A topic rarely dealt with in the press is the situation between Jewish and Arab (Christian and Muslim) Israeli citizens. On April 26, 2020, the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics released official data on the Israeli population: 6.8 million Jews (74%), 1.93 million Arabs (21%) and 454,000 non-Arab Christians or followers of other faiths (5%). According to the most recent data (2018), the fertility rate is slightly higher in the Arab minority.
According to preliminary data from the Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI), updated to April 21, 2020 and regarding the compilation of the next Pluralism Index 2020, this year there has been a significant change in the way Arab citizens in Israel identify themselves.
According to the survey, conducted by Tel Aviv University, Israel’s minorities (26%) define themselves mainly as Israeli and half of them (51%) identify themselves as Arab-Israeli.
The share of non-Jews who define themselves mainly as Palestinian is around 7%, down from 18% of last year.
Furthermore, there has been a considerable increase in the number of Arabs who call themselves Israeli –up from 5% in 2019 to 23% this year.
This shows a significant change in the State identification of Israeli Arabs at the end of an election year (election of April 9, 2019), in which the issue of Israeli Arabs’ participation in the political arena and the social fabric of the State was discussed.
Another question of the survey asked respondents to assess how much they agreed with the statement: “I feel like a true Israeli”.
The majority of Arabs (Christians and Muslims) replied they fully agreed (65%) or in some way agreed (33%) with the identification of Israeli citizens.
Conversely, the majority of Muslim Arabs who feels Israeli stands at 61%, while almost one in five Muslim Arabs (18%) say the opposite.
The President of the Jewish People’s Policy Institute, Avinoam Bar-Yosef, has not talked about the impact of the previous election and has instead estimated that the results of the survey are due to the work carried out by Israeli Arabs in the medical field, especially during the fight against the challenge posed by the COVID-19 crisis, which has deepened the sense of collaboration between the two communities.
Exactly a year before, on March 28, 2019, a survey published by the Israeli webzine Sicha Mekomit found that the majority of Israeli citizens thought that positive relations existed between the Jewish and Arab populations of the country.
53% of the Jews interviewed said that the daily relations between Jews and Arabs were largely positive, with one third reporting negative relations based on personal experiences. Only 13% said they had not enough contacts with the Arab population to reply.
About 76% of the Arabs interviewed stated that, in their daily life, the relations between Jews and Arabs were largely positive. Only 6% underlined they had not enough contacts with the other population group to reply.
A survey prior to the above-mentioned Parliamentary elections of April 9, 2019, conducted by Dahlia Scheindlin and David Reis, revealed that most Jews and Arabs believe that cooperation between the two populations can advance various objectives, including environmental protection, workers’ rights and women’s rights.
In all the issues addressed, 55-58% of respondents said that Jewish-Arab cooperation would help to tackle and solve problems and only 10-14% thought it would be harmful. 72% of Arab respondents said that cooperation would be useful, compared to 54% of Jewish respondents.
Considering the above mentioned elections, almost half of the Arabs interviewed (47%) said they would be willing to vote for a Jewish party if their views were met, significantly more than the 15% of Arab voters who supported non-Arab parties in the 2015 election.
Only 4% of the Jews interviewed, however, did express their willingness to vote for an Arab party. Around 88% of Jews rejected the idea.
Although Arab parties have never been part of a coalition government, 87% of Arab respondents said they would somehow favour an Arab party joining the government. Only 4% of Arabs rejected that possibility. Among the Jews interviewed, however, only 35% said that an Arab party joining the government would be acceptable to some extent.
When Arab respondents were asked whether they recognized a Jewish people alongside the Palestinian people, 94% of Arabs responded in the affirmative and only 6% said there was only a Palestinian people.
Among the Jews interviewed, 52% acknowledged the existence of a Palestinian people while 48% said there was only a Jewish people.
The survey also asked Arab respondents how they defined themselves. Almost half (46%) called themselves Arab-Israeli; 22% said they were Arab; 19% said they were Palestinian-Israeli and 14% called themselves Palestinian only.
An interesting article by Umberto De Giovannangeli published on the issue No. 9/2018 of “Limes” which, however, is very topical, shows us a survey published by the Israeli section of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, concerning the programme for Jewish-Arab cooperation at the Dayan Center of Tel Aviv University, and by Keevoon, a research, strategy and communication company (declared margin of error: 2.25%).
“The number of people who agreed to respond positively to questions about State institutions is remarkably high and reflects a general aspiration to be integrated into Israeli society,” explained ItamarRadai, academic Director of the Adenauer program and researcher at the Dayan Center. At the same time, perceived discrimination was mentioned by respondents as a major cause of concern, with 47% saying they feel “generally treated unequally” as Arab citizens. The majority of respondents also denounced an unequal distribution of State’s fiscal resources. According to Michael Borchard, Director of the Israeli office of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, one of the most significant results of the survey is the answer given to the question: “Which word describes you best?”. The majority (28%) replied Arab-Israeli; 11% replied simply Israeli and 13% called themselves Arab citizens of Israel. 2% responded Israeli Muslim. Only 15% called themselves simply Palestinian, while 4% called themselves Palestinian in Israel; 3% called themselves Palestinian citizens in Israel and 2% Israeli Palestinian. 8% of respondents preferred to identify themselves simply as Muslim.
In other words, according to the survey, 56% of Arab citizens define themselves in one way or another as Israeli, while 24% as Palestinian. Only 23% avoid any reference to Israel, while 9% somehow combine the word Palestinian with the word Israeli or the expression “in Israel”. “The basic fact”, says Borchard, “is that there is more sense of identification with Israel than with a possible Palestinian State: Arabs want to be recognized in their specific identity, but they have no problem being associated to Israel”. The survey also found that Israeli Arab citizens are more worried about the economy, crime and internal equality than about the Palestinian issue.
The data obtained from De Giovannangeli’s article and previous Israeli surveys lead us to believe that the traditional secularism of Palestinian Arab citizens is clearly shown. Therefore, the anti-Israeli complexity of the Middle East countries –including, “paradoxically”, many allies of the United States, an old friend of Israel – may be less felt by Arab-Israeli citizens the more their economic situation may improve.
MomiDahan, a member of the Public Policy faculty at the Hebrew University, told us on May 8, 2018 that the low per capita income of Arab citizens in Israel corresponds to the high poverty rate of Arab families – which is about three times that of Jewish families – but “we cannot hold the Arabs responsible for Israel’s leading position in the ranking of inequality in disposable income”.
As a result, the higher the level of well-being of a country’s population, the fewer the reasons for friction on which third parties blow to fuel the fire of discord.
Process to draft Syria constitution begins this week
The process of drafting a new constitution for Syria will begin this week, the UN Special Envoy for the country, Geir Pedersen, said on Sunday at a press conference in Geneva.
Mr. Pedersen was speaking following a meeting with the government and opposition co-chairs of the Syrian Constitutional Committee, who have agreed to start the process for constitutional reform.
The members of its so-called “small body”, tasked with preparing and drafting the Constitution, are in the Swiss city for their sixth round of talks in two years, which begin on Monday.
Their last meeting, held in January, ended without progress, and the UN envoy has been negotiating between the parties on a way forward.
“The two Co-Chairs now agree that we will not only prepare for constitutional reform, but we will prepare and start drafting for constitutional reform,” Mr. Pedersen told journalists.
“So, the new thing this week is that we will actually be starting a drafting process for constitutional reform in Syria.”
The UN continues to support efforts towards a Syrian-owned and led political solution to end more than a decade of war that has killed upwards of 350,000 people and left 13 million in need of humanitarian aid.
An important contribution
The Syrian Constitutional Committee was formed in 2019, comprising 150 men and women, with the Government, the opposition and civil society each nominating 50 people.
This larger group established the 45-member small body, which consists of 15 representatives from each of the three sectors.
For the first time ever, committee co-chairs Ahmad Kuzbari, the Syrian government representative, and Hadi al-Bahra, from the opposition side, met together with Mr. Pedersen on Sunday morning.
He described it as “a substantial and frank discussion on how we are to proceed with the constitutional reform and indeed in detail how we are planning for the week ahead of us.”
Mr. Pedersen told journalists that while the Syrian Constitutional Committee is an important contribution to the political process, “the committee in itself will not be able to solve the Syrian crisis, so we need to come together, with serious work, on the Constitutional Committee, but also address the other aspects of the Syrian crisis.”
North Africa: Is Algeria Weaponizing Airspace and Natural Gas?
In a series of shocking and unintelligible decisions, the Algerian Government closed its airspace to Moroccan military and civilian aircraft on September 22, 2021, banned French military planes from using its airspace on October 3rd, and decided not to renew the contract relative to the Maghreb-Europe gas pipeline, which goes through Morocco and has been up and running since 1996–a contract that comes to end on October 31.
In the case of Morocco, Algeria advanced ‘provocations and hostile’ actions as a reason to shut airspace and end the pipeline contract, a claim that has yet to be substantiated with evidence. Whereas in the case of France, Algeria got angry regarding visa restrictions and comments by French President Emmanuel Macron on the Algerian military grip on power and whether the North African country was a nation prior to French colonization in 1830.
Algeria has had continued tensions with Morocco for decades, over border issues and over the Western Sahara, a territory claimed by Morocco as part of its historical territorial unity, but contested by Algeria which supports an alleged liberation movement that desperately fights for independence since the 1970s.
With France, the relation is even more complex and plagued with memories of colonial exactions and liberation and post-colonial traumas, passions and injuries. France and Algeria have therefore developed, over the post-independence decades, a love-hate attitude that quite often mars otherwise strong economic and social relations.
Algeria has often reacted to the two countries’ alleged ‘misbehavior’ by closing borders –as is the case with Morocco since 1994—or calling its ambassadors for consultations, or even cutting diplomatic relations, as just happened in August when it cut ties with its western neighbor.
But it is the first-time Algeria resorts to the weaponization of energy and airspace. “Weaponization” is a term used in geostrategy to mean the use of goods and commodities, that are mainly destined for civilian use and are beneficial for international trade and the welfare of nations, for geostrategic, political and even military gains. As such “weaponization” is contrary to the spirit of free trade, open borders, and solidarity among nations, values that are at the core of common international action and positive globalization.
Some observers advance continued domestic political and social unrest in Algeria, whereby thousands of Algerians have been taking to the streets for years to demand regime-change and profound political and economic reforms. Instead of positively responding to the demands of Algerians, the government is probably looking for desperate ways to divert attention and cerate foreign enemies as sources of domestic woes. Morocco and France qualify perfectly for the role of national scapegoats.
It may be true also that in the case of Morocco, Algeria is getting nervous at its seeing its Western neighbor become a main trade and investment partner in Africa, a role it can levy to develop diplomatic clout regarding the Western Sahara issue. Algeria has been looking for ways to curb Morocco’s growing influence in Africa for years. A pro-Algerian German expert, by the name of Isabelle Werenfels, a senior fellow in the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, even recommended to the EU to put a halt to Morocco’s pace and economic clout so that Algeria could catch up. Weaponization may be a desperate attempt to hurt the Moroccan economy and curb its dynamism, especially in Africa.
The impact of Algeria’s weaponization of energy and airspace on the Moroccan economy is minimal and on French military presence in Mali is close to insignificant; however, it shows how far a country that has failed to administer the right reforms and to transfer power to democratically elected civilians can go.
In a region, that is beleaguered by threats and challenges of terrorism, organized crime, youth bulge, illegal migration and climate change, you would expect countries like Algeria, with its geographic extension and oil wealth, to be a beacon of peace and cooperation. Weaponization in international relations is inacceptable as it reminds us of an age when bullying and blackmail between nations, was the norm. The people of the two countries, which share the same history, language and ethnic fabric, will need natural gas and unrestricted travel to prosper and grow and overcome adversity; using energy and airspace as weapons is at odds with the dreams of millions of young people in Algeria and Morocco that aspire for a brighter future in an otherwise gloomy economic landscape. Please don’t shatter those dreams!
Breaking The Line of the Israel-Palestine Conflict
The conflict between Israel-Palestine is a prolonged conflict and has become a major problem, especially in the Middle East region.
A series of ceasefires and peace negotiations between Israel and Palestine that occurred repeatedly did not really “normalize” the relationship between the two parties.
In order to end the conflict, a number of parties consider that the two-state solution is the best approach to create two independent and coexistent states. Although a number of other parties disagreed with the proposal, and instead proposed a one-state solution, combining Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip into one big state.
Throughout the period of stalemate reaching an ideal solution, the construction and expansion of settlements carried out illegally by Israel in the Palestinian territories, especially the West Bank and East Jerusalem, also continued without stopping and actually made the prospect of resolving the Israeli-Palestinian crisis increasingly eroded, and this could jeopardize any solutions.
The attempted forced eviction in the Sheikh Jarrah district, which became one of the sources of the conflict in May 2021, for example, is an example of how Israel has designed a system to be able to change the demographics of its territory by continuing to annex or “occupy” extensively in the East Jerusalem area. This is also done in other areas, including the West Bank.
In fact, Israel’s “occupation” of the eastern part of Jerusalem which began at the end of the 1967 war, is an act that has never received international recognition.
This is also confirmed in a number of resolutions issued by the UN Security Council Numbers 242, 252, 267, 298, 476, 478, 672, 681, 692, 726, 799, 2334 and also United Nations General Assembly Resolutions Number 2253, 55/130, 60/104, 70/89, 71/96, A/72/L.11 and A/ES-10/L.22 and supported by the Advisory Opinion issued by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2004 on Legal Consequences of The Construction of A Wall in The Occupied Palestine Territory which states that East Jerusalem is part of the Palestinian territories under Israeli “occupation”.
1 or 2 country solution
Back to the issue of the two-state solution or the one-state solution that the author mentioned earlier. The author considers that the one-state solution does not seem to be the right choice.
Facts on the ground show how Israel has implemented a policy of “apartheid” that is so harsh against Palestinians. so that the one-state solution will further legitimize the policy and make Israel more dominant. In addition, there is another consideration that cannot be ignored that Israel and Palestine are 2 parties with very different and conflicting political and cultural identities that are difficult to reconcile.
Meanwhile, the idea of a two-state solution is an idea that is also difficult to implement. Because the idea still seems too abstract, especially on one thing that is very fundamental and becomes the core of the Israel-Palestine conflict, namely the “division” of territory between Israel and Palestine.
This is also what makes it difficult for Israel-Palestine to be able to break the line of conflict between them and repeatedly put them back into the status quo which is not a solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict.
The status quo, is in fact a way for Israel to continue to “annex” more Palestinian territories by establishing widespread and systematic illegal settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Today, more than 600,000 Israeli settlers now live in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
In fact, a number of resolutions issued by the UN Security Council have explicitly and explicitly called for Israel to end the expansion of Israeli settlement construction in the occupied territory and require recognition of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the region.
Thus, all efforts and actions of Israel both legislatively and administratively that can cause changes in the status and demographic composition in East Jerusalem and the West Bank must continue to be condemned. Because this is a violation of the provisions of international law.
To find a solution to the conflict, it is necessary to look back at the core of the conflict that the author has mentioned earlier, and the best way to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is to encourage Israel to immediately end the “occupation” that it began in 1967, and return the settlements to the pre-Islamic borders 1967 In accordance with UN Security Council resolution No. 242.
But the question is, who can stop the illegal Israeli settlements in the East Jerusalem and West Bank areas that violate the Palestinian territories?
In this condition, international political will is needed from countries in the world, to continue to urge Israel to comply with the provisions of international law, international humanitarian law, international human rights law and also the UN Security Council Resolutions.
At the same time, the international community must be able to encourage the United Nations, especially the United Nations Security Council, as the organ that has the main responsibility for maintaining and creating world peace and security based on Article 24 of the United Nations Charter to take constructive and effective steps in order to enforce all United Nations Resolutions, and dare to sanction violations committed by Israel, and also ensure that Palestinian rights are important to protect.
So, do not let this weak enforcement of international law become an external factor that also “perpetuates” the cycle of the Israel-Palestine conflict. It will demonstrate that John Austin was correct when he stated that international law is only positive morality and not real law.
And in the end, the most fundamental thing is that the blockade, illegal development, violence, and violations of international law must end. Because the ceasefire in the Israel-Palestine conflict is only a temporary solution to the conflict.
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