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How Modern Chinese Political Thoughts Formed Indonesia Towards its Independence

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Indonesia and China relations have been building each other’s capacities either politically and economically for 70 years despite many challenges and tensions among them during that time. Today, China is one of Indonesia’s strategic partners in economic and infrastructure development. At the same time, China becomes a new economic powerhouse and prominent state actor in world politics.  Behind the rise of China economically and politically in international politics, many modern Chinese thinkers were laying fundamental philosophy which has strengthened morals, value and enlightens ways to build stronger and modern China. Those were, Dr. Sun Yat – sen, Mao Zedong, and Li Dazhao which became the modern foundation of China. They were born and raised in China when ruled by an outdated monarchy, Qing Dynasty, which urgently needs to reform their aspects of government. They realized there should be a new principle to guide China to be a modern nation. The founding fathers of Indonesia also influenced them and made China have a significant contribution indirectly towards Indonesia during the era of the national independence movement (1908 – 1942).

Indonesia and China bilateral relations formally established after the declaration of the founding of the People Republic of China (PRC) on October 1st, 1949, Indonesia recognized the sovereignty and formation of the PRC a few months later on April 13th, 1950. Indonesia became the first Southeast Asian country to established official diplomatic affairs with the PRC and recognized Communist Party of China (CPC) who hold sovereignty of China Mainland with the title “the People’s Republic of China” instead Kuomintang Party which loosed the Civil War (1927 – 1936 and 1946 – 1950) against Communist Party and exiled to Formosa Island (now Taiwan). Indonesia’s recognition of the People’s Republic of China’s sovereignty to ruling China is the beginning of the relations between the two nations. During that time, Soekarno, the first president and The Founding Father of Indonesia has strong relations with China and become the golden era of Indonesia and China political relations[1].

China Contributions Towards Indonesia in Politics: Pan Asianism, Three Principles of People, and Mao Zedong’s Leadership

Relations between Indonesia and China were going well due to Ir. Soekarno, the first President and the founding father of Indonesia, had a positive attitude towards China. During His youth, Soekarno was inspired by Pan – Asianism thought by Li Dazhao,[2] one of the founding members of The Communist Party of China despite Pan – Asianism pioneered by Dr. Sun Yat – Sen.[3] Li Dazhao version of Pan – Asianism was popular among Indonesian young intellectuals because the idea of Li Dazhao to build a “New Greater Asia” against The Japanese version which glorify Japan as the leader of Asia was only to fulfill Japan ambition to conquer all of Asia and creating new kind of Imperialism which most Asian nations already suffered previously by European Powers..After the death of Dr. Sun Yat – sen, Most Indonesians during that era in favor Mao Zedong who was Li Dazhao’s disciples and partner to founding Communist Party of China than Chiang Kai shek as successor of Dr. Sun Yat – sen to spread spirit of Pan – Asianism, This can be proofed on Soekarno’s essay written on Suluh Indonesia Muda in 1928[4] .

Not only Pan – Asianism by Li Dazhao thought, Sun Yat – sen thoughts had influenced many independence movement organizations in Indonesia during Dutch Colonialism regime in Indonesia. Young Soekarno during his college years in Bandung, influenced by both of them after spending time discussing social and political issues during that era with his Chinese descendant colleagues. Soekarno admitted that Pancasila has been inspired by The Three Principles of People thought by Dr, Sun Yat – sen.[5] For example, the first principle, Minzu or People, is commonly preferred as nationalism. Nationalism interpretation according to Sun Yat – sen meant independence from imperialism and colonialism by creating Chinese Nationalism formed by united major races in China such as Han, Manchu, Mongol, Tibetans, and Moslems (Hui and Uyghur)[6]. The idea of Minzu influences the third principle of Pancasila, Persatuan Indonesia or United Indonesia to unify all ethnic and races in Indonesia to form Indonesia Nationalism.

 Then, the second principle Mínquán or democracy, Dr. Sun Yat – sen interpreted that democracy is desirable for China because it the highest form of political evolution and attempted to reinforce people aspirations and assist it into the achievement of complete justice. This is similar to the fourth principle of Pancasila which emphasizes the government of, from, by the people. And the last, the third principle, Minshēng or People Livelihood interpreted as collaboration and partnership between people and the government to achieve maximum social justice with restraining capitalist power through taxation, regulation of capital, and land equalization to avoid the emergence of modern labour exploitation. This has similar meaning with the fifth principle of Pancasila, Fair social justice for all Indonesians. With these similarities of definition and ideas between The Three Principles and three of five principles of Pancasila, it’s clear that Pancasila was influenced by The Three Principles of People by Dr. Sun Yat – Sen which has become the modern foundation of China until now.    

After the end of the Chinese Civil War, China built its relations with Indonesia officially in 1953. During that time, Soekarno was impressed by Mao Zedong’s leadership based on His political ideas thought, New Democracy. Mao Zedong’s leadership brought China into an industrialized nation and the fastest economic growth during that time has inspired Ir. Soekarno adopted it during his presidency. After His state visit to China in 1956, Soekarno adopted China’s political systems during Mao’s leadership as a role model to build and change the foundation of political systems in Indonesia after parliamentary democracy failed to create a new constitution. Soekarno formed a centralized government in which he as a leader has a central role to maintain governance of Indonesia. Soekarno viewed Mao Zedong’s thoughts, New Democracy as the successor of The Three Principles of People by Dr. Sun Yat – sen because of New Democracy giving progressive views towards peasants and poor people as were the majority of the population in Indonesia during that time.

For example why New Democracy is successor of The Three Principles of People, Mao perspective on democracy (Mínquán) is a form of government systems should be ruled and organized by peasants or proletariat through people congresses from national level down to the provincial, county, district and township which their member consist of proper representative for each revolutionary class according to its status in the state, a proper expression of the people’s will, a proper direction for revolutionary struggles and a proper manifestation of the spirit of New Democracy elected their own government bodies, then a system of really universal and equal suffrage, irrespective of sex, creed, property or education, must be introduced[7]. Such is the system of A democratic centralism or Social Democratic to achieve complete social justice, Soekarno affirmed this through his speech at Indonesia National Party Conference on July 3th, 1957. Soekarno believed that Indonesia should adopt this Social Democratic system which different than in the western hemisphere to achieve complete social justice[8]. This Soekarno way to elaborate his leadership style with Mao Zedong thought, New Democracy to validify made Soekarno have emotional tied with Mao Zedong and relations between Indonesia and China getting along together well in politically.

Conclusion

Contemporary China today has been formed by their intellectuals and political leaders to form new political and philosophical foundations to replace feudalistic and outdated systems by the previous Qing Dynasty which failed to protect China from imperialist powers and develop China economy during that time despite the strategic location of China and the abundance of natural resources. The early revolution called Xinhai Revolution (1911 – 1912) was initiated by Dr. Sun Yat – sen based on The Three Principles of The People to create democratic and unified the five races in China. Before the creation of The Three Principles of The People, Dr. Sun Yat-sen pioneered Pan-Asianism to invite all Asian people to rise against western imperialist powers after the victory of Japanese Navy against the Imperial Russian Navy in The Battle of Tsushima (1905). However, Japan corrupted the meaning of Pan – Asianism to rationalized Japanese military aggression and political absortion to justify Japan as a leader of Asia. Li Dazhao offered Pan – Asianism which means all Asian Nations should rise against any imperialist power including Japan and unite to achieve equal union of all Asian Nations.

Pan Asianism influenced all of many independence movements in many regions in Asia which had been colonized for a long time by western or European powers, including Indonesia which controlled Dutch Colonial Government during that time to rise up against colonial or imperialist powers. Then, The Three Principles of The People has influenced Soekarno as the founding father of Indonesia to create a philosophical foundation for Indonesia. The similarity of the diversity of people and historical condition between China and Indonesia is the reason why Soekarno was inspired by The Three Principles of The People to create Pancasila as the philosophical foundation of Indonesia until today.

After the independence, Soekarno as the first President of Indonesia impressed by the rapid development of China during the Mao era thanks to his leadership style. Mao Zedong leadership based on his political idea, On New Democracy to form a centralized government to manage all aspects in politics and economy to achieve maximum and equal social justice among the people. Mao’s leadership based on On New Democracy adopted by Soekarno to boost Indonesia’s development after the independence. The conclusion of this paper is China had been contributed Indonesia politically during Pre-Independence Era or The National Revival / Independence Movement Era (1908 – 1942) through Pan – Asianism by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, then revised by Li Dazhao to reinforce the sense of nationalism among Indonesian Intellectuals, and The Three Principle of The People by Dr. Sun Yat-sen to create Philosophical foundation of modern Indonesia. Then, Mao Zedong’s leadership based on On New Democracy to boost Indonesia development after the independence which adopted by Soekarno.           


[1] Liu, H. “China and the Shaping of Indonesia, 1949-1965” (2011) p. 233 – 236

[2] Rudi,H. .(2011, May 29th). “Bung Karno dan Pan Asianisme.” Berdikari Online. Web. Accessed from http://www.berdikarionline.com/bung-karno-dan-pan-asianisme/

[3] Dahm, B, “Soekarno and The Struggle for Indonesian Independence” (1970), p 115 -116 

[4] Sukarno, “Indonesianism and Pan Asianism”, p. 67. 16

[5] Sukarno, “The Birth of Pantja Sila” (1945), in Pantja Sila: The Basis of the State of the Republic of Indonesia (Jakarta: Department of Information, P. 196

[6] Bedeski, Robert E. “The Concept of the State: Sun Yat-sen and Mao Tse-tung.” The China Quarterly, no. 70 (1977): 338-54. Accessed January 31, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/652620.

[7] Mao Tse-tung, ”On New Democracy.” SW, Voll. II, P. 347. https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-2/mswv2_26.htm 

[8] Utomo, Satriono Priyo. “Indonesia, Tiongkok dan Komunisme, 1949-1965.” Indonesian Perspective 2.1 (2017): P. 66

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Southeast Asia

Ready for the Dry Years: Building Resilience to Drought in Southeast Asia

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Authors: Armida Salsiah Alisjahbana and Lim Jock Hoi*

South-East Asia has long endured severe droughts, which occur on average every five years. The prolonged 2015 and 2018 droughts were the worst on record for two decades. They simultaneously affected more than 70 per cent of the land area, with over 325 million people exposed. No ASEAN member States was spared from the devastating impacts including the disruption to livelihoods and food security, as well as forest fires and haze.

The drivers of drought risk in South-East Asia are inherently complex, resulting in considerable year-to-year variations. Drought is heavily influenced by various climatic drivers, mainly the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) and Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD). Yet, despite this complexity, clear trends point to an intensifying drought risk across the region.

New analysis of observed data and climate projections in the second edition of Ready for the Dry Years: Building Resilience to Drought in Southeast Asia, a joint report by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) and Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) reveals a statistically significant increase in temperature from 1981-2020, that is expected to continue. This means that drought severity will increase as the climate gets warmer.

This urgency has been enhanced by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has converged with the climate crisis. Both disasters have simultaneously disrupted people’s health, livelihoods and supply chains across the region. These compounding impacts have led to severe economic stress and undermined the ability of the region to deal with current and future disaster risks. It is crucial that we understand how recurrent droughts and the current pandemic are interacting, to identify appropriate policies that can address these crises simultaneously.

ASEAN and ESCAP are working together to prevent the destructive impacts of droughts by promoting a paradigm shift towards more adaptive drought risk management and governance. This cooperation is anchored in a forward-looking, science-based approach to drought risks. The adaptive policy interventions must support the most vulnerable and those furthest behind in the region.

The latest evidence shows that 15 to 25 per cent of the region’s population lives in drought hotspots, with low levels of socio-economic development and high exposure to recurring droughts. Targeted policy interventions in these areas will be essential to prevent the cumulative impacts of recurring droughts, which over time, pose a serious threat to hard-won development gains, particularly the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. These interventions must follow three clear policy tracks to reduce and prevent droughts from occurring; prepare and respond to droughts when they happen; and restore and recover after a drought has passed. Accordingly, they should cover a wide range of policy areas, from the management of food, water and energy systems, to the implementation of early warning systems and drought risk financing.

Governments should capitalize on several opportunities to meet this challenge. Firstly, the cyclical and slow-onset nature of drought provides time for us to take risk-informed actions now, to prevent a drought hazard from becoming a crisis. Secondly, governments can benefit from ASEAN’s extensive experience and expertise through greater regional cooperation, driven by ASEAN’s agenda on drought and the newly adopted ASEAN Declaration on the Strengthening of the Adaptation to Drought. Thirdly, the COVID-19 pandemic offers an opportunity to act now to reduce the impacts of future droughts, by incorporating measures to build resilience into COVID-19 recovery stimulus packages.

The latest developments in science and technology will underpin the successful scale up of drought management interventions. ASEAN member States must take concrete steps now to strengthen national and regional drought monitoring and improve our understanding of the causes of drought. It is now more vital than ever for the region to build resilience to drought. By working together, we can mitigate the impact of future droughts and ensure that the entire ASEAN Community will be ready for the dry years ahead.

On this note, strong partnerships between the United Nations, ASEAN and national governments and other stakeholders are essential to deal with the increasingly complex and uncertain extreme weather and climate situations along with the impacts of transnational slow-onset disaster risks. ASEAN and the United Nations has enjoyed fruitful cooperation through implementation of the Comprehensive Partnership and the Plan of Action. This joint ASEAN-ESCAP work has reflected our cooperation and partnership for the benefit of our peoples.

*Lim Jock Hoi, Secretary-General of ASEAN

UN ESCAP

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Cambodia’s Hun Sen, Asia’s longest-serving PM, continues to quell the Opposition

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Image source: Wikipedia

For the past 35 years, the former French colony of Cambodia is ruled by the 68-year-old Prime Minister Hun Sen, Asia’s longest serving head of the government. His policies are regarded as autocratic, aimed at forcibly limiting the scope for the Opposition to rise politically and come to the forefront of democratic activism.

The latest in line of such policies is the politically-motivated mass trials of more than a hundred members and supporters of the banned Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP).

The 2012-founded CNRP’s unexpected success in the polls of 2013 and 2017 was seen by Hun Sen and his ruling Cambodian People’s Party with trepidation. The democratic opposition party’s performance came amid sustained pressures of intimidation and electoral malpractice.

The CNRP was the only opposition represented in the country’s National Assembly or lower house of the parliament, with 55 out of 123 seats, until November 2017 when the pro-Sen Supreme Court ruled to dissolve the party, ending its five years of existence.

ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights referred to this arbitrary move as the final nail in the coffin for Cambodian democracy. Also, CNRP’s leader Kem Sokha was arrested on fake charges of treason, accusing him of conspiring with the US to overthrow the prime minister and his government, a claim which Washington has categorically rejected.

Strikingly, these moves came ahead of the 2018 election. In the absence of an effective Opposition, Hun Sen’s CPP unsurprisingly won 100% of parliamentary seats in the last elections held in July 2018.

Meanwhile, Sen’s biggest political rival during his three-and-a-half decade rule, Sam Rainsy, has been living in exile in Paris for the past fifteen years. Last year, he was planning to return to Cambodia along with other senior opposition figures via Thailand, but was denied boarding on the Thai flight due to Cambodian threats to the airlines.

However, to Sen and the CPP’s dismay, in January 2020, some former members of the CNRP and other democratic activists announced the formation of a new party named the Cambodian Nation Love Party (CNLP) to continue the CNRP’s legacy and participate in future elections.

The Cambodian people’s undying quest for democratic reforms was exemplified with the formation of a new democratic party. Sen’s previous attempt to prevent the erstwhile CNRP from reconstituting itself under another name, by banning more than 100 of its leading members from politics for a period of five years thus failed to reap sustainable gains.

As the suppression of democratic expression continues for a long time now, relations with the West have deteriorated in the past few years, pushing the ASEAN country further into Beijing’s orbit. The US is also watching the trial closely. Meanwhile, the European Union, a key export destination for Cambodia, has withdrawn special trade privileges given earlier.

Now, the recent summoning of 140 ex-CNRP members and supporters, for charges of conspiracy and attempting to overthrow the government, is the latest political drama in the long set of desperate moves from Hun Sen to cling on to power.

Among those who showed up in court include former opposition senator Thach Setha and Cambodian-American human rights lawyer, Theary Seng. But, there are many who fled into exile believing that they would not be given a fair trial.

Cambodia, bearing the painful memory of a genocide that happened under Pol Pot’s notorious Khmer Rouge regime in the late 1970s killing 2 million people, saw the country slipping into the hands of another would-be autocratic leader, Hun Sen, in 1985.

The interventions by the United Nations and other human rights-oriented organisations appear to be failing in the Southeast Asian nation as long-established democratic processes drift away and elections are held for namesake, adding up to the political drama. With Sen unwilling to forfeit power, the future prospects for Cambodia seem to be a dreary continuation of the past.

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The 2020 Myanmar Election and China: Push and Pull factor in ‘Paukphaw’ friendship

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National Democratic League (NLD), the ruling party of Myanmar under Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had a landslide victory in the election, which led the party to continue in power for another five years. While Myanmar still struggling with the civil war crisis and without any solution-oriented approach the crisis in Rohingya is nowhere near to end since the breakout of the severe crisis in 2017.

The pre-election and post-election international media coverage and scholarly discussion on Myanmar bring back the China factor in the Myanmar election and general China’s undeniable ties with Myanmar. It’s been argued that a vote for Aung San Suu Kyi would mean the continuation of the unprecedented expansion of China in the country and a vote for multi-ethnic parties would mean resistance to China-backed infrastructure and other projects.

While the backlashes against China among multi-ethnic parties and towards China-led infrastructure projects are omnipresent in Myanmar, however, China has not loosed its heart to engage in the Myanmar peace process. It is also to be noted that China does not only have good relation with NLD but it also keeps its relationship with the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). It also frequently engages itself in discussion with ethnic groups. What China likes to call itself is a “neutral player”. Thus, the election results would not have a significant impact on the China-Myanmar relationship.  

The irk of Western countries towards Myanmar, who initially supported Myanmar’s democratic transition only intensified with the 2020 election as the Myanmar election commission only allowed election in 8 townships in Rohingya state, and denied election in 9 other townships. A joint statement was issued under the leadership of the UK and the US regarding the inclusion of left out Rohingyas into the election along with urging Myanmar to be more serious regarding the global ceasefire and confidence-building steps that include lifting restrictions on access to health, education, and basic services, lifting restrictions on freedom of movement. China’s as under the principle of non-interference abstained from commenting on the exclusion of nine districts in Rohingya state from the election. Chinese government since 2017 has blocked draft resolutions at UNSC regarding international intervention in the crisis in Myanmar. China, however bilaterally posited itself as a mediator between Myanmar and Bangladesh on the repatriation of Rohingyas. A role, China now often seems to play in conflict-ridden countries, for example in the Afghan peace process China plays a similar mediator role.  

Myanmar’s foreign policy after 2015 and China

After the first democratic election in Myanmar in 2015, and NLD’s new manifesto was focused on upholding ‘an active and independent foreign policy’. Under the AngSyu Ki leadership, the foreign policy of Myanmar was considered to be hedging towards a neutralist foreign policy to work together for the benefit of the region on issues relating to regional organizations and programs. Another important pledge in Myanmar’s 2015 foreign policy manifesto was to “to identify and cooperate with other countries on joint economic enterprises of mutual benefit. In particular, to work together for the benefit of the region on issues relating to regional organizations and programs.” Which, as mentioned by Moe Thuzar of Singapore’s ISEAS-YusofIshak Institute is missing in the 2020 Manifesto. The reason for missing the important article from the 2020 manifesto could be Myanmar’s subtle attempt to balance China’s unprecedented presence in the region. As, it also aligns with some of the recent activities of other international actors in Myanmar. Such as high-level delegation visits by India, in October 2020, Myanmar’s growing interest in business engagement with Hong Kong, and eagerness to expand its economic co-operation with other Asian countries such as South Korea and Singapore. All this renewed interest within a span of two months from September to October 2020, before the election in Myanmar also could be an attempt to recover the focus in Myanmar’s democratic transition as opposed to growing clout over claiming Myanmar as an authoritarian regime, especially after 2017.

In terms of Myanmar’s policy towards China, Myanmar could not be seen as prey to China’s economic interest. As, even though the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor is kicking off, Myanmar is still apprehensive regarding embracing all of the Chinese lead projects. According to Irrawaddy times, from China’s originally proposed 40 projects, only nine projects were tentatively agreed to implement from both sides under China Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC).

AyungSyu Ki’s diplomatic shrewdness is evident in Myanmar’s China policy. The country despite using China as a shield to defend itself from international intervention, China has not completely able to unlock all economic leverages. China’s patience with Myanmar also relates to the fact of ensuring security in its border province. 

Yang Jiechi, the head of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission of the Chinese Communist Party’s short September visit to Myanmar was an indication that China does not take Myanmar for granted to materialize the economic projects, it has started in the country under the banner of BRI, Especially after the 2017 launch of China Myanmar Economic Corridor. Before NLD came into power in 2015, the anti-Chinese sentiments in Myanmar were more prominent, as it has led to President Thein Sein to halt the Myitsone Dam in 2011. Scholars have argued that Myanmar’s skepticism over Chinese led projects between 2011-2012 could be seen as a reaction to its proximity with the West, as Western sanctions were slowly lifted for a brief period (Ganesan, 2017). Thus, as the Western sanctions grew after 2017, Myanmar hedged towards China. Even though, Myanmar is always dubious about China’s economic diplomacy in Myanmar.

However, Myanmar does return the favor to China diplomatically by recognizing the ‘one-China principle’. Myanmar’s President U Win Myint during the visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping in January 2020, states Myanmar’s firm adherence to the One China principle, respects the “one country, two systems” policy China has implemented in Hong Kong and Macao and has always recognized Taiwan as an inalienable part of China’s territory. 

Myanmar is also one of the 53 countries that supported the Hong Kong National Security Law.

China’s multifaceted engagement in Myanmar

The question arises can Myanmar altogether keep China aside, especially from its peace process? As China’s border is at the stake, China is pretty much invested in Myanmar’s peace process. In the third Union Peace Conference, China played important role in pressurizing ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) to attend the peace conference. For China’s interest, the member of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FNPCC) includes the Northern Alliance EAOs, which are known for attacking commercial interests in northern Shan State and Kachin state that shares a border with China. China-funded the EAOs to attend the conference, which was the first time all the ethnic groups attended it with Chinese aid and diplomacy. Thus, Myanmar can’t shun Chinese help when it comes to the peace process. As of August 2020, the fourth Union peace conference marked the absence of many of the ethnic groups as due to COVID and other factors China was not seen pushing much for their inclusion. Yun Sun noted that the reason could be the absence of any specific request of the Myanmar government to China regarding the same. 

Apart from, engagement with the peace process and supporting Myanmar at the international front regarding the Rohingya crisis, and mediating between Bangladesh and Myanmar, China seem to have a resilient network approach towards Myanmar. This has led China to engage different actors in its diplomacy towards Myanmar. Chinese government NGOs (GONGO)’s such as the China International Poverty Alleviation Foundation (CIPAF), Blue Sky are becoming more present in Myanmar. These GONGO’s are not only providing humanitarian aid but also organizing skill development programs for locals. The Chinese government also sometimes organizes training programs for Myanmar’s diplomats and officials and businessman. Hence, China is more engaging at the grassroots level, a diplomatic style China has adopted from its experience of engagement in unstable states in Africa. 

Thus, as for now, it is both a win-win game for China and Myanmar, as both seem to seek leverages from each other. However, it would interesting to see if more international actors, especially the US lifts the ban on Myanmar and get engage with the country how Myanmar would design its policies towards China. 

The views expressed in this article are those of the author.

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