agreed to start the process for constitutional reform.

The members of its so-called “small body”, tasked with preparing and drafting the Constitution, are in the Swiss city for their sixth round of talks in two years, which begin on Monday. 

Their last meeting, held in January, ended without progress, and the UN envoy has been negotiating between the parties on a way forward.

“The two Co-Chairs now agree that we will not only prepare for constitutional reform, but we will prepare and start drafting for constitutional reform,” Mr. Pedersen told journalists.

“So, the new thing this week is that we will actually be starting a drafting process for constitutional reform in Syria.”

The UN continues to support efforts towards a Syrian-owned and led political solution to end more than a decade of war that has killed upwards of 350,000 people and left 13 million in need of humanitarian aid.

An important contribution

The Syrian Constitutional Committee was formed in 2019, comprising 150 men and women, with the Government, the opposition and civil society each nominating 50 people.

This larger group established the 45-member small body, which consists of 15 representatives from each of the three sectors.

For the first time ever, committee co-chairs Ahmad Kuzbari, the Syrian government representative, and Hadi al-Bahra, from the opposition side, met together with Mr. Pedersen on Sunday morning. 

He described it as “a substantial and frank discussion on how we are to proceed with the constitutional reform and indeed in detail how we are planning for the week ahead of us.”

Mr. Pedersen told journalists that while the Syrian Constitutional Committee is an important contribution to the political process, “the committee in itself will not be able to solve the Syrian crisis, so we need to come together, with serious work, on the Constitutional Committee, but also address the other aspects of the Syrian crisis.”

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Middle East

North Africa: Is Algeria Weaponizing Airspace and Natural Gas?

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In a series of shocking and unintelligible decisions, the Algerian Government closed its airspace to Moroccan military and civilian aircraft on September 22, 2021, banned French military planes from using its airspace on October 3rd, and decided not to renew the contract relative to the Maghreb-Europe gas pipeline, which goes through Morocco and has been up and running since 1996–a contract that comes to end on October 31.

In the case of Morocco, Algeria advanced ‘provocations and hostile’ actions as a reason to shut airspace and end the pipeline contract, a claim that has yet to be substantiated with evidence. Whereas in the case of France, Algeria got angry regarding visa restrictions and comments by French President Emmanuel Macron on the Algerian military grip on power and whether the North African country was a nation prior to French colonization in 1830.

Tensions for decades

Algeria has had continued tensions with Morocco for decades, over border issues and over the Western Sahara, a territory claimed by Morocco as part of its historical territorial unity, but contested by Algeria which supports an alleged liberation movement that desperately fights for independence since the 1970s.

With France, the relation is even more complex and plagued with memories of colonial exactions and liberation and post-colonial traumas, passions and injuries. France and Algeria have therefore developed, over the post-independence decades, a love-hate attitude that quite often mars otherwise strong economic and social relations.

Algeria has often reacted to the two countries’ alleged ‘misbehavior’ by closing borders –as is the case with Morocco since 1994—or calling its ambassadors for consultations, or even cutting diplomatic relations, as just happened in August when it cut ties with its western neighbor.

But it is the first-time Algeria resorts to the weaponization of energy and airspace. “Weaponization” is a term used in geostrategy to mean the use of goods and commodities, that are mainly destined for civilian use and are beneficial for international trade and the welfare of nations, for geostrategic, political and even military gains. As such “weaponization” is contrary to the spirit of free trade, open borders, and solidarity among nations, values that are at the core of common international action and positive globalization.

What happened?

Some observers advance continued domestic political and social unrest in Algeria, whereby thousands of Algerians have been taking to the streets for years to demand regime-change and profound political and economic reforms. Instead of positively responding to the demands of Algerians, the government is probably looking for desperate ways to divert attention and cerate foreign enemies as sources of domestic woes. Morocco and France qualify perfectly for the role of national scapegoats.

It may be true also that in the case of Morocco, Algeria is getting nervous at its seeing its Western neighbor become a main trade and investment partner in Africa, a role it can levy to develop diplomatic clout regarding the Western Sahara issue. Algeria has been looking for ways to curb Morocco’s growing influence in Africa for years. A pro-Algerian German expert, by the name of Isabelle Werenfels, a senior fellow in the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, even recommended to the EU to put a halt to Morocco’s pace and economic clout so that Algeria could catch up. Weaponization may be a desperate attempt to hurt the Moroccan economy and curb its dynamism, especially in Africa.

The impact of Algeria’s weaponization of energy and airspace on the Moroccan economy is minimal and on French military presence in Mali is close to insignificant; however, it shows how far a country that has failed to administer the right reforms and to transfer power to democratically elected civilians can go.

In a region, that is beleaguered by threats and challenges of terrorism, organized crime, youth bulge, illegal migration and climate change, you would expect countries like Algeria, with its geographic extension and oil wealth, to be a beacon of peace and cooperation. Weaponization in international relations is inacceptable as it reminds us of an age when bullying and blackmail between nations, was the norm. The people of the two countries, which share the same history, language and ethnic fabric, will need natural gas and unrestricted travel to prosper and grow and overcome adversity; using energy and airspace as weapons is at odds with the dreams of millions of young people in Algeria and Morocco that aspire for a brighter future in an otherwise gloomy economic landscape. Please don’t shatter those dreams!

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Middle East

Breaking The Line of the Israel-Palestine Conflict

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The conflict between Israel-Palestine is a prolonged conflict and has become a major problem, especially in the Middle East region.

A series of ceasefires and peace negotiations between Israel and Palestine that occurred repeatedly did not really “normalize” the relationship between the two parties.

In order to end the conflict, a number of parties consider that the two-state solution is the best approach to create two independent and coexistent states. Although a number of other parties disagreed with the proposal, and instead proposed a one-state solution, combining Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip into one big state.

Throughout the period of stalemate reaching an ideal solution, the construction and expansion of settlements carried out illegally by Israel in the Palestinian territories, especially the West Bank and East Jerusalem, also continued without stopping and actually made the prospect of resolving the Israeli-Palestinian crisis increasingly eroded, and this could jeopardize any solutions.

The attempted forced eviction in the Sheikh Jarrah district, which became one of the sources of the conflict in May 2021, for example, is an example of how Israel has designed a system to be able to change the demographics of its territory by continuing to annex or “occupy” extensively in the East Jerusalem area. This is also done in other areas, including the West Bank.

In fact, Israel’s “occupation” of the eastern part of Jerusalem which began at the end of the 1967 war, is an act that has never received international recognition.

This is also confirmed in a number of resolutions issued by the UN Security Council Numbers 242, 252, 267, 298, 476, 478, 672, 681, 692, 726, 799, 2334 and also United Nations General Assembly Resolutions Number 2253, 55/130, 60/104, 70/89, 71/96, A/72/L.11 and A/ES-10/L.22 and supported by the Advisory Opinion issued by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2004 on Legal Consequences of The Construction of A Wall in The Occupied Palestine Territory which states that East Jerusalem is part of the Palestinian territories under Israeli “occupation”.

1 or 2 country solution

Back to the issue of the two-state solution or the one-state solution that the author mentioned earlier. The author considers that the one-state solution does not seem to be the right choice.

Facts on the ground show how Israel has implemented a policy of “apartheid” that is so harsh against Palestinians. so that the one-state solution will further legitimize the policy and make Israel more dominant. In addition, there is another consideration that cannot be ignored that Israel and Palestine are 2 parties with very different and conflicting political and cultural identities that are difficult to reconcile.

Meanwhile, the idea of ​​a two-state solution is an idea that is also difficult to implement. Because the idea still seems too abstract, especially on one thing that is very fundamental and becomes the core of the Israel-Palestine conflict, namely the “division” of territory between Israel and Palestine.

This is also what makes it difficult for Israel-Palestine to be able to break the line of conflict between them and repeatedly put them back into the status quo which is not a solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict.

The status quo, is in fact a way for Israel to continue to “annex” more Palestinian territories by establishing widespread and systematic illegal settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Today, more than 600,000 Israeli settlers now live in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

In fact, a number of resolutions issued by the UN Security Council have explicitly and explicitly called for Israel to end the expansion of Israeli settlement construction in the occupied territory and require recognition of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the region.

Thus, all efforts and actions of Israel both legislatively and administratively that can cause changes in the status and demographic composition in East Jerusalem and the West Bank must continue to be condemned. Because this is a violation of the provisions of international law.

Fundamental thing

To find a solution to the conflict, it is necessary to look back at the core of the conflict that the author has mentioned earlier, and the best way to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is to encourage Israel to immediately end the “occupation” that it began in 1967, and return the settlements to the pre-Islamic borders 1967 In accordance with UN Security Council resolution No. 242.

But the question is, who can stop the illegal Israeli settlements in the East Jerusalem and West Bank areas that violate the Palestinian territories?

In this condition, international political will is needed from countries in the world, to continue to urge Israel to comply with the provisions of international law, international humanitarian law, international human rights law and also the UN Security Council Resolutions.

At the same time, the international community must be able to encourage the United Nations, especially the United Nations Security Council, as the organ that has the main responsibility for maintaining and creating world peace and security based on Article 24 of the United Nations Charter to take constructive and effective steps in order to enforce all United Nations Resolutions, and dare to sanction violations committed by Israel, and also ensure that Palestinian rights are important to protect.

So, do not let this weak enforcement of international law become an external factor that also “perpetuates” the cycle of the Israel-Palestine conflict. It will demonstrate that John Austin was correct when he stated that international law is only positive morality and not real law.

And in the end, the most fundamental thing is that the blockade, illegal development, violence, and violations of international law must end. Because the ceasefire in the Israel-Palestine conflict is only a temporary solution to the conflict.

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