Is governance a method for a good coordination, rather efficient in a structure already preconceived to receive a learning model? One discusses issues more imaginary than realistic in a country in which the idea is already utopian, while knowing that a good governance translated by organisational learning requires a certain pre-established configuration, in other words a knowledge concept with compatible resources and power. According to Bonnet (Bonnet , 2010) and Henri Savall Henri Savall (1978), « the economic and social performance of an organisation depends on the quality of the interaction of the structures of the organisation and of the behaviour of the men who act in the organisation». Our main theoretical setting is the socio-economic theory of management as presented by Savall and Zardet in 1992. The socio-economic theory rests on conflict-cooperation concepts used by sociologists and by the French economist Perroux. It puts into question the implicit hypothesis of neo-classic theories according to which the economic actors are obedient and the scientific observation is erroneous.«Organizational learning is important for all companies, as the creation, retention and transfer of knowledge within the organization will strengthen the organization as a whole.The importance of organizational learning is shown by the various benefits that occur in organizations that develop a learning culture: 1 Increased employee job satisfaction, 2 Lower turnover rates, 3 Increased productivity, profits and efficiency, 4 Developing leaders at all levels and 5 Enhanced adaptability throughout the organization».
A broad literature review has been carried out so as to better understand the theories that apply more specifically to our problem. Experimentation aims to show that there is a need for organisational learning as defined by Argyris to favour individual learning. There is therefore a need, as regards action-research, to activate the concerned stakeholders so that they cooperate more in the undertaking of an educational system.
When a citizen is educated, trained and informed, a civic behaviour becomes a reference for him. It can produce good governance thanks to his modest participation in democratic life, while establishing an inventory of the mechanisms required for good stewardship. (Paquet, 2001)
Organisational learning has become today a major problem, whether in the private or public sector, and often in developing countries. Very few persons are conscious of learning and of what this implies individually or collectively.
We have put the accent on different authors who have their own individual definition, but in general terms learning is a realization and a collection of new knowledge according to (C. Argyris), in other words to learn from our mistakes, whatever our level.
Experience shows that developing countries are not conscious of their past mistakes, mainly in public structures, nor of possible improvements of the activity and the organisation at present. No doubt, they lack foresight. For Chris Argyris, individuals, the group or the organisation are a result of action. According to Argyris and Schön (1978), one needs a process through which the members of an organisation detect ‘errors’ and correct them, while changing the action theory.
According to Dodgson (1993), the process through which corporations and organisations build, develop and organize their knowledge, according to their actions and their cultural characteristics, is very difficult to apply in an uncertain and unstable environment due to a lack of sustainable strategy by the actors of the different stakeholders so as to meet the needs of the ecosystem. When this world is molded in its economy and its technology, one talks of globalisation, but this rhetoric of globalisation really puts the accent on the gap in interference by countries in the various areas of social sciences. It also brings its own contribution to our understanding of the complex range of strengths which reshape the world order (Held, 2000).
Managerial pathologies, which worsen from year to year, are considered, prior to becoming serious, as a problem. Their dangerousness is examined in the light of the complexity of their situation. (M. Crozier, 1989).
Socioeconomic theory of organisations
Thanks to the work of Professor Henri Savall in 1973, socioeconomic analysis rests on two important hypotheses, which allow this research project to undertake an in-depth analysis. «The first experimental research of ISEOR on the hidden costs related to quality go back to 1976 and they were followed by very numerous other deep projects relating to quality in industrial corporations, profitable service companies and organisations of public service.»
The first step is human development, the main factor of corporate efficiency, in the short, medium and long term. The second is independent of their business area and of the size of the organisation and the corporation, which must face social, economic and financial losses, resulting from interactions between leaders and structures which create dysfunctions. Cause of hidden costs and performance, they are often difficult to identify by the organisation, the personnel and/or the corporate leaders. These two elements have led Professor Henri Savall to consider that «the social and economic performance of an organisation depends on the quality of the interaction of the structures and of the organisation and of human behaviour who act inside this organisation.»
According to the socioeconomic theory of Savall and Zardet, 1987, the corporation is a complex whole made up of five types of work structures interacting with five types of human behaviour.(Savall, 2015).
The general model of socioeconomic theory is schematized with the help of a clover
« The five types of structures (physical, technological, organisational, demographic and mental) are supposedly relatively stable and permanent.
The five behaviours (individuals, group activity, categorical, affinity groups and collective groups) are characterised by their conjectural nature and their relative instability. Dysfunctionality is classified in six families: work conditions, work organisation, communication-coordination-consultation, time management, integrated training and application of strategy.»
All corporations and organisations, and more particularly public administrations, are increasingly affected by this problem, in other words by hidden costs which often lead to difficulties «From 1973 to 1977, socioeconomic analysis was centered on research methodology to identify and evaluate the hidden costs of dysfunctions. These costs are called ‘hidden costs’, in opposition to visible costs, inasmuch as they are spread, without specific denomination, without a surveillance system, and because they do not appear in the classic information systems of corporations (budgets, general accounting, etc). They are grouped in five indicators: absenteeism, work accidents, personnel rotation, quality defects of products and direct productivity gaps and in five components: overpay, overtime, overconsumption, non-production and non-realization of potential.»
This hypothesis has been confirmed and validated by the research undertaken by ISEOR. They have also put forward the idea that corporations and organisations not only have hidden costs, but also hidden performance, which do not allow us, for these types of structures, to forecast certain eventualities which could have an impact on their financial activities, on the development of finance, on the development of performance, of competition and/or the services supplied by public administration. «On the basis of this fundamental hypothesis, the ISEOR team studies and elaborates concepts and tools which aim to improve the functioning as well as the level of economic and social performance of corporations and organisations.»
In our research, we will analyse hidden costs, as well as performance based on the socioeconomic theory of organisations. Let us just note that according to the theory all corporations and organisations need a new managerial approach. In fact, according to the complexity of the market and the needs of services, all the structures, public and private, identify hidden costs and attempt to reduce permanent costs which often create problems. On top of the hidden costs, there is often a lack of a long-term vision of development, as per Fayol, considered as the father of specialized management in corporate administration. According to him, the administrative organisation of work (AOW) means to forecast, organise, order, coordinate and control (FOOCC), which would allow every corporation and organisation to position itself in its activities according to its very specific situation.
Theory of education
Today’s organisation of education is a major concern both with regard to its structure and to its quality. Each country, each region, each continent, and more particularly each institution, seeks the best way to reach its qualitative and quantitative objectives as well as a maximum of financial rewards. Certain countries are faced with difficulties in their organisation and in providing access to education for its citizens. Other countries face difficulties in putting in place an educational method able to offer their citizens the best access to employment. In the light of our area of research, it concerns not only the opening of the employment market to future graduates, but rather of the organisation and accessibility of education. Our research studies the different aspects relating to the accessibility and to the organisation of distance higher education.
These last two decades, the entire planet has witnessed a strong growth on the market of distance higher education (DHE). In fact, the needs are not identical for the different actors on the planet. In the developing countries, DHE is not an option but rather a need and an emergency to save a population to which all rights are denied.
Researchers have become increasingly interested in experiments in the field of distance education. The problem, is that they concentrate more on the programme than on theories or controlled experiments. It has allowed the conception of new products for DHE, rather than to the evaluation and experimentation of field programmes so as to better apprehend the accessibility modes as well as the adequate configuration adapted to every specific case. This problem, education in its different forms, has become a concern for national development (Philippe Dessus, 1997).
The work of Yves Bertrand « Théories contemporaines de l’éducation » states that “we live in a period in which the directions to be given to education come from all sides”. Everyone questions the nature of educational changes. Which educational changes one should choose? Starting from this consideration, we continue this questioning by asking ourselves which theories to choose to render education in the world more efficient.»This question of choice is primordial if one wishes to answer the relevant problem, while taking into account the necessary resources, such as time, for change requires time. So as to select the correct theory, or to create a model, one must take into account human capital, the financial resources as well as the environment of change.
The work of Yves Bertrand stresses technologies, and of course this element is essential to ease communication between lecturers, students and all the other parties. This situation exists only in a very limited number of developing countries. The absence of such a development complicates even more the situation for distance learning.
The theory of technology not only eases communication, but also allows the easy use of digital documents and interactivity between the various interest groups. Internet also allows us to use various technological sources, whether with regard to software or to any other technology. Simultaneously, it is a problem for many countries and persons who are not involved in technologies, due a lack of means, and this is particularly true for developing countries.
Our result shows that the true problem in developing countries, are summarized in four great elements as shown below, in other words, governance, technology, environment, culture and finance. This is shown in more detail in our table.
Governance and organisational learning are key words, whatever the type of organisation, to avoid hidden costs which impact performance of production. Very often, in developing countries, public institutions are not conscious of past mistakes, which impact present actions. When they encounter financial difficulties, they look at their balance sheet to identify how to reduce certain costs. It is no doubt important to master costs, but above all it is essential to analyse dysfunctionalities or hidden costs that are a threat to organisations or corporations. We have identified that the real problems of educational institutions in the less advanced countries, with regard to higher education, are its organisation, in other words governance, cultural resistance, the lack of technical competence, or the lack of mastery in the use of technologies, as well as financial challenges: they are unable to master their budget, for which they depend on external financial support, such as the World Bank, international organisations or foreign donors.
Henri Savall et Véronique Zardet 5e édition, economica , p. 17.
Reform of mental health services: An urgent need and a human rights imperative
Already in the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, the World Health Organisation (WHO) was warning that substantial investment in mental health services was necessary to avert a mental health crisis. The evidence for the devastating impact of the pandemic on mental health is now overwhelming. The reasons for this are clear: the pandemic caused fear and anxiety for everyone, and many of us had to face illness, grief over lost family members, insecurity and loss of income. In addition to this extraordinary burden placed on our mental health, we were cut off from our usual support networks, friends and families, while the pandemic was also disrupting the delivery of existing mental health services themselves.
Not everyone has been affected in the same way by the pandemic, and mental health is no exception here. Among others, the mental health of certain demographics such as older persons, children and adolescents, and women, as well as that of disadvantaged groups such as persons with disabilities, LGBTI people and migrants has been affected more compared to the general population. For example, in a statement I co-signed with the UN Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity and numerous other human rights experts, we alerted states to increasing mental health problems for LGBTI people, in particular youth, notably as a result of having to shelter with family members who were unsupportive of or hostile towards their LGBTI identity.
I recently published an Issue Paper entitled “Protecting the right to health through inclusive and resilient health care for all” in which I set out twelve recommendations. These include universal health coverage (of which mental health services are an essential component), more equality and dignity for patients, more participation and empowerment in relevant decision-making, the promotion of transparency and accountability throughout policy cycles, and better health communication policies. Since the right to health is defined as the right to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health, these recommendations naturally apply to mental health care as well. Some recommendations, however, are more specific to mental health, such as those related to the need to ensure that mental health services are accessible to all when needed, of appropriate quality and affordable, to transition from an institutional to a community-based model and to eliminate coercive practices in mental health services.
Mental health systems: a longstanding source of human rights violations
While the additional strain generated by the pandemic is new, the mental health situation and lack of services has been a neglected human rights crisis in Europe for a long time. Despite the suffering and economic burden caused by mental health problems, mental health spending in the WHO European region was estimated to amount to only 1% of total health expenditure in 2019, and the majority of that expenditure was channelled towards mental health hospitals. In a very important report in 2017, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health was already raising the alarm over the fact that “the arbitrary division of physical and mental health and the subsequent isolation and abandonment of mental health has contributed to an untenable situation of unmet needs and human rights violations”.
In my Issue Paper on health, I called on governments to pay attention to the essential social determinants of health in order to rebuild more inclusive and resilient health care systems, notably social protection, living conditions, working environment and education. These are all the more relevant for mental health, since mental well-being is determined not only by individual attributes but also by the social environment which can prevent, cause or aggravate mental health problems. In recent decades, a human rights-based, holistic and psychosocial understanding of mental health has been emerging, but this approach still faces a lot of resistance in many of our member states, where a reductionist, biomedical paradigm remains prevalent. Further problems identified in the aforementioned report of the Special Rapporteur are power asymmetries in mental health policies and services, and the biased use of evidence in mental health. In combination, these reinforce a vicious cycle of stigmatisation, disempowerment, social exclusion and coercion.
In order to rise to the challenge posed by the pandemic for mental health services, it is essential to reform them, as well as relevant laws and policies, urgently and from the ground up. As with health policy generally, the imperative to prevent human rights violations must be the guiding principle behind these reforms.
The human rights of persons with mental health problems or psychosocial disabilities (i.e. disabilities arising from the interaction between a person with a mental health condition and their environment) are routinely violated in two significant ways. Firstly, their human rights continue to be violated by mental health services themselves, notably because they often display a tendency towards paternalism, coercion and institutionalisation. Secondly, affected patients may not have access to the care they need to achieve the highest attainable standard of health. In this connection, we should bear in mind that this right depends on the realisation of many other human rights, notably those enshrined in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD).
Coercion: a persistent source of human rights violations
In a recent report on its visit to Bulgaria, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) documented how patients in psychiatric hospitals were subjected to widespread and systematic ill-treatment at the hands of staff: they were slapped, pushed, punched, kicked, beaten with sticks, chained to beds and medicated without consent. While this example is particularly horrific, we should not forget that similar institutions, and the underlying approach taking coercion for granted, are still common in the majority of our member states, as demonstrated, for example, in recent exposés on the situation of psychiatric hospitals in Malta. My own Office has addressed human rights violations caused by such institutions in a large number of member states, including in an intervention before the European Court of Human Rights.
Why is this still accepted in 2021? Historically, fear, rejection and isolation have been our default response to persons with mental health problems. The ingrained fear and stigma of mental illness is still very strong, fuelling prejudice and the narrative that persons with mental health problems pose a danger to themselves and to society, against all available statistical evidence to the contrary – persons with mental health problems are in fact far more likely to be victims of violence than perpetrators. Mental health laws that normalise closed institutions and forced treatment confirm and reinforce these prejudices. Furthermore, while there is ample evidence that coercive treatment may lead to substantial trauma and that fear of coercion can actually deter persons experiencing mental ill-health from seeking help, there appears to be little scientific evidence to substantiate the supposed benefits of forced treatment.
In 2019, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe unanimously adopted a groundbreaking Resolution calling on member states to end coercion in mental health, pointing to the fact that the number of persons subjected to coercion was still growing in Europe. It noted that so-called safeguards to prevent excessive use of coercion had not reduced but, on the contrary, seemed to have increased coercion, for example in France following a reform in 2011: what is defined as last resort in legislation often becomes the default approach, especially when resources are scarce. The corresponding report presented to the Parliamentary Assembly also reflects my observations concerning the marked differences in the level of involuntary placements between countries, but also between different regions of the same country or even from one hospital to another, suggesting that the main cause of coercion is not the inherent dangerousness of persons or therapeutic necessity, but an institutional culture that confines more out of prejudice or habit. This interpretation is supported by research.
In my address to the Parliamentary Assembly prior to the adoption of this Resolution, I drew attention to how my own country work allowed me to see first-hand the vicious circles caused by a mental health approach based on coercion, which perpetuates the isolation of the very persons who need the support of their community the most, fuelling more stigma and irrational fear. The lack of community-based, voluntary mental health services also results in even more coercion and deprivation of liberty.
I have also shared my observation that safeguards supposed to protect persons from arbitrariness and ill-treatment are reduced to mere formalities because they operate in a legal system where persons with mental health problems do not even have a chance to have their voices heard, owing to the profound power asymmetry between the patient and physician in most mental health settings. Judges almost invariably follow the opinion of the psychiatrist over the wishes of the patient, when the law provides for such a possibility. At their worst, such safeguards do little more than ease the conscience of those who are in fact taking part in human rights violations.
My position on coercion in psychiatry and the Resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly should be seen against the background of a growing consensus within the international community to consider involuntary measures without the informed consent of persons with mental health problems as human rights violations, or even as possibly amounting to torture. This is in large part due to the paradigm shift operated by the CRPD when it entered into force in 2008, and the efforts of civil society, in particular of persons with lived experience of mental health problems and psychosocial disabilities, to have their say in policy-making. As a result, a growing number of relevant international and national human rights bodies are now calling for an end to coercion and its replacement by community-based treatment options based on consent. This approach is slowly making headway in the medical community as well, as can be seen in the growing body of WHO guidance to states to reduce coercion, establish community-based alternatives and integrate mental health into primary care. Similarly, the World Psychiatric Association issued a position statement on the need to reduce coercion in October 2020.
This revolution is rooted in the CRPD and it would be a mistake to cling to older Council of Europe standards that place the bar lower. In this context, it is regrettable that work is still continuing in the Council of Europe on a draft Additional Protocol to the Oviedo Convention that reflects an outdated, biomedicine-driven approach reducing mental health to mental disorders and empowering physicians to forcibly confine and treat persons without consent, with virtually no limit being set on the duration of this placement or the treatments to be used. The vagueness of the definitions in this text and the trust in the judgement of a single physician, which appears misplaced given the human rights violations we are still witnessing on a daily basis, could easily give the impression of sanctioning even the worst kinds of human rights abuses in psychiatry. The opposition of the Parliamentary Assembly, several UN bodies including the treaty body of the CRPD, the unanimous protests of representative organisations of persons with psychosocial disabilities and my own opposition to this initiative have so far been ignored.
I call on member states to stop supporting such initiatives at international level, which may create confusion and become a stumbling block to necessary progress in advancing the human rights agenda when it comes to mental health. If new international standards do not nurture the paradigm shift from institutional to community-based care, and from coercive to consent-based care, they should at least do no harm by muddying the waters.
The way forward
A number of member states have started reviewing their mental health legislation in the light of these considerations, for example in Ireland and in the UK. What I found particularly positive with these two examples is the commitment to engage with civil society, and in particular users and providers of mental health services. Initiatives by representative organisations of persons with psychosocial disabilities to promote more inclusive policy-making, for example in the ongoing trialogue in Germany, are also to be commended. The active participation of persons with lived experience of using mental health services in defining policies, in particular, is a sine qua non condition of successful mental health reform, as their exclusion from the debate so far has allowed human rights violations to continue unchecked for as long as they have. This is also a general obligation under Article 4(3) of the CRPD.
The realisation of the right to full enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of mental health depends on the realisation of many other crucial human rights. In particular, member states need to conduct the necessary reforms of their mental health legislation in parallel with reforms in two crucial areas affecting core rights enshrined in the CRPD: legal capacity (Article 12) and the right to live independently and be included in the community (Article 19). Mental health care that truly respects the autonomy, dignity, will and preferences of service users is simply not possible so long as legal systems continue to tolerate substituted decision-making or segregation in institutions. Ongoing legal capacity reforms in our member states are very important in this respect. States must ensure that persons with mental health problems or psychosocial disabilities, including children, never lose their say on decisions involving their health, if necessary by providing the appropriate supports for decision-making, in order to ensure that mental health care is provided on the basis of free and informed consent. For as long as involuntary measures remain a reality, it is also crucial to ensure full access to justice to challenge any decision, an area where there are also some good practices, for example in the Netherlands.
As for institutions, I refer to the longstanding recommendations of my Office to put an end to their use, starting with immediate moratoria on future placements. Experience shows the crucial importance of closing large psychiatric hospitals where persons are involuntarily placed. To take one example, Italy was a pioneer in this respect by initiating a process of gradual closure of psychiatric hospitals from 1978, replacing them with alternatives closer to the community. While Italy is also facing a number of problems regarding the use of coercive measures in psychiatric establishments that still need to be addressed, it should be thought-provoking that the rate of involuntary placements in Italy today appear to be lower, by orders of magnitude, than in neighbouring states.
Reduction of coercive practices in psychiatric services, including the use of restraints and forced medication, and their progressive elimination should be another immediate priority. As mentioned above, the institutional culture and habits largely determine the prevalence of such measures. For example, my predecessor recommended to Denmark in 2013 that recourse to coercion in psychiatry be drastically reduced, and I was happy to note that a psychiatric centre in Ballerup had managed to put an end to the use of restraints as a first in the country, by training staff on conflict management and increasing physical activity for residents, without augmenting medication, for the benefit of both patients and staff.
The ultimate goal must be to replace institutions and a coercion-based mental health system by a recovery- and community-based model, which promotes social inclusion and offers a range of rights-based treatments and psychosocial support options. These can take many different forms and many models exist including, for example, support provided by peers or a support network, patient advocates/personal ombudspersons, advanced planning, community crisis resolution or open dialogue. It is also crucial to deconstruct the lingering stigma associated with seeking help for mental health problems, whether this is done in the school environment, at the workplace or in primary healthcare centres, through targeted awareness-raising and outreach. Only then can mental health services, as an integral part of primary care, be universally available to individuals throughout the entire life cycle. Once more, true involvement of persons with lived experience in the design, implementation, delivery and monitoring of these services is crucial.
Member states can take inspiration from several compilations of promising practices at the European and global levels, as well as ongoing projects and research conducted into community-based delivery of recovery-oriented mental health services, such as the RECOVER-E project running in Croatia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Bulgaria and Romania. I am also conscious of the potential impact of new technologies on mental health care, which represent both opportunities and serious risks for human rights, and I refer to my general recommendations concerning human rights and artificial intelligence.
In this context, I encourage states to pay special attention to the mental health of children and adolescents, not least because of the extraordinary strain that the COVID-19 pandemic has placed on them. Lockdown measures and prolonged school closures have deprived them, more than other groups, of their usual routines, while exposing them to isolation and an increase in violence and abuse. We should not forget that childhood and adolescence are crucial periods for life-long mental health. Mental ill-health experienced in the formative years of one’s life, for example as a result of adversities or trauma, affects brain development and the ability to form healthy relationships and life skills. Children and adolescents therefore need non-bureaucratic access to mental health support, as early as necessary and as least invasively as possible, without any shame attached. Institutionalisation of children, on the other hand, has a devastating impact on childhood development. We also need to bear in mind that suicide was one of the leading causes of death among adolescents in the European region even before the pandemic, which makes recent evidence of a marked increase in anxiety levels, depression and self-harm among young people particularly alarming. In order to prevent future burdens on mental health systems, it is crucial to expand our capacities for early psychosocial interventions for children by building on innovative and community-based child mental health services, rather than pursuing the worrying trend of ever-increasing use of psychotropic medication on children.
Mental health reform is an extremely challenging task for all our member states, given the complexity of the issues and the huge gap between agreed international standards and the reality on the ground. This, however, makes it all the more urgent. Let us turn the current challenge of the pandemic into an opportunity, by thoroughly transforming mental health services in Europe, with human rights as our guide and compass.
Drawing the Line: Dark Side of Higher Education
“Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.” [Martin Luther King, Jr.]
Educational institutions are places for intellectuals to develop a mindset and criticize things that are contrary to the norms. Higher education is a place where students develop literacy and soft skills development, which is essentially a safe space for every student, including a safe place for women from all kinds of threats such as sexual assault.
However, it turns out sexual assault on campuses still exist around the world. In fact, those cases often occur in universities and are a public secret that most of the parties in it have deliberately forgotten. Not many victims dare to report because the stigma towards victims is still exceedingly strong which particularly did by parties who have more power and authority in educational institution. In addition, the absence of policies and even sanctions imposed on perpetrators has impacted to a low number of offender who dare to report.
The sexual assault definition involves crimes where offenders subject victims to any unwanted or offensive sexual contact. According to a 2019 Association of American Universities (AAU) survey on sexual assault and misconduct, there is a 13% rate of non- consensual sexual contact in colleges. In line with the fact, direct complaints to National Commission on Violence Against Women of Indonesia between 2015 till August 2020 show that the educational environment is not a free space from sexual assault.
Moreover, the Student Executive Board of the Faculty of Law, Universitas Indonesia (UI) reveals a survey of 177 UI students in 2018. The results stated that 21 (twenty one) people had experienced sexual assault on campus, 39 (thirty nine) people were known about those cases. Sadly, only 11 (eleven) people of them who dare to report. This is kind of heartbreaking phenomenon because 79% of respondents stated that they did not know where they could report sexual assault cases.
Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 defined sexual assault on campus is happen when 1) submission to or rejection of such conduct is made either explicitly or implicitly a term or condition of an individual’s employment or academic work; or 2) submission to or rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as the basis for
employment or academic decisions affecting such individual; or 3) such conduct has the purpose or effect of unreasonably interfering with an individual’s performance or creating an intimidating, hostile or sexually offensive working or academic environment. So, would you tolerate a place to pursue dreams tainted by sexual assault?
Philosophy of Campuses
In order to describe the role of an ideal university, The Father of Education in Indonesia, Ki Hadjar Dewantoro, stated motto for an educator that still relevant today. There are Ing ngarso sung tulodo, Ing madyo ambangun karso, and Tut wuri handayani. In general, Ing ngarso sung tulodo contains that an educator must exemplify good and correct measures verbal or non-verbally, because students tend to imitate what the educator is doing. Then, Ing madyo ambangun karso is in the midst of students, an educator must be able to provide motivation, encourages enthusiasm in achieving their goals, and Tut wuri handayani means an educator are behind the students who must be able to provide atmosphere in encouraging the enthusiasm of students, so that students feeling confident to take all steps in their life.
Within this atmosphere there is a very harmonious, synergic and responsible relationship between educators and students, so that the essence of education can be realized. Philosophically, an educator is the role as a father, as a teacher, as a parent, as a friend and as a student environment in an educational environment. Educators and students are elements or components that are interrelated and exist in a system called the education system. In a system, elements are interconnected and interrelated, so that they move in balance, synergistically, harmoniously. This condition is a supporting factor for the achievement of educational goals. If one of elements does not run well, the results of education system are not maximal as we expected. Therefore, that is why education is a system which is united and interrelated with each other which trying to achieve goals.
What should campuses do?
The American Council on Education Sexual Harassment Guidelines states that an effective campus program on sexual harassment has at least five elements:
1. A basic definition of sexual harassment;
2. A strong policy that clearly states that sexual harassment will not be tolerated;
3. Effective communication to inform students, faculty, staff, and campus administrators of policies against sexual harassment;
4. Educational programs designed to help all community members recognize and prevent sexual harassment; and
5. An accessible, effective and timely complaint procedure.
Sadly, several universities took a various of preventive and repressive measures to deal with the sexual assault after various cases of sexual assault surfaced in various media, such as making a rector’s regulation related to prevention and handling of sexual assault on campus, establishing a reporting and complaint mechanism, forming a sexual assault handling team, to legal assistance. It means that campuses have not seen sexual assault as terrible issues that must be prevented, and it is the responsibility of every university in order to create a safe and conducive atmosphere for students. Moreover, the law of Sexual Assault Abolishing (RUU PKS) in Indonesia has not been passed even excluded from priority national legislation programs when high cases of sexual assault occur.
Government must create a regulation that obligated campus to build various sexual assault prevention components by create Ministerial Regulation by Ministry of Women Empowerment and Child Protection also by Ministry of Education and Culture. Furthermore, campus must build those components which are create Rector Regulation concerning to sexual assault, establish report center, having a particular psychologist and counselor, establish legal aid, making policies based on gender oriented, having a good control system, having supportive infrastructure as well. And the most crucial thing is, campus must build a clear complaint mechanism with regard to the rights of victim and the principle of confidentiality.
Through this article, writer want to emphasize that sexual assault on campus is a matter issues to consider by law maker. Campus issues are not always about bureaucracy, corruption, or conflict of interest, and so on, but also sexual assault. We are not obligated to remain in situation that makes we feel as vulnerable meanwhile we just need to pursue our careers or studies without being sexually harassed. How can you remain in situation that deemed you as sexual object? Please, make sure your voice is heard.
Comparative Status of Women in Pakistan and Bangladesh
March 8 marks a day of recognition that women around the world are still fighting for basic rights and equality. In Asia two Bangladesh and Pakistan – two countries that till 1971 were one nation are at diametrically opposite ends when it comes to the status of women.
For years, women in Pakistan have been severely disadvantaged anddiscriminated against. They have been denied the enjoyment of a wholerange of rights – economic, social, civil, and political rights and oftendeprivation in one of these areas has entailed discrimination in another.Much of Pakistani society lives under the patriarchal, outdated code of so-called “honour” that systemizes the oppression of women by preventing them from, for example, choosing their own husband or working outside the home.
On the other hand, Bangladesh has made remarkable progress in the last 50 years since its liberation in improving the lives of women and girls. Maternal mortality rates are falling, fertility rate is declining, and there is greater gender parity in school enrolment. Problems of gender-based violence, child marriage the government in Bangladesh is committed to addressing many of the challenges facing women. Women’s participation in the workforce has been continuously rising. Three million Bangladeshi women are employed in the lucrative ready-made garment sector, which is Bangladesh’s largest export industry. Increasing numbers of women are involved in small and medium enterprises.
The Denial of Basic Rights for Women in Pakistan
The current legal status of women in Pakistan was shaped largely by the military regime of Zia ul-Haq, which began in 1977 and lasted until 1987. Under his regime a series of repressive and regressive laws were passed, which dealt specifically with the treatment of women-attempting to strengthen imaginary distinctions between the public and private spheres.
These laws represented a diversion from the past commitment of the Pakistani state to “secular values.” They included the Hudood Ordinance, which applies selected conservative interpretations of Islamic law in order to decide issues in the sphere of “family law” and sexual practices. Violence against women and girls—including rape, so-called honor killings, acid attacks, domestic violence, and forced marriage—remains a serious problem.
There are an estimated 1,000 honor killings each year in Pakistan, according to a 2019 report by Human Rights Watch. The murder of 19-year-old Mahwish Arshad in 2018 Faisalabad district, Punjab, for refusing a marriage proposal gained national attention. But there are no official statistics around them, as they often go unreported or are logged as a suicide or natural death by family members. The passage of the 2016 bill, by which hono killings now carry a life sentence has made little difference. According to the Pakistan, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), “Antiquated — and lethal — notions that ‘honor’ resides in women’s bodies and actions still prevail across Pakistan, and it will take far more than laws to effect a change when perpetrators of ‘honor’ crimes continue to act with impunity.”
Women from religious minority communities remain particularly vulnerable to abuse. A report by the Movement for Solidarity and Peace in Pakistan found that at least 1,000 girls belonging to Christian and Hindu communities are forced to marry Muslim men every year. The government has done little to stop such forced marriages.Early marriage remains a serious problem, with 21 percent of girls in Pakistan marrying before the age of 18, and 3 percent marrying before age 15.
The Taliban and affiliated armed groups continued to attack schools and use children in suicide bombings in 2018. In August, militants attacked and burned down at least 12 schools in Diamer district of Pakistan’s Gilgit-Baltistan region. At least half were girls’ schools. Pakistan has not banned the use of schools for military purposes, or endorsed the Safe Schools Declaration as recommended by the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in 2017.
The Harassment of Female Journalists in Pakistan
“For women in Pakistan, there is no safe space,” contends Gharidah Farooqi, a popular current affairs talk show host on NewsOne,
Over the years, Pakistan has earned a reputation of being a hard country for female journalists. While attacks on male journalists, the nature of the attacks on women journalists, amplified by the ingrained misogyny of a patriarchal social structure, is very different. On Aug 12, 2020 a group of women journalists issued a statement against government-affiliated social media accounts and supporters. “Vicious attacks through social media are being directed at women journalists and commentators in Pakistan, making it incredibly difficult for us to carry out our professional duties,” the statement said, adding: “In what is certainly a well-defined and coordinated campaign, personal details of women journalists and analysts have been made public. To further discredit, frighten and intimidate us, we are referred to as peddlers of ‘fake news’, ‘enemy of the people’ and accused of taking bribes (often termed as ‘paid’ journalists or lifafas).”
Many women journalists alledge that whenever they write a political story or even tweet an opinion deemed unfavourable to the PTI or the other parties, the security establishment or the corporate sector, they are mercilessly trolled.
Following the deadly attack on two Christchurch mosques in New Zealand, there were reports that the killer had earlier travelled to Pakistan. When Gharidah Farooqi tweeted a CNN story about this, a storm of abuse rained down on her, calling her traitor and demanding she be tried for treason. she was the first female journalist in Pakistan to file a complaint of cybercrime with the FIA. accounts associated with PTI ran troll campaign against her.
An independent journalist and documentary filmmaker, Sabin Agha has been at the receiving end of threats from non-state actors due to her reporting in Balochistan. She and her fixers are both on the agencies’ radar.
Ailia Zehra, a Lahore-based journalist and managing editor of Naya Daur, a web-based news portal, opines that the likelihood of online physical and sexual threats translating into real-time events is very high for female reporters.
Pakistani women – Marching in March
Pakistani women have chosen International Women’s Day in Pakistan to reclaim their space in society, speak up for their rights, and demand justice from the system that has failed them because of patriarchal structures. Pakistan’s Aurat March (“aurat” means “women” in Urdu) saw its debut on International Women’s Day, March 8, 2018. Every year on March 8 women across cities in Pakistan come out in large numbers to protest against and demand for more accountability for violence against women, and to support for women who experience violence and harassment at the hands of security forces, in public spaces, at home, and at the workplace. These protests across Pakistan, have taken the form of marches, public art displays and performances highlighting challenges faced by women. And the shame is that every year radical Islamists pelt stones, shoes and sticks at the Aurat March participants. This year, the Aurat March (Women’s March) protests also focused on the damage caused by the COVID-19 outbreak in Pakistan. Calling it a “Pandemic of Patriarchy,” the protesters demanded the government increase the health budget to 5 per cent of GDP so that women may get better healthcare. Among the issues the protests drew attention to was the significant increase in domestic violence and child abuse as families were confined to their homes during the pandemic.
Women’s awareness of their rights, thanks to manifold efforts by Pakistani women’s rights groups, along with women’s greater participation in the workforce and attendant exposure to the rights movement, appears to have somewhat increased which ironically itself may have contributed to the increasingly violent backlash they are exposed to.
Bangladeshi Feminist movements
While protest marches marked International Women’s Day in Pakistan, breaking glass ceilings and paving a new path, a transgender started her journey as a news anchor in Bangladesh on the same day. Tashnuva Anan Shishir debuted on air on March 8, presenting all with late afternoon news bulletin for a private news channel. What marks women’s movement inBangladesh is their diverse and vibrant nature. Feministactivists and women’s rights organizations, despitetheir smaller numbers, have made their presencefelt through their engagements in various socialmovements, development activities, and protests againstfundamentalism, violence against women and staterepressions during Pakistani authoritarian rule. Undeniably, the women’s movement actors in Bangladeshhave gained significant advantages in attaining gender justice by challenging gender discrimination in political,social and economic spheres. The demands for changehas led to significant shift in state policies.
Progressionof Women’s Rights inBangladesh:
Since achieving independence in 1971, the Bangladesh government while tirelessly working to develop economically, it has also been fighting another battle for women’s rights in Bangladesh.Despite a patriarchal social framework, Bengali women have held the right to vote since 1947, and the country elected its first female Prime Minister in 1991. Women fought for their country in Bangladesh’s Liberation War, and the constitution that the country subsequently adopted promised equal opportunities for women in all areas.The government has enacted numerous policies over the past decade focused on women’s rights in Bangladesh. The Ministry of Women and Children Affairs has increased allowances for widows, eased the burden on lactating mothers in urban areas and provided job training in fields such as agriculture and electronics. The National Women Development Policy of 2011 aimed to establish equal rights for men and women but also included specific goals such as assistance for female entrepreneurs. To oversee the implementation of the development policy, the government formed a 50-member National Women and Child Development Council chaired by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Hasina has also vocally supported women’s empowerment in global forums such as the UN.
In Bangladesh, many women occupy real leadership roles. The majority society In Bangladesh supports women’s political and civic participation, cultivating women’s leadership roles in areas such elections and political processes. The number of women winning seats in mainstream party leadership committees is in hundreds. The proportion of women in parliament has continued to rise over the past decade and women hold seats in 12,000 local political offices. The country is setting an example in encouraging women workers to engage and create a stronger social network, advocating for their rights in local communities and connecting them to resources through community groups.
Recognizing the significant potential of women-owned businesses to accelerate economic growth in Bangladesh, government has helped organize women’s business forums across the country to expand loan opportunities. These efforts resulted in commitments from the Bangladesh Bank and several commercial banks to provide collateral-free loans for women entrepreneurs at concessional interestrates. In other sectors too women the number of women workers are gradually rising. Young female graduates are increasingly joining Bangladesh’s media industry. Wahida Zaman, for example, recently joined United News of Bangladesh (UNB), an independent wire service, as an apprentice sub-editor.
During the past decades, Bangladesh has improved its education policies; and the access of girls to education has increased and since the 1990s, girls’ enrolment in primary school has increased rapidly.
In 2010, Bangladesh enacted the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act, 2010 and resultantly violence towards women, committed by men, has decreased significantly and is considerably low compared to south Asian countries like Sri Lanka, Nepal, and India.
The country is internationally recognized for its good progress on a number of gender indicators. These include gender parity in primary and secondary education and maternal mortality that has declined by 66 per cent over last few decades, estimated at a rate of 5.5 per cent every year. Bangladesh ranks highest in the Gender Gap Index in South Asia achieving 47th among 144 countries in the world.
 ‘Honour’ killings are killings of people, predominantly girls and women who are considered to have shamed the women’s families by aspects of their behaviour; they are most often perpetrated by male members of the women’s families and are intended to restore their ‘honour’
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