On 13 August, Donald J Trump announced Abraham Accord, which is signed between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel. As per the agreement, UAE has announced the full normalization of ties with Israel, while Israel has agreed to shelve its plan to annex 30% of the West Bank which means UAE has become the third Arab state after Egypt and Jordan to accept Israel. The news has flared up the quarrel that why UAE normalized its relations with Israel and what will be the future of this deal for UAE, Israel, US and Iran. UAE’s foreign ministry has regarded the deal as a “win-win situation,” whereas Palestine has held this accord as “treacherous stab in the back.” This recent development could lead to a major shift in the geopolitics of the Middle East.
Keeping the Palestine cause apart, the surge in cooperation is to subdue Iranian influence in the Middle East as both regard Iran as a destabilizing factor in the region. Iran’s military capacity is a stern peril to the US, Israel and UAE’s strategic interest in the Middle East. In the past, several attempts have been made to normalize the relations; both states have quietly cooperated for years on trade and security.
Historically, both states haven’t faced each other in any battle and relations cannot be outlined as of hostility; Israeli ministers and athletes have been hosted by UAE in the recent past. Israel even holds a diplomatic office in Abu Dhabi, since 2015. Israel was invited to participate in the Dubai World Expo 2020, which has been delayed to 2021, but the point to ponder from all of these references is that the inching towards normalization with Israel has always been on the table for UAE.
As far as Palestine is concerned, UAE has already left Palestinian cause as the UAE-Palestine relations have been soured. UAE hasn’t sent any money to Ramallah based government since 2014, but when it did try to send medical supplies to Palestine amid Covid-19, it was rejected by Palestine because the supplies were first landed in Tel Aviv. Moreover, when the Jerusalem was recognized as the capital of Israel by Trump, weariness was observed from the Emiratis which would have given a clear indication to Mohammed bin Zayed (MBZ) that normalizing ties would not receive any strong protest in UAE. Furthermore, UAE understands that West Bank is already annexed, as 600,000 Israelis are settled there. So the idea to halt annexation is not the major agenda to forge an alliance with Israel.
This deal is a huge coup for Israel — who has been consistently pushing the Muslim world to normalize ties. The deal states that the annexation will be paused even Trump in his latest speech has said that the annexation plan is off the table, but for Netanyahu, it is still ‘on the table’. Without committing to peace in Palestine or a two-state solution, Israel has normalized its relations with the UAE while continuing bombing in Gaze.
The speciality of this agreement for Tal Aviv will be that this peace came at a time when no peace negotiation was taking place. In the past, Egypt signed Camp David accords in 1979 and Jordon signed the agreement at the heights of Oslo in 1994, but for now, no such conflict was present between Israel and UAE. This is a real success for Tal Aviv because this agreement could alter the stalemate in the region, possibly leading more states in the region to normalize ties with Israel by taking the annexation plan as an excuse for forging ties with Israel.
Furthermore, the agreement will bolster the standing of Israeli businesses who will have access to Abu Dhabi and Dubai along with this direct flights will resume from Tel Aviv to Abu Dhabi. Henceforth, UAE will act as a gateway to the wider Arab world for Israel. The agreement has come at a time when Netanyahu is facing corruption charges, so this agreement will allow him to show himself as a diplomat who will unleash the Arab world for Israel.
For Trump, the deal is “Huge”. This deal will act as a major diplomatic win for Trump administration before elections. So far, Trump’s foreign policy approach hasn’t been effective. Trump’s approach against Iran couldn’t seal any outcome, along with that, the US will withdraw from Afghanistan at a time when the Taliban is on the surge and US-China Tussle amid coronavirus have shown that there was a rifle in Trump to find a diplomatic achievement. This deal will add to Trump’s success which could be bolstered if more Arab states come forward to normalize ties with Israel. Four Arab Israel wars and finally a deal with UAE, Trump will use it to show that he is a peace broker in the region. Despite this diplomatic triumph, this deal won’t help Trump in gaining voters because the voters won’t be focusing on foreign policy success.
This agreement will have major repercussions for the Iranian interest, although UAE has stated that the agreement is ‘not directed at Iran’. This agreement will act as a game-changer in the regional equations as the region will become a geopolitical hotspot. The rhetoric’s from Iran are strong —Iranian supreme leader Hassan Rohani, has regarded this act as a “huge mistake” and a “treacherous act” and a mass protest has been witnessed outside UAE consulate in Tehran.
The closeness of ties between Iran’s regional archenemy and UAE, in the Gulf, is due to many factors, but the major reason is the antipathy towards Iran. Furthermore, the US sanctions against Iran after withdrawing from P5+1, let UAE see this as an opportunity to align its interest with those of US and Israel to counter Iran’s influence in the region and this lies in line with Trump’s Middle East Policy to promote diplomatic ties between Israel and Arab states.
The stance of Iran is clear, as per Iranian army chief of staff, Major General Mohammad Bather said that our relation with UAE will change if Iran’s interest in the Persian Gulf is damaged, or any act amid the agreement leads to a national security threat, for Iran. The prospect of such a deal could lead to increase in subversive activities by Iran against UAE, along with that, Iran could stop the free navigation of UAE oil tankers in the Persian Gulf to show its grievances over the agreement.
The deal will explore cooperation in military and security domains. Recently, Mossad’s chief has visited UAE – a warning for Iran, if the deal expands to the security field. UAE will be keen to sign a deal to acquire an Iron Dome missile defense system, which could counter Iran’s ballistic missile arsenal. Furthermore, a deal of F-35 to the UAE is in the process despite broad objection by Israel which if materialized could pose serious concern for Iran as UAE will become the second country in the middle east to acquire the most advanced fighter jet.
Henceforth, the deal is a hallmark for both states as it will help them to increase ties – Cooperation in Trade, security, and technological domains are expected. UAE will be seeking to expand its role in the region. Cooperation in the military and strategic sphere will remain a hot topic for the policymakers who will be observing Iranian counter-strategy against Abraham accord.
Middle Eastern autocrats sigh relief: the US signals Democracy Summit will not change policy
The United States has signalled in advance of next week’s Summit for Democracy that it is unlikely to translate lip service to adherence to human rights and democratic values in the Middle East into a policy that demonstrates seriousness and commitment.
In a statement, the State Department said the December 9-10 summit would “set forth an affirmative agenda for democratic renewal and to tackle the greatest threats faced by democracies today through collective action.” e State Department said that in advance of the summit, it had consulted with government experts, multilateral organisations, and civil society “to solicit bold, practicable ideas” on “defending against authoritarianism,” “promoting respect for human rights,” and fighting corruption.
Of the more than 100 countries alongside civil society and private sector representatives expected to participate in the summit, only Israel is Middle Eastern, and a mere eight are Muslim-majority states. They are Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Albania, Iraq, Kosovo, Niger, and the Maldives.
US President Joe Biden has made the competition between democracy and autocracy a pillar of his administration policy and put it at the core of the United States’ rivalry with China.
“We’re in a contest…with autocrats, autocratic governments around the world, as to whether or not democracies can compete with them in a rapidly changing 21st century,” Mr. Biden said.
Yet, recent statements by the Pentagon and a White House official suggested that, despite the lofty words, US Middle East policy is likely to maintain long-standing support for the region’s autocratic rule in the belief that it will ensure stability.
Popular revolts in the past decade that toppled leaders of Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Libya, Algeria, Sudan, Iraq, and Lebanon suggest that putting a lid on the pot was not a solution. That is true even if the achievements of the uprisings were either rolled back by Gulf-supported counter-revolutionary forces or failed to achieve real change.
To be sure, Gulf states have recognized that keeping the pot covered is no longer sufficient. As a result, countries like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have developed plans and policies that cater to youth aspirations with economic and social reforms while repressing political freedoms.
The US appears to be banking on the success of those reforms and regional efforts to manage conflicts so that they don’t spin out of control.
On that basis, the United States maintains a policy that is a far cry from standing up for human rights and democracy. It is a policy that, in practice, does not differ from Chinese and Russian backing of Middle Eastern autocracy. Continuous US public and private references to human rights and democratic values and occasional baby steps like limiting arms sales do not fundamentally alter things.
Neither does the United States’ choice of partners when it comes to responding to popular uprisings and facilitating political transition. In dealing with the revolt in Sudan that in 2019 toppled President Omar al-Bashir and a military coup in October, both the Trump and Biden administration turned to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and Israel. While Israel is a democracy, none of the US partners favour democratic solutions to crises of governance.
White House Middle East coordinator Brett McGurk signalled this in an interview with The National, the UAE’s flagship English-language newspaper, immediately after a security summit in Bahrain that brought together officials from across the globe. US officials led by Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin sought to use the conference to reassure America’s allies that the United States was not turning its back on ensuring regional security.
Mr. McGurk said that the United States had drawn conclusions from “hard lessons learnt” and was going “back to basics.” Basics, Mr. McGurk said, in a nod primarily to Iran but potentially also to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, entailed dumping “regime change policies.” He said the US would focus on “the basics of building, maintaining, and strengthening our partnerships and alliances” in the Middle East.
Mr. McGurk’s articulation of a back-to-basics policy was reinforced this week with the publication of a summary of the Pentagon’s Global Posture review, suggesting that there would be no significant withdrawal of US forces from the region in Mr. Biden’s initial years in office.
The notion of back to basics resonates with liberals in Washington’s foreign policy elite. Democracy in the Middle East is no longer part of their agenda.
“Instead of using US power to remake the region…policymakers need to embrace the more realistic and realisable goal of establishing and preserving stability,” said Council of Foreign Relations Middle East expert Steven A. Cook even before Mr. Biden took office.” What Washington needs is not a ‘war on terror’ built on visions of regime change, democracy promotion, and ‘winning hearts and minds’ but a realistic approach focused on intelligence gathering, police work, multilateral cooperation and the judicious application of violence when required,” he added.
Mr. Cook went on to say that a realistic US Middle East policy would involve “containing Iran, retooling the fight against terrorism, to reduce its counterproductive side effects, reorganizing military deployments to emphasize the protection of sea-lanes, and downscaling the US-Israeli relationship to reflect Israel’s relative strength.”
The United States is in good company in its failure to put its money where its mouth is regarding human rights and democratic values.
The same can be said for European nations and Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim-majority state and democracy. Indonesia projects itself directly and indirectly through Nahdlatul Ulama, the world’s largest Muslim civil society movement, as the only major supporter of a moderate interpretation of Islam that embraces human rights without reservations and pluralism and religious tolerance.
That has not stopped Indonesia from allegedly caving into a Saudi threat not to recognize the Indonesian Covid-19 vaccination certificates of pilgrims to the holy cities of Mecca and Media if the Asian state voted for an extension of a United Nations investigation into human rights violations in the almost seven-year-old war in Yemen.
Similarly, Indonesian President Joko Widodo has signed agreements with the United Arab Emirates on cooperation on religious affairs even though the UAE’s version of a moderate but autocratic Islam stands for values that reject freedoms and democracy.
The agreements were part of a much larger package of economic, technological, and public health cooperation fuelled by US$32.7 billion in projected Emirati investments in Indonesia.
The Biden administration’s reluctance, in line with a long list of past US presidents, to do substantially more than pay lip service to the promotion of human rights and democratic values brings to mind Albert Einstein’s definition of insanity as “doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.”
President George W. Bush and his then-national security advisor, Condoleezza Rice, acknowledged two decades ago that jihadist violence and the 9/11 attacks were partly the results of the United States’ failure to stand up for its values. They bungled, however, their effort to do something about it, as did Barak Obama.
It is not only the Middle East and other regions’ autocracies that pay the price. So do the United States and Europe. Their refusal to integrate their lofty ideals and values into effective policies is increasingly reflected at home in domestic racial, social, and economic fault lines and anti-migrant sentiment that threatens to tear apart the fabric of democracy in its heartland.
The backlash of failing to heed Mr. Einstein’s maxim and recognizing the cost associated with saying one thing and doing another is not just a loss of credibility. The backlash is also the rise of isolationist, authoritarian, xenophobic, racist, and conspiratorial forces that challenge the values in which human rights and democracy are rooted.
That raises the question of whether the time, energy, and money invested in the Summit of Democracy could not have been better invested in fixing problems at home. Financial Times columnist Janan Ganesh nailed it by noting that “shoring up democracy is almost entirely domestic work.”
It’s a message that has not been lost on democracy’s adversaries. In what should have been a warning that hollow declaratory events like the Summit of Democracy are not the answer, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi told last September’s United Nations General Assembly: “The United States’ hegemonic system has no credibility, inside or outside the country.”
International Solidarity Day with the people of Palestine
Since 1948, the people of Palestine were suffering due to Israeli oppression and aggression. Despite several resolutions on Palestine passed by the United Nation, Israel has not implemented either of them. Despite the struggle from all peace-loving nations, in various forms, the Palestinian people have not yet been given the right of self-determination, or self-rule, and are yet, forced to leave their land, homes and stay in refugee camps or migrate to foreign countries to live a miserable life. After failure from all aspects, the United Nations desp[erately declared to mark International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.
In 1977, the General Assembly called for the annual observance of 29 November as the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People (resolution 32/40 B). On that day, in 1947, the Assembly adopted the resolution on the partition of Palestine (resolution 181 (II))
In resolution 60/37 of 1 December 2005, the Assembly requested the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and the Division for Palestinian Rights, as part of the observance of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People on 29 November, to continue to organize an annual exhibit on Palestinian rights or a cultural event in cooperation with the Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine to the UN.
The resolution on the observance of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People also encourages the Member States to continue to give the widest support and publicity to the observance of the Day of Solidarity.
The government and the people of Pakistan join the world community in observing the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People (29 November).
The commemoration of this day is a reminder to the international community that the question of Palestine remains unresolved and the Palestinian people are yet to realize their inalienable right to self-determination as provided in various resolutions of the United Nations. It is also an occasion to reiterate our support and solidarity for the Palestinian people who continue to wage a just struggle against the illegal and brutal occupation.
On this day, Pakistan reaffirms its consistent and unstinted support for the Palestinian people and the Palestinian cause, which has always been a defining principle of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
The international community must shoulder its responsibility to protect the lives and fundamental rights of the Palestinian people, and play its rightful role in promoting a just and lasting resolution of the Palestinian question per international legitimacy in the interest of durable peace and stability in the Middle East. The international community should also ensure accountability for the widespread violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in the occupied territories.
We renew our call on this day for a viable, independent, and contiguous Palestinian State, with pre-1967 borders, and Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital being the only just, comprehensive and lasting solution of the Palestinian question, under the relevant United Nations and OIC resolutions.
The purpose of marking this day is to remind the whole world that the people of Palestine deserve your attention and your time to think about their sufferings. It is to remind that the whole world should understand the issue and try their best to solve it according to the UN resolutions. Those who believe in justice, may raise their voice in favor of the Palestinian people and condemn Israeli barbarism and atrocities. This Day invites all of you to join the [peaceful struggle of Palestinian people for their legitimate rights. Irrespective of your profession, social status, or your religion or race, you may support the Palestinian cause for justice on humanitarian grounds and keep your struggle till the people of Palestine gets their legitimate status and rights on equal footings according to the UN resolutions.
Israel-Palestine: Risk of ‘deadly escalation’ in violence, without decisive action
With violence continuing daily throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process urged the Security Council on Tuesday to adopt a more coordinated approach to the region.
Tor Wennesland told Council Members that “recent developments on the ground are worrying”, pointing out the situation in the West Bank and Gaza and the challenges faced by the Palestinian Authority.
“I therefore emphasize again the importance of concerted efforts by the parties to calm things on the ground. I am concerned that if we do not act quickly and decisively, we risk plunging into another deadly escalation of violence”, he warned.
He informed that, in the last month, violence resulted in the death of four Palestinians, including two children, and injuries to 90 others – including 12 children – due to action by Israeli Security Forces.
One Israeli civilian was killed in the same period, and nine civilians, including one woman and one child, and six members of ISF were injured.
Mr. Wennesland said that a severe fiscal and economic crisis is threatening the stability of Palestinian institutions in the West Bank.
At the same time, he added, “ongoing violence and unilateral steps, including Israeli settlement expansion, and demolitions, continue to raise tensions, feed hopelessness, erode the Palestinian Authority’s standing and further diminish the prospect of a return to meaningful negotiations.”
In Gaza, the cessation of hostilities continues to hold, but the Special Envoy argued that “further steps are needed by all parties to ensure a sustainable solution that ultimately enables a return of legitimate Palestinian Government institutions to the Strip.”
The Special Coordinator also said that “settler-related violence remains at alarmingly high levels.”
Overall, settlers and other Israeli civilians in the occupied West Bank perpetrated some 54 attacks against Palestinians, resulting in 26 injuries. Palestinians perpetrated 41 attacks against Israeli settlers and other civilians, resulting in one death and nine injuries.
Mr. Wennesland highlighted a few announcements of housing units in settlements, reiterating that “that all settlements are illegal under international law and remain a substantial obstacle to peace.”
Meanwhile, Israeli authorities have also advanced plans for some 6,000 housing units for Palestinians in the occupied East Jerusalem neighbourhood of al-Issawiya and some 1,300 housing units for Palestinians living in Area C (one of the administrative areas in the occupied West Bank, agreed under the Oslo Accord).
The Special Envoy welcomed such steps but urged Israel to advance more plans and to issue building permits for all previously approved plans for Palestinians in Area C and East Jerusalem.
Humanitarian aid delivered
Turning to Gaza, the Special Envoy said that humanitarian, recovery and reconstruction efforts continued, along with other steps to stabilize the situation on the ground.
He called the gradual easing of restrictions on the entry of goods and people “encouraging”, but said that the economic, security and humanitarian situation “remains of serious concern.”
The Special Envoy also mentioned the precarious financial situation of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), which still lacks $60 million to sustain essential services this year.
The agency has yet to pay the November salaries of over 28,000 UN personnel, including teachers, doctors, nurses and sanitation workers, many of whom support extended families, particularly in the Gaza Strip, where unemployment is high.
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