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COVID -19’s impact on the livelihoods of informal traders in Zimbabwe



The measures of halting the COVID-19 epidemic have landed a heavy blow on the informal sector of Zimbabwe. The COVID -19 pandemic has posed live threats and also a severe economic shock. The Worldometer reported that, to date, 216 countries have been affected by the COVID-19. Of note, there are approximately 7,872,620 confirmed cases, and death neared 432,475 globally. The informal markets around the globe have not been spared and specifically Africa. Noteworthy, the International Monetary Fund (2018) argued that Africa possesses the most significant informal economy. Likewise, the majority of Zimbabweans livelihoods depend on the informal sector.  The negative economic impact rises simultaneously as the countries scramble to curtail the deadly disease. Against this backdrop, the mitigation measures imposed by some countries have, however, left some communities and families in a difficult situation. Zimbabwe is one of the countries that embarked on robust measures to curtain the disease. For instance, it issued a decree that people must stay at home; however, no meaningful policies, tax relief, or financial bailout were put in place to protect the marginalized and informal traders’ livelihoods. However, the majority of households in Zimbabwe are impoverished and survive on hand to mouth.Zimbabwe failed to provide stimulus packages to cushion the informal businesses and informal traders’ livelihoods.

The meltdown of the Zimbabwean economy and the rise of the informal sector

Zimbabwe’s economic meltdown and political turmoil emerged around 2000. The rampant and violent land reform program crippled the agriculture sector, which was once the backbone of the economy. Additionally, the imposition of sanctions by the US and the EU in 2003 and 2004 further strained the already fragile economy. The Southern African country continues to face poor governance, corruption, low level of investment, high level of unemployment, drought, shortages of essential commodities, an unjustified increase of primary products, and other challenges. As such, it became a fertile ground for the booming of the informal sector and shrinking of the formal area. The manufacturing, textile, and clothing industries collapsed. Recently, almost 90% of Zimbabweans worked in the informal sector, such as trading and self-employment.

Further, some Zimbabweans who are formally employed are indirectly involved in informal part-time jobs to supplement the low salaries. For instance, some are cross border traders. The majority of the Zimbabweans are living below the poverty datum line and require urgent food assistance. Zimbabwe is also experiencing large scale electricity outages. On top of all these challenges, Zimbabwe, like all other countries, is faced with the COVID -19 epidemic. Amidst of these crises, the government placed mitigation measures like lockdown. At the time of this writing, the formal markets were not allowed to operate except those that sell foodstuffs. Zimbabwe was on level 2 of lockdown, but schools, universities, the movement of people, and  large gatherings, was still restricted.

Impact of COVID -19 control measures on the livelihood of the informal traders

Bouey (2020) reveals that informal businesses are the engine of the economy in most countries. Like any pandemic, the lowest-paid workers and informal traders are likely to be more affected economically. The informal traders are affected because they are neither able to work remotely or possess savings to cater to an economic downturn. Most African governments usually shut down informal markets by force during global pandemics. For instance, the Zambia government employed military force to shut down informal markets amid the 2018 cholera outbreak. Farmers and informal traders lost their fresh produce, and their livelihoods were crippled. The bulk of the informal traders lacked proper shelter, food among other necessities. During the Ebola outbreak 2014-15 in Liberia and Sierra Leone, most households required economic support as the government shut down the informal markets. The World Food Program Analysis reported that restrictions and market closure in Central and West Africa negatively affected 80% of smallholder farmers and informal traders. In the same vein, the Al Jazeera (2020) noted that containment measures ushered economic hardship to casual workers in Kenya, yet they constitute 83.6% of the whole workforce.

Most informal workplaces are still closed as the government has set up some minimum requirements for a workplace to open. Most of the informal traders cannot afford requirements set by Zimbabwean authorities. Over-congested informal markets such as Mbare Siyaso, Mupedzanhamo Market, 4th Street, Glenview Area 8 Furniture Complex, and Gazaland lack supporting structures, water, and sanitation. These areas are threats of spreading the COVID -19 pandemic. The measures imposed by authorities are almost impossible as the government fails to provide the supporting structures to their citizens such as stable water supplies. Resultantly, after two months of no income, most informal traders are mired in absolute poverty. While this might be the case, the poor are further marginalized. Most vulnerable families are further exposed to poverty, reduced access to health care, and missed meals for children. Evans (2020) denoted that the economic impacts of COVID-19 have a drastic effect on the well-being of communities and families.

Informal traders face dual contests both on supply and demand sides. Some informal traders have no option except to stay home with their children as schools and movements is restricted. Moreover, the supply chain is profoundly affected, resulting in a lack of parts of intermediate goods. There was a sudden loss of revenue and demand for informal traders and SMEs. Their ability to function was hindered, contributing to liquidity shortages. Fear and uncertainty were caused by lost income as consumers were laid off by their employers who were no longer able to pay them.  The direct impact of the shutdown is the decreased level of the output of most economies. The consumer’s expenditure dropped, the decline in GDP, reduced demand for goods and services. According to the international labor organization, COVID-19 could contribute to increased unemployment by up to 24.7 million. Most informal traders are struggling to pay rentals, electricity, and water. Worse, the authorities destroyed some illegal structures of the informal traders as a measure of containing COVID-19 without first considering the consequences as far as the livelihoods of informal traders are concerned. The probability of resuming business by many informal traders is very slim.

The impact of COVID-19 is severe to informal sector of Zimbabwe attributed to lower resilient levels. It shall be a struggle for informal traders to rebuild connections with their former networks as the supply chain has disrupted. Most informal traders, due to their size and financial capacity, lack adequate knowledge to lighten the shocks, lack flexibility resilience of withholding shocks. Most require the latest adopting strategies and technology as well as digitization, lack personal protective equipment (PPEs), such as hand sanitizers and masks, because of their irregular and insecure incomes.

On a positive note, fresh markets have been allowed to operate, including Mbare Fresh Market, Sakubva Fresh Market, among others. The informal traders’ organizations also embarked on a massive program to mobilize resources. As such, some informal traders received materials such as sanitizers and masks throughout the country. However, some informal traders did not benefit from this program. Moreover, the demand for fresh produce has dropped because of reduced travel and decreased human traffic. Resultantly, income could be low, and women might be affected more since they make up a significant percentage of the informal traders. Some informal traders have resorted to operating from their home, raising hygienic concerns, which might contribute to the outbreak of the COVID -19 epidemic. Currently, some informal traders have flooded the streets of Harare after two months of no income since the announcement of a decree that ordered all people to stay home.

 The government of Zimbabwe should develop long-term solutions for a future pandemic to minimize the adverse effects on informal traders’ livelihoods.  A careful tailor-made strategy to accommodate all Zimbabweans should substitute a one–size– fit all approach.

The government challenged to be proactive in the mitigation of the adverse impact on the informal sector. A stimulus package is required to cushion the informal economy. Prioritization and efficiency of expenditures are urgently needed. Authorities must come up with a way of assisting the affected informal traders in a fair and non-politicized manner. The Zimbabwe government should draw lessons from other countries and strengthen its safety nets, such as subsidized health and cash transfers. Namibia has come up with social safety net policies to cushion the informal sector. For example, it has come up with an emergency income grant for all workers who lost jobs. On the same stem, South Africa and Rwanda have taken bold steps to protect their economies, such as some packages for the poor. Kenyan officials have also accepted a pay cut. The government should prioritize the provision of essential goods and services such as mealie meal sanitation and water to all residential areas. Long queues undermine the curtail measures and might contribute to the time bomb of the COVID-19.

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West Africa: Extreme poverty rises nearly 3 per cent due to COVID-19



Food insecurity is affecting millions of people in Burkina Faso. © UNICEF/Vincent Treameau

Extreme poverty in West Africa rose by nearly three per cent in 2020, another fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic, a UN-backed report launched on Thursday that looks at the socio-impact of the crisis has revealed. 

The proportion of people living on less than $1.90 a day jumped from 2.3 per cent last year to 2.9 per cent in 2021, while the debt burden of countries increased amid slow economic recovery, shrinking fiscal space and weak resource mobilization. 

More than 25 million across the region are struggling to meet their basic food needs. 

Gains annihilated 

The study was published by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), in partnership with the West Africa Sub-Regional Office for the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) and the World Food Programme (WFP). 

Sekou Sangare, the ECOWAS Commissioner for Agriculture, Environment and Water resources, said the pandemic has, in particular, annihilated benefits gained in fighting food insecurity and malnutrition. 

“Even if we are happy with the governments’ response through the mitigation actions they have taken, we have to worry about the residual effects of the health and economic crisis as they are likely to continue disturbing our food systems for a long time while compromising populations access to food, due to multiple factors,” he said

The report highlights the effects of measures aimed at preventing coronavirus spread, such as border closures, movement restrictions and disruption of supply chains. 

Forced to sell 

These measures had an impact on income-generating activities, and on food prices in markets, with small traders, street vendors and casual workers most affected. 

The deteriorating economic situation has adversely affected food security and nutrition in West Africa.  

More than 25 million people are unable to meet their basic food needs, a nearly 35 per cent increase compared to 2020. People have been forced to sell their assets and livelihoods in order to get enough to eat. 

The situation is most severe in those areas affected by conflict, such as the Lake Chad Basin region, the Sahel, and the Liptako-Gourma region, which borders Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. 

Strengthen social protection 

The partners hope the report will encourage public and private response to address the pandemic’s negative impacts on the people of West Africa. 

Chris Nikoi, WFP’s Regional Director for West Africa, underscored the need for immediate and concerted action. 

“This report clearly shows the urgent need for Governments and partners to deliberately increase investments to strengthen and increase social protection programs, social safety-nets such as school meals, and other livelihoods-enhancing programs with particular emphasis on women and youth,” he said. 

The Director of the ECA’s Sub-Regional Office, Ngone Diop, pointed to one of the strengths of the partnership, namely the ability to carry out an online survey which mobilized nearly 8,000 respondents. 

Moreover, she said “basing our analyses on primary, first-hand data from households directly impacted by the health crisis makes it possible to offer decision-makers at the regional and national levels with relevant and better-targeted policy options.” 

Responding to needs 

Since the outbreak of the pandemic nearly three years ago, ECOWAS and its partners have implemented several economic and financial measures to respond to the increasing needs in the region.  

ECOWAS Member States, with support from WFP and other technical partners, have also expanded social protection programmes, as well as food distributions, for the most vulnerable communities.  

For example, In Mali and Niger, they are supporting some 1.4 million people and helping to strengthen national social protection systems. 

“WFP is committed to engage more with ECOWAS in enhancing coordination and facilitating experience sharing among countries, with the aim to ensure social protection systems in the region support food security and nutrition and provide resilience to shocks,” said Mr. Nikoi. 

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Pragmatic Proposals to Optimize Russia’s Pledged Rehabilitation of Ethiopia



A girl stands outside her home in the Tigray Region, Ethiopia. © UNICEF/Tanya Bindra

Russian Ambassador to Ethiopia Evgeny Terekhin pledged that his homeland will help rehabilitate his hosts after getting a clearer understanding of the full extent of the damage that the terrorist-designated Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) inflicted on the northern part of the country throughout the course of its approximately half-year-long occupation of the Afar and Amhara Regions. China’s Xinhua recently cited official Ethiopian government statistics about this which claim that the Amhara Region suffered damages upwards of approximately $5.7 billion.

According to their data, the TPLF partially or fully damaged 1,466 health facilities and vandalized water, electricity, and transport infrastructure. 1.9 million children are out of school in that region after more than 4,000 schools were damaged by the group. Over 1.8 million people were displaced from the Afar and Amhara Regions while 8.3 million there are suffering from food insecurity. The scale of this humanitarian crisis is massive and the direct result of the US-led West’s Hybrid War on Ethiopia that was waged to punish the country for its balanced foreign policy between the US and China.

It’s here where Russia can rely on its recent experiences in helping to rehabilitate Syria and the Central African Republic (CAR) in order to optimize its pledged rehabilitation of Ethiopian. Those two countries are much more war-torn than Ethiopia is, the latter of which only saw fighting in its northern regions instead of the entirety of its territory like the prior two did. The most urgent task is to ensure security in the liberated areas, which can be advanced by summer 2021’s military cooperation agreement between Russia and Ethiopia.

This pact could potentially see Russia sharing more details of its earlier mentioned experiences in order to enhance the Ethiopian National Defense Force’s (ENDF) security and stabilization operations in the northern part of the country. Syria and the CAR survived very intense Hybrid Wars that utilized cutting-edge military tactics and strategies against them similar to those that were subsequently directed against Ethiopia by the TPLF. It would help the ENDF to learn more about the challenges connected to ensuring security in areas that have been liberated from such contemporary Hybrid War forces.

The next order of business is to help the many victims of that country’s humanitarian crisis. Russia’s experience with assisting Syria in this respect, which suffered one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises in decades, can be of use to Ethiopia. This is especially the case when it comes to aiding its internally displaced people. Their immediate needs must be met and maintained, which might require urgent support from that country’s trusted partners such as Russia. Provisioning such in an effective and timely manner can also improve Russia’s international reputation too, especially among Africans.

Northern Ethiopia’s post-war rehabilitation must be comprehensive and sustainable. The country’s Medemer philosophy — which has been translated as “coming together” – will form the basis of these efforts. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed touched upon this in his 2019 Nobel Peace Prize speech and his book of the same name that was released earlier that year. Its English translation hasn’t yet been published but Medemer was explained at length by high-level Ethiopian officials during an early 2020 US Institute of Peace panel talk and in Ethiopian writer Linda Yohannes’ insightful book review.

An oversimplification of it in the economic context is that Medemer preaches the need for comprehensive, inclusive, and sustainable growth through public-private and other partnerships that bring prosperity to all of its people, which in turn strengthens socio-political relations between them. It seeks to apply positive aspects of foreign models while avoiding the bad ones. The Medemer mentality aspires to balance cooperation with competition, constantly improving itself as needed, in order to synchronize and synergize Ethiopia’s natural economic advantages in people, location, and resources.

In practice, this could see Russian public and private companies partnering with Ethiopia’s primarily public ones to rehabilitate the northern regions’ damaged infrastructure. Since sustainable growth is one of Medemer’s key concepts, the country’s Russian partners could also train more laborers, social workers, teachers, and doctors throughout the course of these projects while offering scholarships to some internally displaced youth for example. In that way, Russia and Ethiopia could truly embody the Medemer spirit by literally bringing their people closer together as a result of these noble efforts.

All the while, Russia’s international media flagships of RT and Sputnik should be active on the ground documenting the entire experience. The immense influence that Moscow has in shaping global perceptions can be put to positive use in exposing the foreign-backed TPLF’s countless crimes against humanity in northern Ethiopia. This can powerfully counteract the US-led West’s information warfare campaign against its government, which misportrays the TPLF as innocent victims of the “genocidal” ENDF, exactly as similar Russian media efforts have done in debunking Western lies against Syria.

The world wouldn’t only benefit by learning more about the US-led West’s lies against Ethiopia, but also in seeing how effectively Russia is working to reverse the damage that their TPLF proxies inflicted in the northern part of that country. Russia is also a victim of their information warfare campaign, which misportrays the Kremlin as a dangerous and irresponsible international actor. The truth, however, is that Russia is a peaceful and responsible international actor that has a documented track record of cleaning up the West’s Hybrid War messes in Syria, the CAR, and prospectively soon even Ethiopia too.

Upon taking the lead in rehabilitating northern Ethiopia, Russia should diversify the stakeholders in that country’s prosperity in coordination with its hosts. It’s in Ethiopia’s interests as well to receive assistance from as many responsible and trusted partners as possible. Russia can help by requesting that relevant aid and multilateral rehabilitation efforts be placed on the agenda of the proposed heads of state meeting between the Russian, Indian, and Chinese (RIC) leaders that presidential aide Yury Ushakov said was discussed for early 2022 during President Putin’s latest video call with President Xi in December.

The RIC countries stood with in solidarity with Ethiopia at the United Nations in the face of the US-led West’s subversive attempts to weaponize international law against it. They’re strong economies in their own right, not to mention through their cooperation via BRICS and the SCO, the latter organization of which also has anti-terrorist and other security dimensions. These two multipolar platforms could potentially be used to extend economic, financial, humanitarian, and security cooperation to their Ethiopian partner to complement bilateral and trilateral efforts in this respect.

Russia’s increasingly strategic ties with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) could also lead to Moscow working more closely with Abu Dhabi on related rehabilitation matters with their shared partners in Addis Ababa. Observers shouldn’t forget that Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayed (MBZ) played a crucial role in brokering peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea in 2018. He even awarded their leaders his country’s highest civil honor when they both visited the UAE that summer. Furthermore, Al Jazeera alleges that the UAE has maintained a humanitarian (and possibly even military) air bridge to Ethiopia.

Regardless of whether or not the military aspect of this reported bridge is true or not, there’s no denying that the UAE has emerged as a major stakeholder in Ethiopia’s success. It deposited $1 billion in Ethiopia’s central bank in summer 2018 as part of its $3 billion aid and investment pledge at the time. The UAE also plans to build an Eritrean-Ethiopian oil pipeline in order to help the latter export its newly tapped reserves in the southeast. Additionally, DP World signed a memorandum with Ethiopia in May 2021 to build a $1 billion trade and logistics corridor to separatist Somaliland’s Berbera port.

Considering the closeness of Emirati-Ethiopian relations, it would therefore be fitting for RIC to incorporate the UAE as an equal partner into any potential multilateral plan that those countries might come up with during their proposed heads of state summit sometime in early 2022. It enjoys excellent relations with all three of them so it’s a perfect fit for complementing their shared efforts. Plus, the UAE has the available capital needed to invest in high-quality, long-term, but sometimes very expensive infrastructure projects, which can ensure northern Ethiopia’s sustainable rehabilitation.

It’s pivotal for Russia to prioritize its pledged rehabilitation of Ethiopia ahead of the second triennial Russia-Africa Summit that’s expected to take place in October or November after fall 2019’s first-ever summit saw Russia return to Africa following a nearly three-decade-long hiatus. Coincidentally, Ethiopia requested last April to hold the next event in Addis Ababa. That would be a sensible choice since its capital city hosts the African Union headquarters, has sufficient infrastructure, and can serve most of the continent through its Ethiopian Airlines, which regularly wins awards as Africa’s best airline.

The interest that Ethiopian Ambassador to Russia Alemayehu Tegunu recently expressed in courting more Russian investment ahead of the next summit goes perfectly well with Russian Ambassador to Ethiopia Terekhin’s vow to heighten cooperation between those countries’ ruling parties. This in turn raises the chances that the present piece’s proposals could hopefully serve as the blueprint for beginning relevant discussions as soon as possible on Russia’s pledged rehabilitation of Ethiopia with a view towards achieving tangible successes ahead of the next Russia-Africa Summit.

That timing is so important since Russia mustn’t miss the opportunity to showcase its bespoke “Democratic Security” model in Ethiopia. This emerging concept refers to the comprehensive thwarting of Hybrid War threats through economic, informational, military, and other tactics and strategies such as the action plan that was proposed in the present piece. “Democratic Security” approaches vary by country as evidenced from the differing ones that Russia’s practicing in Syria and the CAR, but the concept could attract many more African partners if it’s successful in Ethiopia by next fall’s summit.

Russia must therefore do everything in its power to bring this best-case scenario about. Rehabilitating Ethiopia won’t just improve millions of lives, expose the war crimes committed by the US-led West’s TPLF proxies, and enable Russia to showcase its “Democratic Security” model to other African countries, but ensure that the continent’s historical fountainhead of anti-imperialism and pan-Africanism survives its existential struggle. Upon that happening, Ethiopia can then serve to inspire a revival of these ideas all across Africa through its complementary Medemer concept and thus strengthen multipolarity.

From our partner RIAC

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Decade of Sahel conflict leaves 2.5 million people displaced



Two displaced women sit at a camp in Awaradi, Niger. © UNOCHA/Eve Sabbagh

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) called on Friday for concerted international action to end armed conflict in Africa’s central Sahel region, which has forced more than 2.5 million people to flee their homes in the last decade.

Speaking to journalists in Geneva, the agency’s spokesperson, Boris Cheshirkov, informed that internal displacement has increased tenfold since 2013, going from 217,000 to a staggering 2.1 million by late last year.

The number of refugees in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger now stands at 410,000, and the majority comes from Mali, where major civil conflict erupted in 2012, leading to a failed coup and an on-going extremist insurgency.

Increase in one year

Just last year, a surge in violent attacks across the region displaced nearly 500,000 people (figures for December still pending).

According to estimates from UN partners, armed groups carried out more than 800 deadly attacks in 2021. 

This violence uprooted some 450,000 people within their countries and forced a further 36,000 to flee into a neighbouring country.

In Burkina Faso alone, the total number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) rose to more than 1.5 million by the end of the year. Six in ten of the Sahel’s displaced are now from this country.

In Niger, the number of IDPs in the regions of Tillabéri and Tahoua has increased by 53 per cent in the last 12 months. In Mali, more than 400,000 people are displaced internally, representing a 30 per cent increase from the previous year.

Climate, humanitarian crisis

Meanwhile, the humanitarian situation is rapidly deteriorating with crises on multiple fronts.

Insecurity is the main driver, made worse by extreme poverty, and the COVID-19 pandemic. The effects of the climate crisis are also felt more strongly in the region, with temperatures rising 1.5 times faster than the global average.

Women and children are often the worst affected and disproportionately exposed to extreme vulnerability and the threat of gender-based violence.

According to the UNHCR spokesperson, “host communities have continued to show resilience and solidarity in welcoming displaced families, despite their own scant resources.”

He also said that Government authorities have demonstrated “unwavering commitment” to assisting the displaced, but they are now “buckling under increasing pressure.”

Bold response

UNHCR and humanitarian partners face mounting challenges to deliver assistance, and continue to be the target of road attacks, ambushes, and carjacking.

In this context, the agency is calling on the international community to take “bold action and spare no effort” in supporting these countries.

UNHCR is also leading the joint efforts of UN agencies and NGOs to provide emergency shelter, manage displacement sites and deliver vital protection services, including combating gender-based violence and improving access to civil documentation.

In 2021, more than a third of the agency’s Central Sahel funding needs were unmet.

This year, to mount an effective response in Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali, the agency needs $307 million.

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