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The Foray of COVID-19 in the Public health of Bangladesh

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“Desperate Savar mother sells hair to buy milk for baby” “ Agitprop for relief in Dhaka ”“Relief rice theft amid raging Covid-19 crisis” “Only being embarrassed won’t stop food aid theft, pilfering” “Bashundhara Group gives food aid to 3,500 labourers in Mongla” “Beggar donates Tk 10000 for corona-hit people”. 

These are some news headings. This is the scenario amid the pandemic COVID-19 of a country which dreamt in 1971 to establish a just and egalitarian society.

Soon after independence in 1971, the father of Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibor Rahman along with his fellows tried to rebuild the fragile economy of the country. After 49 years of independence Bangladesh entered into the club of middle income countries with an impressive record of growth and development with GDP worth US dollars 286 Billion (tradingeconomic.com/bangladesh). An illustration may depict the economic fragility in 1972 and the present economic stability of Bangladesh. In 2019, the GDP and GNI per capita arose to 1827 and 1909 US dollars compared with94 and 120 US dollars respectively in 1972 (macrotrends.net/Bangladesh). The country’s economy has been marching towards a robust economy in the region. But this growth of GNI and GDP in the last few years did not create sufficient space for the poor people for productive income generating employments. Rather, the rich people are getting richer where the poor are getting poorer day by day. The government is committed to poverty alleviation and reducing disparity though,

but still it has to go a long way. And this disparity would not be controlled until the proper distribution of wealth and notable subsidies to the poor by the state takes place. The statistics about the economy of Bangladesh are set out here to help compare the solvency of the state and to help with a rethink about the availability of resources of the country.

Let us examine the number of disadvantaged people and their income generating sources to provide them a reasonable standard of life. Bangladesh is one of the most densely populated countries in the world accommodating more than 1000 of its citizens in a square mile. In the year 2019, the total estimated population is about 170 million where 20% people are living under the national poverty line and 10% people live in extreme poverty which means they have daily income of less than 1.9 US dollars. In existing employment, 39.76 % work in agriculture, 20.53% work in industry while the remaining 39.71% work in the service sector (Statista, 2019). This index of measuring the economic status of individuals was done on the basis of multidimensional indicators including nutrition. Accordingly, it can clearly be presumed that these 20% people living below the poverty line are always fighting daily to have a nutritious meal. The percentage might be higher if we take into consideration the number of people who depend only on their daily income and the marginal peasants who live just a little above the poverty line. This should be a great concern for the country: how do these people meet their need for nutrition amid the outbreak of COVID-19. We should look into the constitution of the peoples’ republic of Bangladesh to see if there is any mandate for the well-being of the citizens including public health.

2. Just after nine months of independence, the country adopted an excellent constitution with the aim of establishing a socialist society where there would be no exploitation and where equality and justice; political, economic, and social would be secured for all citizens. It adopted some provisions to work as fundamental principles in all functions adopted by the government. It is pertinent to mention here that these principles are termed as fundamental principles of state policy. That means the policy makers must prioritize the essence of these principles and must not adopt policies inconsistent with these principles. These principles included a set of principles relating to social rights, economic rights, and some other cultural rights too with a non-binding effect. The shining principles relating to social and economic rights include provisions of basic necessities of life, emancipation of peasants and worker, and public health. Article 15 of the Constitution provides that it shall be a fundamental responsibility of the State to attain, through planned economic growth, a constant increase of productive forces and a steady improvement in the material and cultural standard of living of the people, with a view to securing for its citizens – (a) the provision of the basic necessities of life, including food, clothing, shelter, education and medical care;…(d) the right to social security, that is to say, to public assistance in cases of undeserved want arising from unemployment, illness or disablement, or suffered by widows or orphans or in old age, or in other such cases. Article 18 states that the State shall regard the raising of the level of nutrition and the improvement of public health as among its primary duties. These basic rights of the citizens are not fundamental in nature in a country like Bangladesh. And it was not possible too for the makers of the constitution to posit these rights as fundamental having a fragile economy in 1972 but, rather, that these necessities would responsibly be treated in future by the state with the availability of its resources. Looking back to our previous economic statistics of the country, we commendably can say Bangladesh now has a considerably improved economic strength to revise its policy regarding these basic rights.

Leaving aside other basic necessities, we would like to remember the necessities of food and health care of the citizens during this outbreak of Pandemic COVID-19. Food and medical care are the two vital basic necessities of life. And the people who live under the extreme poverty line and to some extent people living under the poverty line can feel the urgency of these necessities to protect their lives guaranteed by the constitution as enshrined in Article 32 of the constitution. This right is a fundamental rightthat cannot be taken away save than by law. It is should be mentioned here that right to life does not mean only physical survival rather it means a dignified life. Right to life includes the right to live with human dignity having all basic necessities including the right to safe and nutritious food and right to have basic medical care. This principle of law has been confirmed by the apex court of Bangladesh in Mohiuddin Farooque Vs. Bangladesh stating that “the expression life enshrined in Article 32 includes everything which is necessary to make it meaningful and a life worth living, such as, among others maintenance of health is of utmost importance….” And later in many other cases. Our neighbor Indian Court also affirmed the principle in many judgments like Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India, Sunil Batra v. Delhi Administration, Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation etc. Considering this constitutional fiat, it can be said that the government has a constitutional obligation too to ensure a dignified life for all the citizens.

3. How far does the government adhere to its constitutional direction in saving the lives of these people during this pandemic COVID-19? To find the answer, we must assess the capacity of stakeholders to manage nutritious food and the role of the government in providing the same.

We have mentioned earlier that per capita GNI of the country is 1909 US dollars. That does not mean each and every citizen of the country has an annual income of the said amount. According to the latest survey (Statista, February, 2020) 4.29% of the total population is completely unemployed. It means these people have the ability to work but do not get work to do. Rather,they have to depend on others for their livelihood. It can undoubtedly be said that this amount of people including the people living under the poverty line have hardly any savings for their rainy days. Think, what would happen to these day-labourers, no work no payment workers, marginal workers working in restaurants, shops, and in making garments if they cannot go to work and if they are stuck at home for months? Simply,they cannot manage their daily meal let alone nutritious food. So, they have to rely on others for a meal and have to legitimately expect food from the government. And in this case, the government should play a pivotal role considering the situation.The matter of satisfaction is that the government has already started playing a true guardian-like role allocating a huge budget in different sectors including food to combat the situation, but the food provided by the government is not sufficient to fulfill the deficiency of nutrition to these people. In the same vein, we should not forget that healthy diet helps protect the people against malnutrition in all its forms.

Let’s review a model diet for an adult in a day and compare it with the nutrition status of these people during the COVID-19 pandemic in Bangladesh.

A balanced diet has food elements like carbohydrates, protein, vitamins, mineral, and water are essential to be in daily food to meet  one’s primary nutritional needs. It is said an adult man should consume at least 56 gram protein in a day while a women is required to take 46 gram. Among the elements of a model diet, we normally find lean meats, poultry, fish and seafood, eggs, dairy products, etc. as the source of protein which are not easily reachable by the poor people. So, during this outbreak, it is hardly possible for a family having no income to manage the minimally required protein they need in their food, because food like rice, potato, salt, oil given from the government cannot supply the adequate amount of protein to these people. Leaving protein aside, what about the carbohydrate which is considered to be required for all the citizens? The country has also witnessed amid this outbreak that individuals were beaten by the local representative while asking for food sent for them by the government. We also noticed the stealing, hoarding, black-marketing the food allocated for the poor people. So, there remains a question mark too regarding the receipt of food allocated and supplied by the government. But it is admirable that the government is taking quick and immediate action to stop the mismanagement of distribution of food.

So, what more should the government do regarding the nutrition of its citizens? Of course, it will be a challenge for the government of a country like Bangladesh to provide nutritious food to these huge number of people living under the poverty line. At present, the initiatives taken by the government by providing basic food to these disadvantageous people is worthy of admiration. But this food is not sufficient enough to fill the nutrition gap of these poor people. So, the government should take more other steps like involving rich people in this food supplying project. In this situation, in addition to the government aid, the officially declared 23,300 more millionaires along with other well-off people in the country should come forward to assist with the situation specifically to provide good food to these disadvantageous people. These rich people are distributed across the country as they are from different districts and sub-districts. They should, as well as the government, extend their hand of assistance to their neighbors who cannot manage a good meal. This may be given in the form of money or in the form of products which contains proper nutrition. Government should consult them immediately. Even if they are not willing to do so, the government may declare special recognition or award for these prospective benevolent people. With the help of these well-off people, the disadvantaged people might have some nutritious food in this hazardous situation. We must keep in mind that deficiency of nutrition in the human body for a long time may cause extreme form of malnutrition. The government should take the matter into consideration seriously otherwise in the long run, the situation may lead the country into a situation where a large section of the population is severely malnourished with all the problems that that might bring.

Member, Bangladesh Judicial Service Currently working as a Research & Reference Officer, Appellate Division, Supreme Court of Bangladesh

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South Asia

India’s open invitation to a nuclear Armageddon

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Army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane said that “India was not averse to the possible demilitarisation of the Siachen glacier ,  the world’s highest battleground and an old sore in India-Pakistan ties , provided the neighbour accepted the 110-km Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL) that separates Indian and Pakistani positions. Acceptance of AGPL is the first step towards demilitarisation but the Pakistan side loathes doing that”. He said, ‘The Siachen situation occurred because of unilateral attempts by Pakistan to change status quo and countermeasures taken by the Indian Army’ (Not averse to demilitarisation of Siachen if Pak meets pre-condition: Army chief, Hindustan Times January 13, 2022).

Reacting to the Indian army chief’s statement, Pakistan’s former foreign secretary Riaz Mohammad Khan reminisced that the Siachen could not fructify into a written agreement because India wanted Siachen and Kashmir to be settled together. India’s approach ‘nothing is agreed until everything is agreed’ scuttled the agreement. As for Kashmir, “a simultaneous effort was made through the backchannel …in what is commonly known as the Four-Point Formula” (Siachen recollections, Dawn January 16, 2022). Riaz laments Indi’s distrust that hindered a solution.

Shyam Saran, a voice in the wilderness

Shyam Saran, in his book How India Sees the World (pp. 88-93) makes startling revelations about how this issue eluded solution at last minute. India itself created the Siachen problem.  Saran reminisces, in the 1970s, US maps began to show 23000 kilometers of Siachen area under Pakistan’s control. Thereupon, Indian forces were sent to occupy the glacier in a pre-emptive strike, named Operation Meghdoot. Pakistani attempts to dislodge them did not succeed. But they did manage to occupy and fortify the lower reaches’.

He recalls how Siachen Glacier and Sir Creek agreements could not fructify for lack of political will or foot dragging. He says ‘NN Vohra, who was the defence secretary at the time, confirmed in a newspaper interview that an agreement on Siachen had been reached. At the last moment, however, a political decision was taken by the Narasimha Rao government to defer its signing to the next round of talks scheduled for January the following year. But, this did not happen…My defence of the deal became a voice in the wilderness’.

Saran says, `Kautliyan template would say the options for India are sandhi, conciliation; asana, neutrality; and yana, victory through war. One could add dana, buying allegiance through gifts; and bheda, sowing discord. The option of yana, of course would be the last in today’s world’ (p. 64, ibid.).

India’s current first option

It appears that Kautliya’s last-advised option,yana, as visualised by Shyam Saran, is India’s first option nowadays. Kautlya also talks about koota yuddha (no holds barred warfare), and maya yuddha (war by tricks) that India is engaged in.

Cartographic annexation

By unilaterally declaring the disputed Jammu and Kashmir its territory does not solve the Kashmir problem. This step reflects that India has embarked upon the policy “might is right”. In Kotliyan parlance it would be “matsy nyaya, or mach nyaya”, that is big fish eats the small one. What if China also annexes disputed borders with India?  India annexed Kashmir presuming that Pakistan is not currently in a position to respond militarily, nor could it agitate the matter at international forums for fear of US ennui.  

India’s annexation smacks of acceptance of quasi-Dixon Plan, barring mention of plebiscite and division of Jammu. . Dixon proposed: Ladakh should be awarded to India. Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (including Gilgit and Baltistan) should remain with Pakistan. Whole Kashmir valley should have a plebiscite with no option to independence. Jammu should be divided on religious basis. The river Chmab should be the dividing line. Northern Jammu (Muslims dominated) should go to Pakistan and Hindu majority parts of Jammu to remain with India.

In short Muslim areas should have gone with Pakistan and Hindu-Buddhist majority areas should have remained with India.

India’s annexation has no legal sanctity. But, it could have bbeen sanctified in a mutually agreed Kashmir solution.

India’s propaganda

India portrays the freedom movement in Kashmir as `terrorism’. What about India’s terrorism in neighbouring countries?

The world is listless to accounts of former diplomats and RAW officers about executing insurgencies in neighbouring countries. B. Raman, in his book The Kaoboys of R&AW: Down Memory Lane makes no bones about India’s involvement up to the level of prime minister in Bangladesh’s insurgency.

 Will the world take notice of confessions by Indi’s former intelligence officers and diplomats?B. Raman reminds `Indian parliament passed resolution on March 31, 1971 to support insurgency. Indira Gandhi had then confided with Kao that in case Mujib was prevented from ruling Pakistan, she would liberate East Pakistan from the clutches of the military junta. Kao, through one RAW agent, hijacked a Fokker Friendship, the Ganga, of Indian Airlines hijacked from Srinagar to Lahore.

India’s ambassador Bharath Raj Muthu Kumar, with the consent of then foreign minister Jaswant Singh, `coordinated military and medical assistance that India was secretly giving to Massoud and his forces’… `helicopters, uniforms, ordnance, mortars, small armaments, refurbished Kalashnikovs seized in Kashmir, combat and winter clothes, packaged food, medicines, and funds through his brother in London, Wali Massoud’, delivered circuitously with the help of other countries who helped this outreach’. When New Delhi queried about the benefit of costly support to Northern Alliance chief Massoud, Kumar explained, “He is battling someone we should be battling. When Massoud fights the Taliban, he fights Pakistan.”

Death of back-channel

In his memoirs In the line of fire (pp.302-303), president Musharraf had proposed a personal solution of the Kashmir issue.  This solution, in essence, envisioned self-rule in demilitarised regions of Kashmir under a joint-management mechanism.   The solution pre-supposed* reciprocal flexibility.

Death of dialogue and diplomacy

Riaz warns of “incalculable” risks as the result of abrogation of Kashmir statehood (Aug 5, 2019). Both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers. In the absence of a dialogue on outstanding issues, war, perhaps a nuclear one,  comes up as the only option.

Concluding remark

Sans sincerity, the only Kashmir solution is a nuclear Armageddon. Or, perhaps divine intervention.

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Major Challenges for Pakistan in 2022

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Pakistan has been facing sever challenges since 1980s, after the former USSR’s invasion of Afghanistan. The history is full of challenges, but, being a most resilient nation, Pakistan has faced some of them bravely and overcome successfully. Yet, few are rather too big for Pakistan and still struggling to overcome in the near future.

Some of the challenges are domestic or internal, which can be addressed conveniently. But, some of them are part of geopolitics and rather beyond control of Pakistan itself. Such challenges need to pay more attention and need to be smarter and address them wisely.

Few key areas will be the main focus of Pakistan in the year ahead. Relations with China and the US while navigating the Sino-US confrontation, dealing with Afghanistan’s uncertainties, managing the adversarial relationship with India and balancing ties between strategic ally Saudi Arabia and neighbor Iran.

Pakistan has to pursue its diplomatic goals in an unsettled global and regional environment marked by several key features. They include rising East-West tensions, increasing preoccupation of big powers with domestic challenges, ongoing trade and technology wars overlying the strategic competition between China and the US, a fraying rules-based international order and attempts by regional and other powers to reshape the rules of the game in their neighborhood.

Understanding the dynamics of an unpredictable world is important especially as unilateral actions by big powers and populist leaders, which mark their foreign policy, have implications for Pakistan’s diplomacy. In evolving its foreign policy strategy Pakistan has to match its goals to its diplomatic resources and capital. No strategy is effective unless ends and means are aligned.

Pakistan’s relations with China will remain its overriding priority. While a solid economic dimension has been added to long-standing strategic ties, it needs sustained high-level engagement and consultation to keep relations on a positive trajectory. CPEC is on track, timely and smoothly progress is crucial to reinforce Beijing’s interest in strengthening Pakistan, economically and strategically. Close coordination with Beijing on key issues remains important.

Pakistan wants to improve ties with the US. But relations will inevitably be affected by Washington’s ongoing confrontation with Beijing, which American officials declare has an adversarial dimension while China attributes a cold war mindset to the US. Islamabad seeks to avoid being sucked into this big power rivalry. But this is easier said than done. So long as US-China relations remain unsteady it will have a direct bearing on Pakistan’s effort to reset ties with the US especially as containing China is a top American priority. Pakistan desires to keep good relations with the US, but, not at the cost of China. In past, Pakistan was keeping excellent relations with US, while simultaneously very close with China. When the US imposed economic blockade against China and launched anti-communism drive during the cold war, Pakistan was close ally with the US and yet, keeping excellent relations with China. Pakistan played vital role in bring China and the US to establish diplomatic relations in 1970s. Yet, Pakistan possesses the capability to narrow down the hostility between China and the US.

Pakistan was close ally with the US during cold war, anti-communism threat, war against USSR’s invasion of Afghanistan in 1980s, and war on terror, etc. Pakistan might be a small country, but, possesses strategic importance. As long as, the US was cooperating with Pakistan, Pakistan looked after the US interest in the whole region. In fact, Pakistan ensured that the US has achieved its all strategic goals in the region. Since, the US kept distance from Pakistan, is facing failure after another failure consecutively. The importance of Pakistan is well recognized by the deep state in the US.

US thinks that withdrawal from Afghanistan has diminished Pakistan’s importance for now. For almost two decades Afghanistan was the principal basis for engagement in their frequently turbulent ties, marked by both cooperation and mistrust. As Pakistan tries to turn a new page with the US the challenge is to find a new basis for a relationship largely shorn of substantive bilateral content. Islamabad’s desire to expand trade ties is in any case contingent on building a stronger export base.

Complicating this is Washington’s growing strategic and economic relations with India, its partner of choice in the region in its strategy to project India as a counterweight to China. The implications for Pakistan of US-India entente are more than evident from Washington turning a blind eye to the grim situation in occupied Kashmir and its strengthening of India’s military and strategic capabilities. Closer US-India ties will intensify the strategic imbalance in the region magnifying Pakistan’s security challenge.

Multiple dimensions of Pakistan’s relations with Afghanistan will preoccupy Islamabad, which spent much of 2021 engaged with tumultuous developments there. While Pakistan will continue to help Afghanistan avert a humanitarian and economic collapse it should not underestimate the problems that may arise with an erstwhile ally. For one, the TTP continues to be based in Afghanistan and conduct attacks from there. The border fencing issue is another source of unsettled discord. Careful calibration of ties will be needed — assisting Afghanistan but avoiding overstretch, and acknowledging that the interests of the Taliban and Pakistan are far from identical. Moreover, in efforts to mobilize international help for Afghanistan, Islamabad must not exhaust its diplomatic capital, which is finite and Pakistan has other foreign policy goals to pursue.

Managing relations with India will be a difficult challenge especially as the Modi government is continuing its repressive policy in occupied Kashmir and pressing ahead with demographic changes there, rejecting Pakistan’s protests. The hope in establishment circles that last year’s backchannel between the two countries would yield a thaw or even rapprochement, turned to disappointment when no headway was made on any front beyond the re-commitment by both neighbors to observe a ceasefire on the Line of Control.

Working level diplomatic engagement will continue on practical issues such as release of civilian prisoners. But prospects of formal dialogue resuming are slim in view of Delhi’s refusal to discuss Kashmir. This is unlikely to change unless Islamabad raises the diplomatic costs for Delhi of its intransigent policy. Islamabad’s focus on Afghanistan last year meant its diplomatic campaign on Kashmir sagged and was limited to issuing tough statements. Unless Islamabad renews and sustains its international efforts with commitment and imagination, India will feel no pressure on an issue that remains among Pakistan’s core foreign policy goals.

With normalization of ties a remote possibility, quiet diplomacy by the two countries is expected to focus on managing tensions to prevent them from spinning out of control. Given the impasse on Kashmir, an uneasy state of no war, no peace is likely to continue warranting Pakistan’s sustained attention.

In balancing ties with Saudi Arabia and Iran, Pakistan should consider how to leverage possible easing of tensions between the long-standing rivals — of which there are some tentative signs. With Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman keen to use economic power to expand his country’s diplomatic clout by making strategic overseas investments, Pakistan should use its political ties with Riyadh to attract Saudi investment through a coherent strategy. Relations with Iran too should be strengthened with close consultation on regional issues especially Afghanistan. The recent barter agreement is a step in the right direction.

In an increasingly multipolar world, Pakistan also needs to raise its diplomatic efforts by vigorous outreach to other key countries and actors beyond governments to secure its national interests and goals.

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Afghanistan: UN launches largest single country aid appeal ever

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Displaced families collect water during a harsh winter in Kabul, Afghanistan. © UNHCR/Andrew McConnell

The UN and partners launched a more than $5 billion funding appeal for Afghanistan on Tuesday, in the hope of shoring up collapsing basic services there, which have left 22 million in need of assistance inside the country, and 5.7 million people requiring help beyond its borders.

Speaking in Geneva, UN Emergency Relief Coordinator Martin Griffiths said that $4.4 billion was needed for the Afghanistan Humanitarian Response Plan alone, “to pay direct” to health workers and others, not the de facto authorities.

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi called for $623 million, to support refugees and host communities in five neighbouring countries, for the Afghanistan Situation Regional Refugee Response Plan.

“Today we are launching an appeal for $4.4 billion for Afghanistan itself for 2022,” said Mr. Griffiths. “This is the largest ever appeal for a single country for humanitarian assistance and it is three times the amount needed, and actually fundraised in 2021.”

Needs could double

The scale of need is already enormous, both UN officials stressed, warning that if insufficient action is taken now to support the Afghanistan and regional response plans, “next year we’ll be asking for $10 billion”.

Mr. Griffiths added: “This is a stop-gap, an absolutely essential stop-gap measure that we are putting in front of the international community today. Without this being funded, there won’t be a future, we need this to be done, otherwise there will be outflow, there will be suffering.”

Rejecting questions that the funding would be used to support the Taliban’s grip on de facto government, Mr. Griffiths insisted that it would go directly into the pockets of “nurses and health officials in the field” so that these services can continue, not as support for State structures.

UN aid agencies describe Afghanistan’s plight as one of the world’s most rapidly growing humanitarian crises.

According to UN humanitarian coordination office OCHA, half the population now faces acute hunger, over nine million people have been displaced and millions of children are out of school.

Youngsters’ plight

Asked to describe what might happen if sufficient support was not forthcoming, the UN emergency relief chief replied that he was particularly concerned for one million children now facing severe acute malnutrition. “A million children – figures are so hard so grasp when they’re this kind of size – but a million children at risk of that kind of malnutrition if these things don’t happen, is a shocking one.”

But humanitarian agencies and their partners who will receive the requested funding directly can only do so much, Mr. Griffiths explained, before reiterating his support for the 22 December UN Security Council resolution that cleared the way for aid to reach Afghans, while preventing funds from falling into the hands of the Taliban.

“Humanitarian agencies inside Afghanistan can only operate if there’s cash in the economy which can be used to pay officials, salaries, costs, fuel and so-forth,” he said. “So, liquidity in its first phase is a humanitarian issue, it’s not just a bigger economic issue.”

Stave off disease, hunger

He added: “My message is urgent: don’t shut the door on the people of Afghanistan. Humanitarian partners are on the ground, and they are delivering, despite the challenges. Help us scale up and stave off wide-spread hunger, disease, malnutrition and ultimately death by supporting the humanitarian plans we are launching today.”

Highlighting the need to avoid a wider regional crisis emanating from Afghanistan, UNHCR chief Grandi, insisted that what was needed most, was “to stabilize the situation inside Afghanistan, including that of displaced people who are displaced inside their country. Also, to prevent a larger refugee crisis, a larger crisis of external displacement.”

Nonetheless, Afghanistan’s immediate neighbours had sheltered vulnerable Afghans for decades, Mr. Grandi explained, as he appealed for $623 million in funding for 40 organizations working in protection, health and nutrition, food security, shelter and non-food items, water and sanitation, livelihoods and resilience, education, and logistics and telecoms.

Decades of shelter

No-one should forget “that there is a regional dimension to this crisis, represented by the Afghan refugees but also Afghans with many other ‘stay’ arrangements in neighbouring countries in particular,” Mr. Grandi said, “especially in Pakistan and Iran that have hosted Afghans for more than 40 years, but also Central Asian States.”

Since the Taliban takeover last August, women’s and girls’ rights have continued to come under attack, OCHA noted in a statement, “while farmers and herders are struggling amid the worst drought in decades and the economy is in freefall”.

Rights reminder

On the issue of protecting fundamental rights, Mr. Griffiths underlined the fact that UN humanitarians were continuing to hold “conversations” with Afghanistan’s de facto authorities at a national and sub-national level, on issues such as aid and education access for all.

Echoing that message, UN refugee chief Mr. Grandi noted that humanitarians on the ground were well aware of the importance of stressing the need to protect the rights of minorities and other vulnerable Afghans.

“Our colleagues are there every day, and that’s what they talk about every day; they certainly talk about access, and delivery and needs, but they also talk about women at work, women in school – girls in school – rights of minorities, but it’s that space that we need to preserve.”

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