The growing rivalry between China and the U.S. is harming Pakistan adversely. Despite close friendship, partnership, and ally for Seven-Decades between Pakistan and the U.S. has been forgotten by the U.S., and Trump-Administration’s anti-China policies are dominant.
The Trump-administration has unveiled a decidedly more grave view of China’s infrastructure initiatives in Pakistan, one aligned with Washington’s stricter posture in the global competition with China.
Whereas the Barack Obama-administration, initially voiced a welcome to Chinese infrastructure investments in Pakistan as a means to advance the shared aim of developing Pakistan’s Economy and, over time, delivering economic opportunities to its people that the argument went, would undercut the appeal of radical ideologies. Instead of opposing CPEC, U.S. officials even sought ways to harmonize initiatives from the United States Agency for International Development in Pakistan with new Chinese-sponsored ones.
Under the Trump administration, a senior official in the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, Ambassador Alice Wells, took the stage at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, DC, and delivered an irrational, irrelevant, and unrealistic critique of CPEC. Wells, based on assumptions, expressed several U.S. concerns about CPEC, which Pakistan does not agree, nor China. Rather than seeking to harmonize U.S. and Chinese development efforts in Pakistan, the Trump team now seems intent to counter and oppose CPEC. Ambassador Wells is also trying to attract Pakistan, with better offers from the U.S., like more business and investment from the U.S.
Although Washington’s policy shift as articulated in the 2017 National Security Strategy and the 2018 National Defense Strategy documents reflects a toughened line concerning China. Trump administration officials have expressed extreme views in other instances as well.
The U.S. is working on multiple prongs strategy in Pakistan to counter China. On the economic front, the U.S. has convinced Pakistan to surrender to IMF – IMF is a tool in the U.S. foreign policy to coerce any country. A media war has been launched against Pakistan-China, the spread of fake news, scams, propaganda, and misunderstandings, on print media, as well as on electronic media. The social media has been used extensively to achieve their goals against China-Pakistan relations.
They have been using Afghanistan to exert pressure on Pakistan by providing “Safe Heavens” to anti-Pakistan terrorist groups and facilitating India to launch terrorist attacks on Pakistan from Afghanistan. However, the U.S. is assisting India to boost and improve defense capabilities, by providing them the classified technology. Lethal Weapons and advanced training to counter China, but India is using all this assistance against Pakistan. The U.S. has the responsibility to control India not to use American weapons and technology against Pakistan but for keeping its eyes closed deliberately to build pressure on Pakistan.
The most misery is that the U.S. is not assisting Pakistan to face the challenges of its ailing Economy and development, yet not allowing Pakistan to seek assistance from any other country.
Although, for Seven-Decades, being a close ally, the U.S. has penetrated deep into Pakistani society and established a strong network to protect its interests. Last several Governments, were all pro-America and were subservient to their masters in Washington. But, Prime Minister Imran Khan was a different personality and was difficult to fall into American influence. PM Imran Khan is a bold, brave, and visionary leader and may not an easy target.
The U.S. opted for an alternate approach and installed pro-America lobby around him. Either in the form of advisors, or Ministers, or close friends, PM Imran Khan is encircled by a pro-American lobby. His cabinet consists of expatriates directly landed into his cabinet, foreign nationals, dual nationals, or elect-ables with a track record of corruption and dishonesty, but joined his political party PTI as baptism. Unfortunately, PM Imran Khan is surrounded by the pro-American lobby, who are more loyal to Washington or their vested interests. PM Imran Khan, makes decisions on the advice of his advisors and cabinet; if the feedback is bais, the decision can not meet the merit. It is termed as a new phenomenon that the U.S. hijacked the PTI government through its front men. Yet, the Pakistani nation is the most resilient and will not allow anyone to succeed against the wishes of masses. The CPEC and China-Pakistan relations may not be harmed. After victimized for four-decades in the Afghan War, Pakistan has learned a bitter lesson, that it is the people of Pakistan to decide their future. Outsiders may fail in their evil-agenda. People of Pakistan stand united against any outsider’s conspiracy and will struggle to revive its traditional spirit and lost status.
Afghanistan deserves humanitarian assistance generously
Whether it was the former USSR’s occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s or the US war from 2001-2021, Afghanistan was under war and unrest for almost four decades. Not only Afghanistan was destroyed completely but has affected the whole region, especially Pakistan. Pakistan was one of the fastest growing economies in the 1960s, and 1970s, but with the start of the war in Afghanistan in the 1980s, Pakistan’s economy started deteriorating consecutively on yearly basis. Pakistan has not only sacrificed around 80,000 precious human lives but also an estimated economic loss of around US Dollars 250 Billion. Extremism, Terrorism, Drug culture, and Gun Culture was additional gift of the Afghan war.
Since the US withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan and over-taken by the Taliban on 15 August 2021, there appears hope for peace and stability. It has benefited Afghanistan immensely but also has shown positive developments in the whole region. Regional developments and prosperity are linked to peace and stability in Afghanistan.
Pakistan is all out to stand with the people of Afghanistan to boost their economy and well-being. In this context, Pakistan and Afghanistan are likely to agree on the development of a multimodal Air-to-Road Corridor, which will contribute significantly to the economic development of both countries. Pakistan underscored the need for urgent international humanitarian assistance for the Afghan people while reiterating its support for a peaceful, united, stable, and prosperous Afghanistan. Pakistan-China plan to extend CPEC to Afghanistan is proof of Pakistan’s firm commitment to a peaceful, stable, prosperous, and connected Afghanistan.
Since September 2021, over 14945 Tons of humanitarian assistance has been sent to Afghanistan via 694 trucks and four C130 planes under arrangements of the Pak-Afghan Cooperation Forum (PACF). In the wake of the recent earthquake in Afghanistan, Pakistan has opened its border in South Waziristan and established a makeshift medical facility. Relief aids from Pakistan include food, clothing, blankets, medicines, etc. For ages, Pakistan is supporting reconstruction in the war-ravaged neighboring country by building hospitals, schools, and roads to help improve the lives of the Afghan people and its development assistance to Afghanistan has reached the US $1 billion so far. In 2019, Afghanistan’s second-largest hospital, Jinnah Hospital, which is a 200-bed, state-of-the-art medical facility in Kabul, was opened at a cost of more than $24 million as part of Pakistan’s contribution to reconstruction and development efforts.
Recently, Pakistan has offered to provide online education facilities for Afghan students – Allama Iqbal Open University (AIOU) and Virtual University (VU) will teach students through their TV network.
In 2020, the country’s Higher Education Commission (HEC) announced around 3,000 scholarships worth Rs. 1.5 billion Afghan students studying in different institutes of Pakistan in various fields, including medicine, engineering, agriculture, management, and computer science.
Pakistan has made exemplary efforts to reinvigorate bilateral economic relations to boost trade and investment through cooperation in diverse areas and frequent exchange of business delegations.
In a bid to reconstruct and rebuild Afghanistan, Pakistan has never acted as a traditional donor country which is evident from its four decades of hosting 3 million Afghan refugees and facilitation of the Afghan peace process prior to the Taliban takeover in August 2021.
From its limited resources, Pakistan is providing the US $500 million for capacity building in various sectors including education, and health as well as building schools, hospitals, roads, etc. communications infrastructures of Afghanistan. A few completed projects under Pakistan’s Bilateral Assistance Program are as under:-
Roads & Transportation Sector
o 75 Km Torkham – Jalalabad Road.
o Additional carriage Wayat Torkham – Jalalabad Road.
o 3 internal roads in Jalalabad.
o Traffic signals in Jalalabad city.
o Provision of road construction machinery.
o 30 Mobile hot mixers, generators, and medicines for Wardak Province.
o 200 Trucks & 100 Public transport buses.
o Rehman Baba School and Hostel, Kabul at cost of Rs: 120 million.
o Liaquat Ali Khan Engineering Faculty Block, Balkh University at cost of Rs: 1046 billion.
o Allama Iqbal faculty of Arts, Kabul University at cost of Rs: 672.54 million.
o Sir Syed Post-graduate faculty of sciences, Nangarhar University at cost of Rs: 389.65 million.
o 6 primary schools and 2 Vocational Training Institutes in Kabul and Baghlan.
o 10 Buses for Kabul and Nangarhar Universities.
o 300,000 School Kits for 18 provinces.
o 2000 fully funded scholarships for higher education in Pakistan.
o 500,000 refugee students enrolled in schools in Pakistan.
o Trained 644 Afghan police and drug control officers, doctors and paramedical staff, diplomats, judicial officers, customs officers, agriculturists, and bankers.
o Nishtar Kidney Centre, Jalalabad at a cost of USD 7 million.
o 400 Bed Jinnah Hospital, Kabul at a cost of USD118.854 million.
o Naeb Aminullah Khan Hospital, Logar at a cost of USD 20 million.
o 45 Ambulances for 12 provinces.
o 14 fully equipped mobile medical units at a cost of Rs 58020 million.
o Medicines for Kabul, Jalalabad and Kandahar.
o Free Eye Camps (still continued).
o A single philanthropic Pakistani organization performed over 30,000 free eye surgeries on Afghan patients in 2008 alone.
General Assistance included the provision of TV transmitters for Kandahar, a Digital Radio Link between Kabul and Peshawar, security equipment and computers, installation of 15 deep well hand pumps in villages of Kabul, and rehabilitation of Kabul Zoo and Deh Mazang Park.
It is desired that the International Community may also follow the same spirit and extend the much-needed humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan on emergency bases. Especially the developed nations should generously assist Afghanistan.
Varisha Tariq – Representing women in politics
Varisha Tariq is a writer and politician interested in the intersectionality of gender, class and global politics with culture. She is an Alumna of Ashoka University, and founder of Helping Hands NGO, Lucknow. She has been published in an anthropological book ‘People called Lucknow’ and in news outlets like Vogue, Stylist Magazine, Fodor, CH-VOID, LiveWire, Your Story, Feminism In India and Hindustan Times. You can find all her published work here and her most recent article in Vogue here.
Why did you choose to contest for elections in India?
Growing up as a Muslim woman I had become intricately familiar with how politics impacts marginalised women’s rights. The lack of women in politics certainly played a huge role in how the policies in the country were shaped. I had always been a feminist who has been interested in bringing large-scale change and post my undergraduate studies at Ashoka, I realise the potential Indian Politics hold. Not just that but the understanding that it’s all about the courage to enter these fields. To quote Emma Watson, “if not me, who? if not now, when?”
Why did you choose Congress as the party you want to support?
My reason for choosing congress was based on the party’s current policy, leadership and an analysis of its relevance geographically and their long-term vision. The party re-designed its vision to a feminist structure with women empowerment as a key point in its manifesto. It promised to have a minimum of forty per cent women in leadership positions. In Uttar Pradesh, Congress has been strong opposition to the right-wing ideological party, BJP. Moreover, the party leadership is committed to restructuring the party from a long-term perspective and I appreciated the dedication. These were my reason for choosing to support congress.
What are some campaigns you ran for your party?
All my campaigns were in alignment with #LadkiHounLadSaktiHoun campaign. I ran a digital campaign to raise awareness about the electoral process in order to encourage others to apply. I tried to break down the process of applying for MLA in Uttar Pradesh as this knowledge would make politics more accessible to people who have doubts or reservations about the political system. The campaigns were planned keeping Covid in mind so they had physical restrictions.
Why did you choose feminism as a centric theme for your campaigns?
Having experienced patriarchal and structural defects that work against the Indian woman, and having worked in the social sector, I realised the biggest change that needs to come in India is in the field of policy making. Even if we have strong laws that can help prevent oppression against women, we don’t have a strong policy system that can properly support it. Politicians are key in creating and promoting healthy policies. Strong policies regardig women can only come into affect if we have more feminist politicians. Even apart from that, I have always dreamt of creating feminist social impact and I believe that this campaign has been a start of a lifelong commitment to this cause.
Do you see yourself trying for elections again despite the outcome this time?
That is a yes without any doubt. Politics is one profession where you must commit to a long-term plan. For the same reason, this is never rushed. You keep coming back to politics as and when you grow. When I entered I knew that this would be something I would carry with me lifelong and the efforts have to be consistent. So, in short, yes, I will definitely keep trying till it works out.
What has your social work in the past included?
I worked as a Resident Assistant in the final year of my college, a student ambassador for Ashoka University for two years, a member of Centre for Gender and Sexuality, Ashoka University. All these commitments drew out a leader in me, a leader who is passionate about serving her community. In 2019, I established Helping Hands NGO where I led a team of six individuals. The objective was to make welfare schemes accessible for the marginalized. Over the span of four months, I connected to more than forty-five thousand female students and two thousand families. During the deadly second wave of Covid, I used my NGO to increase awareness of medical resources available in Lucknow. I worked with Ashoka University and Barefoot International at the time when India was, quite literally, gasping for breath. Today I am working to create sustainable creative scholarships for marginalised young girls who want to grow up and pursue unconventional career paths.
What are your future plans?
After dabbling in the creative sector, development sector, politics and business I have realised that the one thing that has remained common in whatever I do is my feminist understanding of the world. In order to learn and understand more about the feminst leadership and perspective I have decide to pursue a masters in Gender and Law from SOAS Univeristy of London. Post that I would want to come back to India and pursue politics. Hopefully my deeper understanding of Gender and Law from South-Asian perspective would allow me to create meaningful and sustainble impact in politics in the years to come.
The India-Pakistan Sub-Conventional War: Democracy and Peace in South Asia -Book Review
Sanjeev Kumar H.M., The India-Pakistan Sub-Conventional War: Democracy and Peace in South Asia, New Delhi: SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd, 2022, pp. 207, ₹1,095 (Hard Cover). ISBN: 978-93-5479-420-9.
The India-Pakistan relations have involved a manifestation of the multifaceted nature of conflict since their independence and partition. The legacy of colonialism, psychology of fractured identities and a deep sense of nationalism have been the leading trends defining their relations. From geopolitical conflicts over Kashmir issue and cross-border terrorism, their geostrategic ties with other countries to the third party involvement of US and China, India and Pakistan have seen multiple level of tensions.
To understand these multifaceted dynamics of India-Pakistan relations, the book under review involves an adequate analysis of their unique relations that is beyond the understanding of any western theorization. The book criticises the theory of democratic peace thesis and reports its failure in the context of India-Pakistan relationship as two democracies facing multiple level of conflicts. The author, Sanjeev Kumar HM, criticize the liberal peace thesis for considering only the conventional definition of warfare, and suggests to move beyond or consider the sub conventional form of conflict through diving into the empirical case scenarios of India-Pakistan relations. It examines the modes by which the crisis-prone processes of democratization in South Asia have contested the central thesis of liberal theory of international relations, which claims a natural link between democracy and war. In other words, the book opposes the epistemic foundations of democratic peace hypothesis by deconstructing its central arguments in the geostrategic context of the South Asian regional security architecture. It explains the South Asian region as a postcolonial territorial formation, which has been plagued by internal conflicts driven by social-economic inequities and embedded complexities.
Unlike the chronological explanations of India-Pakistan relations, the book aims to revise the theoretical rigors around them. The ontology, epistemology, spatial-temporal aspect of every theory is different, thus cannot be generalized. The democratic peace these is suitable for those societies engaged in interdependent community, for instance- European Union. The author has analyzed the transferability of democracy and peace from domestic to regional and then to the global level, which varies as per the history of a country or region. Unlike Western Society, the South Asian region has multiple aspect of analysis- Nationalism, Post-colonial conditionality, and delayed modernity. The failure of modernity in South Asia itself makes it not qualified to be analyzed as per the liberal peace thesis concept.
The deepening of democracy goes through stages like- decay, consolidation and maturity. Pakistan as a deep state, manages between authoritarianism and democratization since the beginning. With increasing emphasizes on Islamic state goals and military statecraft, Pakistan continued to face legitimation crisis and shrinking of public sphere, being a terror manufacturing state facilitating under military control thus has no connection to the liberal peace theses. While despite all the neo-liberal reforms, India has failed to create an inclusive society and over-bureaucratization of development that reflects how India doesn’t fit in liberal peace theses. In liberal peace theses, there is a presupposed rationalism required between two parties to maintain peace that is mostly missing between India-Pakistan.
He has argued how liberal peace theses fails to take following factors into consideration (thus fails to anlyze the South Asian region)- 1) Regime types, as a democracy can be procedural or consolidated or both based on the stage of democracy deepening it could have achieved; 2) Different nature of State, as while India focused on maintaining status quo, Pakistan continued to emphasize on escalation and reaching threshold; 3) State behavior, as the nature of peace and war gets determined by the behavior of states. The most important aspect of the book is the fact that author has attempted to redefine the concept of war as different from the conventional concept of war given by democratic peace theses. He argues that India-Pakistan war are not only conventional in nature, but also have remained sub-conventional that costed more casualties to both sides. The sub-conventional wars have been a result of both countries’ failure in nuclear deterrence.
The book concludes that the democracies in South Asia have gone through sub-conventional war consistently, most particularly between India-Pakistan making their equations as unsuitable to be analyzed by the democratic peace theses, despite being democracies. Their sub-conventional war involves multifaceted aspect of conflicts that involves- a) geopolitical factors due to contest and hostilities over the territory of Jammu and Kashmir, majorly seen as contest between the Westphalian and the primordialist conception of state; b) Ideological contestation between secularism and Islamic nationhood in the context of Jammu and Kashmir most particularly. c) The over acquisition of nuclear weapons by both countries reflects their contested terrain of power politics.
Weakness or Limits of the book:
The book is theoretically loaded with less empirical explanations, which requires a less advanced IR scholar or student to do two or more readings to understand the complex terminologies used in the book. It has given a fair explanation how liberal peace thesis has no application in the South Asian region, but has used only the case study of India-Pakistan relations. If the central argument opposes the generalization of democratic peace thesis in analyzing the relations between any democracies, then the counter-argument of the book should have used more examples before generalization the non-application of peace thesis in South Asia. The absence of enough empirical examples in comparison to theoretical arguments can limit the readership of the book.
How it is good for the IR students?
As mastery on theoretical analysis is a loosing trend among IR and foreign policy scholars. This book will lead the reader in the direction of conceptual clarity of not only democratic peace thesis and its critic neo-kantian cosmopolitan, but also the whole IR theoretical base. How every theory of IR views the anarchical nature of world order and suggest solutions, but not all solutions fit into the South Asian region. This means the analysis should consider the spatial and temporal aspects of a situation or case study as well. Sometimes a theory fits, sometimes doesn’t but following a particular spatio-temporal analysis derived majorly from Euro-American experience limits the scope of analyzing a regional of different spatial-temporal dimension like South Asia, which is full of its very unique kind of controversies and disputes around the issues of river water sharing, transborder migration, cross-border terrorism, diverse ethnic nationalities, and so on.
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