As it is understood from the camera on the police officers, the officers approach the vehicle. There are three people in the vehicle, including George Floyd in the driver’s seat. Officer Lane starts talking to George Floyd while taking out his gun and pointing at him to raise his hands. When Floyd puts his hands on the wheel, the police officer lowers his gun.
While officer Kueng is talking to the other person in the car, officer Lane takes Floyd off the car, then handcuffs. Floyd actively counteracts handcuffs.
When Floyd is handcuffed, he walks along the sidewalk with Officer Lane and sits down on the sidewalk. Officer Lane asks Floyd for his name and identity. Officer Lane asks Floyd if he is under the influence of drugs and reports that he has been detained for money fraud.
Officer Kueng and Lane lift Floyd up and try to take him to the team car. At 20:14, Floyd refuses to walk, stops where he is, and throws himself to the ground saying that he has fear of closed space.
Meanwhile, Officer Derek Chauvin (accused) and Tou Thoa arrive at the scene with another team car.
Police officers made multiple attempts to get Floyd into the team car, but were not successful. Floyd does not get into the car with his own consent; he refuses to ride, resists police officers and does not stand. Floyd’s height is over 180 cm and is about 90 kilos.
While standing outside the car, Floyd says he can’t breathe and repeats it. The defendant (police officer) passes to the passenger door side and tries to get Floyd into the vehicle, Officer Lane and Kueng help.
At 20:19 o’clock, the suspect lays down on his stomach in a handcuffed state. Officer holds Kueng Floyd’s waist and Lane legs. The defendant presses the left knee into Floyd’s neck. Floyd says “I can’t breathe” more than once, “mom” and “please”. The defendant and two other officers stand in their places.
The officers say, “You can speak” as Floyd moves back and forth. Officer Lane asked, “Should we turn him to the other side?” He then says, “No, how we put it will stand like that.”
In the images obtained through the camera on the police officers, it is seen that Floyd continues to move and breathe. Floyd stops moving at 20:24. At 20:25, Floyd stopped breathing and talking. Lane says he wants to turn Floyd. Officer checks the pulse of Kueng Floyd and tells him that he cannot find the pulse.
At 20:27, the defendant removes the knee from Floyd’s neck. An ambulance and emergency medical personnel arrive at the scene, place Floyd on the stretcher and the ambulance leaves the scene. The Hospital where he arrived explains that Floyd has died.
Forensic medicine specialist of the hospital performs autopsy of Floyd on 25.05.2020. Although the entire autopsy report has not been published yet, the autopsy specialist shared its initial findings. In the report; it was stated that no findings were found to support the diagnosis of “traumatic drowning”. Floyd has heart disease due to hypertension and coronary heart disease.
Floyd’s capture by police officers has been counted as contributing factors to his underlying illness and the death of any “intoxicating substance” in his blood.
The defendant pressed the knee to the neck of the defendant for 8 minutes 46 seconds. 2 minutes and 53 seconds of this time is from the moment Floyd is unresponsive.
This is the subject of the indictment against the accused police officer Chauvin.
Based on the available data; the accused must have repeatedly pressed her throat to prevent her breathing for two minutes after learning that the pulse of the victim is not pulsing, the victim must not be able to breathe, and because of these issues, the defendant should have predicted that the act would lead to death, but due to the knowledge and experience he had in his profession, It can be thought that it does not take any precautions to prevent it from being absent, but on the contrary, it has the thought of “no matter” with its comfortable attitudes, and for all these reasons, its intent may indicate the possible / possible muscle. In this case, it can be concluded that there is a defect in the perpetrator that surpasses conscious taxiing.
After it has been determined that the defendant’s intentional force has exceeded its limits, it will also be necessary to consider whether the intent’s intent is to kill or injure. In order for the offender to constitute the crime of wounding, which is aggravated by the outcome of the act, the offender should be intentional injury. In the meantime, if the outcome of death has occurred, the perpetrator will be held responsible for the crime of injury, which has been intensified not because of deliberately killing people. If the perpetrator is not willing to commit a crime, but because of inattention, carelessness, inattention, violation of rules or inexperience in profession and art, conscious or unconscious negligence will come to the agenda according to whether the result is predictable or not. For the perpetrator who surpasses the conscious action, does not show an explicit killing caste, but does not care about the death outcome that may arise from a defective move, probable muscle-based penalty may arise.
As a result; when the indictment, forensic reports, and camera images are analyzed, it is concluded that in our opinion, the responsibility for the punishment, which transcends simple and conscious taxonomy and reaches the level of caste, and at least the possible caste is found. For the other police officers who were at the scene and who made the first intervention to the victim, and who did not interfere with the defendant’s act, which could be the subject of a crime by exceeding the police force, they could be held responsible for deliberate killing or negligence of negligence in cases of defect. Police officers have statutory guarantor obligations to protect and protect people’s lives and property. The police officer, who does not fulfill the requirement of this obligation deliberately or by inexperience in his profession or not following the rules, is held responsible for the negligence movement.
Hardened US and Iranian positions question efficacy of parties’ negotiating tactics
The United States and Iran seem to be hardening their positions in advance of a resumption of negotiations to revive a 2015 international nuclear agreement once Iranian President-elect Ebrahim Raisi takes office in early August.
Concern among supporters of the agreement to curb Iran’s nuclear program which former US President Donald J. Trump abandoned in 2018 may be premature but do raise questions about the efficacy of the negotiating tactics of both parties.
These tactics include the Biden administration’s framing of the negotiations exclusively in terms of the concerns of the West and its Middle Eastern allies rather than also as they relate to Iranian fears, a failure by both the United States and Iran to acknowledge that lifting sanctions is a complex process that needs to be taken into account in negotiations, and an Iranian refusal to clarify on what terms the Islamic republic may be willing to discuss non-nuclear issues once the nuclear agreement has been revived.
The differences in the negotiations between the United States and Iran are likely to be accentuated if and when the talks resume, particularly concerning the mechanics of lifting sanctions.
“The challenges facing the JCPOA negotiations are a really important example of how a failed experience of sanctions relief, as we had in Iran between the Obama and Trump admins, can cast a shadow over diplomacy for years to come, making it harder to secure US interests,” said Iran analyst Esfandyar Batmanghelidj referring to the nuclear accord, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, by its initials.
The Biden administration may be heeding Mr. Batmangheldij’s notion that crafting sanctions needs to take into account the fact that lifting them can be as difficult as imposing them as it considers more targeted additional punitive measures against Iran. Those measures would aim to hamper Iran’s evolving capabilities for precision strikes using drones and guided missiles by focusing on the providers of parts for those weapon systems, particularly engines and microelectronics.
To be sure, there is no discernable appetite in either Washington or Tehran to adjust negotiation tactics and amend their underlying assumptions. It would constitute a gargantuan, if not impossible challenge given the political environment in both capitals. That was reflected in recent days in Iranian and US statements.
Iranian Spiritual Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei suggested that agreement on the revival of the nuclear accord was stumbling over a US demand that it goes beyond the terms of the original accord by linking it to an Iranian willingness to discuss its ballistic missiles program and support for Arab proxies.
In a speech to the cabinet of outgoing President Hassan Rouhani, he asserted that the West “will try to hit us everywhere they can and if they don’t hit us in some place, it’s because they can’t… On paper and in their promises, they say they’ll remove sanctions. But they haven’t lifted them and won’t lift them. They impose conditions…to say in future Iran violated the agreement and there is no agreement” if Iran refuses to discuss regional issues or ballistic missiles.
Iranian officials insist that nothing can be discussed at this stage but a return by both countries to the nuclear accord as is. Officials, distrustful of US intentions, have hinted that an unconditional and verified return to the status quo ante may help open the door to talks on missiles and proxies provided this would involve not only Iranian actions and programs but also those of America’s allies.
Mr. Khamenei’s remarks seemed to bolster suggestions that once in office Mr. Raisi would seek to turn the table on the Biden administration by insisting on stricter verification and US implementation of its part of a revived agreement.
To achieve this, Iran is expected to demand the lifting of all rather than some sanctions imposed or extended by the Trump administration; verification of the lifting; guarantees that the lifting of sanctions is irreversible, possibly by making any future American withdrawal from the deal contingent on approval by the United Nations Security Council; and iron-clad provisions to ensure that obstacles to Iranian trade are removed, including the country’s unfettered access to the international financial system and the country’s overseas accounts.
Mr. Khamenei’s remarks and Mr. Raisi’s anticipated harder line was echoed in warnings by US officials that the ascendancy of the new president would not get Iran a better deal. The officials cautioned further that there could be a point soon at which it would no longer be worth returning to because Iran’s nuclear program would have advanced to the point where the limitations imposed by the agreement wouldn’t produce the intended minimum one year ‘breakout time’ to produce enough enriched uranium for a bomb.
“We are committed to diplomacy, but this process cannot go on indefinitely. At some point, the gains achieved by the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) cannot be fully recovered by a return to the JCPOA if Iran continues the activities that it’s undertaken with regard to its nuclear program…The ball remains in Iran’s court, and we will see if they’re prepared to make the decisions necessary to come back into compliance,” US Secretary Antony Blinken said this week on a visit to Kuwait.
Another US official suggested that the United States and Iran could descend into a tug-of-war on who has the longer breath and who blinks first. It’s a war that so far has not produced expected results for the United States and in which Iran has paid a heavy price for standing its ground.
The official said that a breakdown in talks could “look a lot like the dual-track strategy of the past—sanctions pressure, other forms of pressure, and a persistent offer of negotiations. It will be a question of how long it takes the Iranians to come to the idea they will not wait us out.”
Wendy Sherman’s China visit takes a terrible for the US turn
US Deputy Secretary of State, Wendy Sherman, had high hopes for the meeting in China. At first, the Chinese side did not agree to hold the meeting at all. The reaction had obvious reasons: Antony Blinken’s fiasco in Alaska left the Chinese disrespected and visibly irritated. This is not why they travelled all the way.
So then the State Department had the idea of sending Wendy Sherman instead. The US government actually needs China more than China needs the US. Sherman was in China to actually prepare the ground for Biden and a meeting between the two presidents, expecting a red carpet roll for Biden as if it’s still the 2000s — the time when it didn’t matter how the US behaved. Things did not go as expected.
Instead of red carpet talk, Sherman heard Dua Lipa’s “I got new rules”.
That’s right — the Chinese side outlined three bottom lines warning the US to respect its system, development and sovereignty and territorial integrity. In other words, China wants to be left alone.
The bottom lines were not phrased as red lines. This was not a military conflict warning. This was China’s message that if any future dialogue was to take place, China needs to be left alone. China accused the US of creating an “imaginary enemy”. I have written about it before — the US is looking for a new Cold War but it doesn’t know how to start and the problem is that the other side actually holds all the cards.
That’s why the US relies on good old militarism with an expansion into the Indo-Pacific, while aligning everyone against China but expecting the red carpet and wanting all else in the financial and economic domains to stay the same. The problem is that the US can no longer sell this because there are no buyers. Europeans also don’t want to play along.
The headlines on the meeting in the US press are less flattering than usual. If the US is serious about China policy it has to be prepared to listen to much more of that in the future. And perhaps to, yes, sit down and be humble.
Why Jen Psaki is a well-masked Sean Spicer
When Sarah Huckabee Sanders showed up on the scene as White House Press Secretary, the reaction was that of relief. Finally — someone civil, normal, friendly. Jen Psaki’s entry this year was something similar. People were ready for someone well-spoken, well-mannered, even friendly as a much welcome change from the string of liars, brutes or simply disoriented people that the Trump Administration seemed to be lining up the press and communications team with on a rolling basis. After all, if the face of the White House couldn’t keep it together for at least five minutes in public, what did that say about the overall state of the White House behind the scenes?
But Psaki’s style is not what the American media and public perceive it to be. Her style is almost undetectable to the general American public to the point that it could look friendly and honest to the untrained eye or ear. Diplomatic or international organization circles are perhaps better suited to catch what’s behind the general mannerism. Jen Psaki is a well-masked Sean Spicer, but a Sean Spicer nevertheless. I actually think she will do much better than him in Dancing With The Stars. No, in fact, she will be fabulous at Dancing With The Stars once she gets replaced as White House Press Secretary.
So let’s take a closer look. I think what remains undetected by the general American media is veiled aggression and can easily pass as friendliness. Psaki recently asked a reporter who was inquiring about the Covid statistics at the White House why the reporter needed that information because Psaki simply didn’t have that. Behind the brisk tone was another undertone: the White House can’t be questioned, we are off limits. But it is not and that’s the point.
Earlier, right at the beginning in January, Psaki initially gave a pass to a member of her team when the Politico stunner reporter story broke out. The reporter was questioning conflict of interest matters, while the White House “stud” was convinced it was because he just didn’t chose her, cursing her and threatening her. Psaki sent him on holidays. Nothing to see here folks, move along.
Psaki has a level of aggression that’s above average, yet she comes across as one of the most measured and reasonable White House Press Secretaries of the decade. And that’s under pressure. But being able to mask that level of deflection is actually not good for the media because the media wants answers. Style shouldn’t (excuse the pun) trump answers. And being able to get away smoothly with it doesn’t actually serve the public well. Like that time she just walked away like it’s not a big deal. It’s the style of “as long as I say thank you or excuse me politely anything goes”. But it doesn’t. And the American public will need answers to some questions very soon. Psaki won’t be able to deliver that and it would be a shame to give her a pass just because of style.
I think it’s time that we start seeing Psaki as a veiled Sean Spicer. And that Dancing with the Stars show — I hope that will still run despite Covid.
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