The developments in South China sea (SCS) during the months of March and April has brought the region to the limelight again. The countries and territories in the periphery of South China Sea (SCS) have been threatened by Chinese coastguards and fishermen militia. More recently, in the first week of April, Chinese Coast guard ships destroyed Vietnamese fishing boat QNg 90617 TS and left eight crew members scampering for life. These repeated drowning of other countries boats by Chinese coastguards and armed militia has threatened the livelihood of the fishing communities who thrive on the third largest fishing ground of the world. The exotic fishes and the possibility of mineral resources underneath the sea surface have made it a lucrative hunting grounds for the littoral countries but in the last couple of years, the tensions in the region have multiplied manifold. One of the reasons stated by Chinese is that US has been undertaking provocative surveillance sorties with its maritime aircrafts and conducting group sails to force freedom of navigation, and undermine China’s habitual access denial and area dominance aggression. China, on the other hand, has been giving alibi for its military maneuvers,and at times compete disregard for freedom of navigation under the UNCLOS. The PLA navy has been firing warning shots and even targeting surveillance aircrafts of the US with lasers guns. The Coronavirus pandemic and US inability to undertake large scale naval operations in the SCS have further enthused China to threaten its neighbours. The Chinese survey ship HD 8 which has been the epicenter of trouble in the past and has been conducting fictitious surveys to station itself in Exclusive Economic zone of other claimant countries is a matter of concern.
Few factors have added to PLA navy’s confidence. This included its recurring sorties and operationalizing of its two air craft carriers (Liaoning and Shandong) and conducting operations closer to Taiwan straits and Philippines, while at the same time threatening Indonesia as well as Japan in East China Sea. It seems that China is drawing the outer periphery of the nine-dash line which now includes non-disputed regions such as Vanguard bank and Natuna islands. China has been sending its ships also to East China Sea knowing very well that at time of this global pandemic, it would use these to divert international attention and avert global accusations of dereliction of global responsibility by China. Coronavirus (COVID 19) has raised serious doubts about China’s commitment as a country which is a member of the UNSC, and its non-transparent attitude related to the declaration of the COVID 19 and the number of casualties. South China Sea and North Korea missile tests provide that alibi for China to divert attention also raise hyper nationalism in China, especially when President Xi Jinping has been facing huge internal dissent. In SCS, after China has completely assailed the PCA ruling in July 2016 which adjudicated in favour of Philippines, and dismissed all claims of EEZ for reclaimed islands that China has built in South China Sea. The lackadaisical attitude of the international community in terms of imposing penalties and bringing compliance with regard to the PCA ruling gave a long handle to the communist regime of China to station new weapons including surface to air missiles, and radars in few of the reclaimed islands.
More recently, the Chinese Haiyang Dizhi 8(HD 8) survey ship has returned to Vietnamese EEZ nearly 160 kms off the coast of Vietnam, and is approaching closer to Malaysian held islands, in complete disregard to international law, and the UNCLOS provisions. The survey ship is accompanied with Chinese coast guard vessels.
US State Department in support of Vietnam has stated, “we call on the PRC to remain focused on supporting international efforts to combat the global pandemic, and to stop exploiting the distraction or vulnerability of other states to expand its unlawful claims in the South China Sea”. Late last year, China stationed its one coastguard vessel closer to the oil rig operated by Russia’s Rosneft. Vietnam has also tried to put the issue in the UN Security Council agenda item to draw attention of the global community. However, more than discussions the international community must release a statement completely criticizing the UNSC permanent member global behaviour. On the part of regional countries and dialogue partner a unified statement castigating Chinese efforts to vitiate the regional order in SCS is a must. The Quad countries must undertake group sails on regular intervals and even a standoff with China would be a big lesson in the placid waters.
On the part of Vietnam, it must understand that the global realities and compulsions have changed over a period of time and identifying the US as a permanent enemy would do not augur well for their strategic interests. There is a need for signing the strategic partnership and security agreement with the US. The template can be drawn from the India-Japan global strategic partnership and the joint declaration on security cooperation. The visit of USS Roosevelt had not been received well within Chinese strategic community, and Vietnam must undertake measures so that dialogue partner countries ships (excluding China) must call on its ports. This show of strength along with regular interactions at ASEAN level, and also while drawing the agenda of the ADMM plus meeting later this year must mention the issue of SCS. There is a need to all parties to accept COC from legal point of view and the momentum must be supported with new ideas when Vietnam is the chair of ASEAN. China is likely to face economic hardships especially when the European and the US markets would not be able to generate the demand.
Vietnam, as ASEAN Chair, need to undertake five step approach to solve the problem. Firstly, institutionalize a high powered committee to expedite and build consensus on the draft Code of Conduct (CoC) among ASEAN on a priority basis. Former prime ministers and heads of government can be involved in this committee so as to get political acceptance and develop trust among claimant countries. Secondly, it must undertake trilateral initiatives with dialogue partners and other claimants for hydrographic surveys and mapping of ocean floor. The ASEAN dialogue partners (except China) are indirectly affected because of Chinese tactics. Thirdly, it must create a Standard Operating Procedures (SOP) among the ASEAN nations and release a statement maintaining status quo. Fourthly, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation need to be formulated with regard to SCS. The agreement can be named as Zone of Peace, Freedom and Innocent Passage. This agreement need to be signed with all dialogue partners. Assurance of freedom of navigation should be the foundation of this agreement. Lastly, Vietnam have to make a universal appeal to the international community to undertake priority in resolving the SCS dispute which is critical for maritime security and promotion of trade and commerce in the region. A lasting solution is required on an urgent basis.
Vietnamese PM Chinh visit to Japan: A new era of cyber, space and defence cooperation
Vietnamese Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh visited Japan from November 22-25 and discussions about trade, investment, defence, cultural and enhancing political ties took place between the two leaders. The former prime minister of Japan Suga had visited Vietnam in October 2020, and it was his first visit to any foreign country. With the coming of Fumo Kishida new prime minister in Japan, Vietnamese Prime Minister thought it prudent to engage the new political leadership. When recently Kurt Campbell stated that India and Vietnam will be crucial in deciding the fate of Asia and the three countries namely India, Vietnam and Japan have been closely cooperating with one another because of two major factors. The three countries are in the periphery of China and have major stakes in the resolution of the South China Sea dispute. Second, these three economies are promising economies in Asia and are seen to be major harbingers of technology, economic growth and sustainable development.
The visit of Vietnamese prime minister is primarily seen from the point of view of projecting the need for ‘Free and Open Indo Pacific’ and developing close cooperation between Vietnam and Japan. During the visit of Japanese defence minister to Vietnam last year several agreements have been signed between the two sides which included transfer of technology and defence trade between the two sides. Vietnam is facing a few challenges related to trade and investment, growing cases of Covid 19 pandemic, need for modernisation of its armed forces and realising the potential of the regional organisations such as ASEAN .In terms of developing necessary technical acumen for renewable energy sources and facilitating foreign direct investment from Japan were the major agendas for the visit of the Vietnamese Prime Minister.
The Vietnamese Prime Minister visit was his first official visit to Japan. Vietnam is increasingly seen as a middle power which requires support and cooperation from Japanese in areas such as waste management, infrastructure development, developing technology parks, export processing zones and vocational training skills to emerge as one of the engines of economic growth in Southeast Asia. In fact, Japan was the only few countries in Asia with which Vietnam has developed air bubble agreement during COVID-19 to facilitate travel of passengers and businesspeople from the two countries. Given the fact that Vietnam is slowly opening its trade and investment and tourism sector it would be looking for countries in Europe and in Asia to spur development in the country. Japanese tourists are important incoming visitors for Vietnam because of their spending and booking high end resorts and hotels.
Following the COP- 26 meeting which was held in London there have been huge expectations from the Asian countries to reduce their carbon footprints and look for other viable sources of energy. The visit of Vietnamese Prime Minister explored diverse issues related to politics, security, cultural interactions and development of human resources in Vietnam. The two defence ministers also signed aagreements related to transfer of technology and exports of Japanese defence equipment and weapons to Vietnam. Japan has already embarked on a policy to support littoral countries of South China Sea through patrol boats and fast attack crafts.
One of the critical areas that Vietnam is looking for is the development of technology and scientific rigour within the country. In this context collaboration with Japanese scientific institutions and academic community would help Vietnam to develop skills and human resources to cater to the industrial revolution 4.0. Also, Vietnam is looking for developing expertise in areas such as machine learning, big data mining, artificial intelligence, underwater systems, developing sustainable development and energy resources in those South China Sea islands so that the soldiers can become self-sufficient in energy and clean water resources. Japan has been looking for alternate sources of investment and developing infrastructure in countries such as Vietnam Cambodia and Laos. Vietnam itself is emerging as a viable alternative to China in the wake of recurring cases of COVID-19 pandemic in China. Japanese investors and entrepreneurs are looking for relocating their businesses and investments.
There is no denying of the fact that developments in South China Sea are of critical importance both for Vietnam and Japan, and it is expected that the two leaders discussed these issues in detail. The Chinese assertive activities in South China Sea have been deplored by Japan and other allied partners in the past. Vietnam is looking for cooperation with Japan in terms of submarine hunting capabilities and developing acumen for better management of human resources in defence sector. In terms of military cooperation between the two sides there is a lot of potential in terms of maritime surveillance aircraft, fast attack crafts, and coastal radar systems. Also, sonar systems and developing helicopter mounted surveillance systems would and has Vietnamese defence and surveillance capabilities. The two countries signed an agreement on space defence and cyber security.
One of the important critical areas that the two countries discussed was related to the implementation of Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and promoting intra regional trade so that better complementarities could be developed between the two sides. Another important forum where Japan and Vietnam are members is CPTPP and there is speculation that President Joe Biden might be interested in re-joining the grouping. Taiwan and China have expressed interest in joining it, but Japan is in favour of only Taiwan. In such a context when the two countries are at the crossroads of economic integration and regional economic groupings, it is expected that the two leaders discussed necessary checks and balances so the trade interests of the two countries can be protected while enhancing the integration at the regional level.
Vietnam is also seen as a probable candidate for the Quad Plus initiative and Japan has been very insistent on engaging the country in a more proactive way. India, Vietnam and Japan could be one trilateral which will bring in a large market, Strong technology fundamentals, unique cultural identities and common strategic concerns acts as glue between the three countries. The development of Vietnam and Japan ties would reconfigure Asian identity and future.
ASEAN’s prospects in 2022 under Cambodian Chairmanship
Exactly a decade later Cambodia faces the big question that whether the memory of the past can be erased, given the fact that during the last ASEAN meeting in Cambodia in 2012 the ASEAN communiqué was not released because of strong differences on the issue of South China Sea among various ASEAN claimant states. In the year 2021 after the ASEAN chairmanship of Brunei, Cambodia assumed the charge as the chairman of ASEAN for next year and there are expectations among the ASEAN member countries regarding the future course of action of the organization as such. During the 2021 ASEAN summit there were number of issues which were raised pertaining to the COVID-19 pandemic, return of democracy in Myanmar, participation of dialogue partners in reviving trade and investment in the region, and realizing the blueprint for ASEAN communities.
During the year 2021 the ASEAN meeting’s theme was “we care, we prepared, we prosper”, and the stress was on regaining the ASEAN community and working on harmonious region with more focus on people. The meeting reflected the desire of the people for maintaining the regional organization’s momentum within the ASEAN and beyond. During this year’s meetings (38th and 39th) the stress was on economic recovery and addressing the aftereffects of COVID-19 pandemic. There was much stress regarding the regional organization’s resilience, peace, security, and social progress. In fact, most of the member countries tried to work on strengthening the ASEAN’s capacities and working on solutions in the wake of economic slowdown because of the pandemic.
Under the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 the stress was on realizing the targets which are been set in the past and this year took note of the achievements in the last decade. The stress was on implementing the provisions of the ASEAN charter and improve the efficiency of the regional organization. Time and again it has been stated that ASEAN centrality is critical for peace and security in the region and therefore dialogue partners should make extra effort to recognize provisions of Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in the current context. The cohesiveness of the organization which was stimulated under the Vietnam chairmanship in 2020 gained support and it is expected that Vietnam whatever was required to support the agenda for future.
The mid-term review of the ASEAN community blueprints, and ASEAN agenda would progress further during Summit in Cambodia in 2022. However, the ASEAN’s Cambodian Summit would be seen with apprehension given the fact that Hun Sen has stated that he would go that extra distance so that the ASEAN summit meetings are held peacefully and there are no domestic protests during that time against ruling party. This year’s ASEAN meeting already took note of the developments in Myanmar and raised apprehensions about the human right violations in the country and the atrocities which have been committed against the pro-democracy protesters.The dialogue partners have also raised concerns regarding developments in Myanmar. In such a context it would be interesting to note how Cambodia manages the domestic upheavals as well as demands from China which in the past has dictated terms to Cambodia on various issues which concern China. One issue which ASEAN is facing is the increasing Chinese assertion in the contested waters of South China Sea. As it has seen in the past the criticism of China was not accepted by the Cambodian Prime minister Hun Sen and therefore the issue of politics and security would shadow ASEAN unity and centrality.
One of the important things which have been achieved by Cambodia in the past was the adoption of the Declaration of Code of Conduct of Parties (DOC) in South China Sea in the year 2002. It would be two decades when the negotiations related to South China Sea have taken place and there is no sign of adoption of Code of Conduct in the contested waters. More importantly, the global community will be looking at the ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh because it will facilitate better trade and investment opportunities for the three countries namely Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. This region is also seen as a potent competitor against China for shifting of select production and manufacturing facilities to this region. However, Cambodia is seen as increasingly getting into China’s strategic orbit because of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the development of the Ream naval base by the Chinese PLA. Even US investment in Cambodia is suffering because of increased influence of China in Cambodia ‘s political apparatus.
Cambodia ASEAN Summit 2022 is expected to be in person summit and there is attendance likely to be of all the other member states and the dialogue partners as well. The 2022 ASEAN summit meeting would be seen as a precursor to other developments in the region, particularly in the context of managing pandemics, promoting inter-ASEAN trade and investment, encouraging people to people connectivity, and also undertaking efforts to build digital and financial infrastructure in the region. The region itself is facing various challenges, particularly in the context of adopting measures required for realization of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and reducing tariffs and non-tariff barriers among the signatory countries. Therefore, in the year 2022, the summit at Phnom Penh might see the utility of new alliances such as AUKUS and how Cambodia responses to the request of United Kingdom to be the dialogue partner of the organization.
Also, as it has been seen in the year 2016 Cambodia hindered any reference to Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) judgment in favour of Philippines while entertaining Chinese request in this regard. The critical security challenges that the organization faces would again get reflected during the Cambodian Summit and it would be interesting to note whether Cambodia will come out of Chinese shadow and release the joint statement which was missing during the last Cambodia Summit. Invariably, it would also pave the way for ASEAN to emerge as a formidable organization or be relegated just as a ‘talk shop’.
Green Volunteering ASEAN: Our common future
“Volunteerism is the voice of the people put into action. These actions shape and mold the present into a future of which we can all be proud.“ — Helen Dyer
The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines ‘volunteerism’ as an act in which a person voluntarily undertakes or expresses a willingness to undertake a service. People who volunteer in non-profit organizations, for example, are willing to offer their personal services, oftentimes expecting nothing in return. Taking it a step further, what is ‘green volunteering’?
Green volunteering refers to a range of activities which include environmental monitoring, ecological restoration, and educating others about the natural environment. It can come in three forms: practical, fundraising, and administrative.
Practical green volunteering involves environmental volunteers who are involved in habitat management, for example, such as vegetation cutting or removal of invasive species. Fundraising green volunteering involves organizations that raise funds for a particular environmental cause. Finally, administrative green volunteering refers to volunteers who offer their skills and expertise in terms of legal support and public relations, to name a few. In other words, there are many types of green volunteering initiatives that you can take on today.
In the Association of Southeast Nations (ASEAN), which consists of 10 member states, there are plenty of green volunteering initiatives that one can participate in. For instance, in Bali, Indonesia you can become a reef conservation supporter wherein you will work with other volunteers and local communities to restore and protect Bali’s coral reef ecosystems. Meanwhile, in Thailand, you can volunteer in an Elephant Sanctuary and help provide refuge to domesticated elephants that have been rescued from a life of working in zoos or other establishments. Finally, you can also do conservation work in the island of Palawan in the Philippines, wherein you will assist in the restoration of a mangrove swamp.
As reports have shown, several countries in the ASEAN will be among the most to be most significantly impacted by the climate crisis. Rising sea levels, increasing temperatures, and declining biodiversity are just a few environmental issues that ASEAN countries are facing. On a bright side, we are also seeing many opportunities when it comes to a sustainable energy transition and sustainable finance, to name a few. It is, indeed, a big set of challenges and opportunities we are facing, which is why we need different people and organizations to work together. Green volunteering in the ASEAN is one great way to contribute towards the sustainability agenda.
Clearly, there are many opportunities to choose from in green volunteering in the ASEAN. As Helen Dyer highlighted, volunteerism is the voice of people put into action. As the climate crisis intensifies across the world, we need to translate our voices into action. One way to do this is by participating in green volunteering work.
International Volunteering Day 2021
The International Volunteering Day (IVD) 2021 is coming this December 5, and what better way to celebrate it by highlighting the initiatives taking place across the globe during the pandemic. In 2020, the United Nations (UN) reported that it had 9,459 volunteers hosted by various UN entities. These partners come from 100 different professions, 158 countries of assignment, and served with 60 UN partners worldwide. The UN also received a total of 68,173 online volunteer applications. Despite the impact of the pandemic, this did not stop the volunteers from offering their services.
The theme of IVD 2021 is “Volunteer now for our common future,” which aims to inspire people, whether they are decision makers or citizens, to take action for people and the planet. As IVD 2021 draws near, the ASEAN youth and young professionals are called on to take action and participate in green volunteering across the region.
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