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Covid-19: Pakistan Advocating Sanctioned-Iran

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The outbreak of Wuhan-originated Coronavirus instantly became the universal challenge with its global outreach. It does not matter what is the size of the state or how many resources does a state possess, either it belongs to global North or it is a part of global- South, every state in the world is trying to cope up with the said pandemic in their ways ranges from innovating vaccines to following the religious tactics. Not only the developed countries but also the undeveloped ones are also voluntarily helping others with aids and assistances in which the efforts of the United States, China and Pakistan are the prominent ones. While Iran, Cuba and Venezuela are to be listed in the list of those countries which are facing numerous challenges in the fight against the Corona Virus. Today, the major challenge, being facing by these countries, are United States’ sections on the Islamic Republic. Beside introducing new trends i.e. Online-education, work from home, the Corona Pandemic also questions the assumptions of the International Relations’ dominated school of thought i.e. Realism.  This pandemic also reveals that the states cannot deal with the non-traditional security challenges with traditional-security weapons.

Recently, the United State imposed a new round of sanction named ‘maximum pressure’ on Iran to curb the latter’s nuclear, missile and regional activities. These new sections were imposed amid the out breaking of Coronavirus when other P5 members i.e. China and Russia were looking to remove the relief grants on sanctions to Iran to contain the Coronavirus within its territory. The United States argued that these sanctions would not interrupt the flow of basic humanitarian goods. Meanwhile, Trump administrations also blacklisted twelve companies based in the United Arab Emirates. China, Hong Kong and South Africa, in a charge of petrochemical trade with Iran. Today, The Iranian government and its civilians are solely stand in the fight against Coronavirus due to the economic punishments by the United States. The detailed analyses of the economic punishment on Iran, reveal many severe and systematic consequences which not only limit the Iranians’ access to the basic life commodities but also on the vital life-saving drugs.It is too early to declare the responsible(s) of the Pandemic, but the reports and the Chinese & Iranian’s officials are stating Trump’s administration main role behind it. Apparently, such claims are also been endorsed by the United States official’s statements.

To help the poor markets International Monetary fund (IMF) announced the aid package of 50 billion USD. According to IMF Director Kristilina Georgieva Kristilina Georgieva, the developing countries, power economies and emerging economies will be supported through Rapid Financial instrument, in their efforts to cope up with Coronavirus. Iran also requested for an emergency funding of 5 billion USD through Rapid Financial Investment. Iran also requested to suspend the US sanctions during the ongoing crises, in a letter to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guerres. Till now, no relief was granted to Iran, and as of today 20,610 Coronavirus’ cases have been reported in Iran, with the total death toll of 1500. According to the Iranian Health Ministry report, one-person dye in every ten minutes and 50 became infected every hour from the Corona Pandemic.

Iran is demonstrating a high mortality ration of 5.2% in the Corona Pandemic. it succumbed many Iranian government officials including Eskhak Jahangiri -the first Vice President of Iran, Iranian Vice President Masume Ebtekar,Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s Advisor Ali Akbar Velayati Adviser, Member of the Council for Determining the Appropriateness of Decisions Mohammad Sad, Minister of Tourism, Cultural Heritage and Crafts Ali Asgar Munesan, Minister of Commerce, Industry and Mines Reza Rahmani. Such fatalities of high officials have not been reported by any other country. Moreover, Deputy Minister of HealthIraj Harirchi and the head of the Emergency Medical Service Pirhossein Kulivand are also included in the list of Corona affected individuals.

In the tough times, Pakistan is standing besides Iran. It is assisting and facilitating the Iranian. Islamabad is also advocating the sanctioned-Iran on the regional and international level as the Prime Minister Imran Khan urged to halt the imposed sanctions on Iran. Time to time, the western dominated media groups have been reporting about Pakistan’s less facilitation resources. Unfortunately. The true, on-time, humanisation efforts of Pakistan for the neighbour Iran are not been broadcasting. As the country is bearing severe challenges due to economic turmoil and the on-going Corona Pandemic, the political leadership is trying to manage the chaotic situation within the country and across the broader. The President Arif Alvi’s latest trip to China, the Prime Minister Imran Khan’s statement to halt the sanction on Iran and his efforts to accommodate the Iranian, stand the country aside to the global community on a humanitarian basis and exemplify the leaders’ visionary role of taking care of the nations across the borders. Pakistani prime minister Imran Khan’s efforts also been acknowledged by a internationally recognized investigating journalist Ben Norton in a tweet. He tweeted “Pakistan, under the leadership of Prime Minister Imran Khan — the first independent leader in decades, and a voice for peace — has called on the US to lift its “unjust” sanctions on Iran, so it can focus on fighting the coronavirus pandemic”. Now the world has to understand that the pandemics do not limit to the borders only, it spreads beyond the border. So, the national across the globe need to help and support the other weaken states in the time of high pandemic crises.

Bilal Habib Qazi is an International Relations Analyst. His analysis has featured in national and international media outlets. He holds the degree of MS in International Relations form COMSATS University Islamabad. He can be reached at bhqazi[at]gmail.com.

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South Asia

Afghanistan deserves humanitarian assistance generously

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Food and blankets are handed out to people in need in Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, by © WFP/Arete

Whether it was the former USSR’s occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s or the US war from 2001-2021, Afghanistan was under war and unrest for almost four decades. Not only Afghanistan was destroyed completely but has affected the whole region, especially Pakistan. Pakistan was one of the fastest growing economies in the 1960s, and 1970s, but with the start of the war in Afghanistan in the 1980s, Pakistan’s economy started deteriorating consecutively on yearly basis. Pakistan has not only sacrificed around 80,000 precious human lives but also an estimated economic loss of around US Dollars 250 Billion. Extremism, Terrorism, Drug culture, and Gun Culture was additional gift of the Afghan war.

Since the US withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan and over-taken by the Taliban on 15 August 2021, there appears hope for peace and stability. It has benefited Afghanistan immensely but also has shown positive developments in the whole region. Regional developments and prosperity are linked to peace and stability in Afghanistan.

Pakistan is all out to stand with the people of Afghanistan to boost their economy and well-being. In this context, Pakistan and Afghanistan are likely to agree on the development of a multimodal Air-to-Road Corridor, which will contribute significantly to the economic development of both countries. Pakistan underscored the need for urgent international humanitarian assistance for the Afghan people while reiterating its support for a peaceful, united, stable, and prosperous Afghanistan. Pakistan-China plan to extend CPEC to Afghanistan is proof of Pakistan’s firm commitment to a peaceful, stable, prosperous, and connected Afghanistan.

Since September 2021, over 14945 Tons of humanitarian assistance has been sent to Afghanistan via 694 trucks and four C130 planes under arrangements of the Pak-Afghan Cooperation Forum (PACF). In the wake of the recent earthquake in Afghanistan, Pakistan has opened its border in South Waziristan and established a makeshift medical facility. Relief aids from Pakistan include food, clothing, blankets, medicines, etc.  For ages, Pakistan is supporting reconstruction in the war-ravaged neighboring country by building hospitals, schools, and roads to help improve the lives of the Afghan people and its development assistance to Afghanistan has reached the US $1 billion so far. In 2019, Afghanistan’s second-largest hospital, Jinnah Hospital, which is a 200-bed, state-of-the-art medical facility in Kabul, was opened at a cost of more than $24 million as part of Pakistan’s contribution to reconstruction and development efforts.

Recently, Pakistan has offered to provide online education facilities for Afghan students – Allama Iqbal Open University (AIOU) and Virtual University (VU) will teach students through their TV network.

In 2020, the country’s Higher Education Commission (HEC) announced around 3,000 scholarships worth Rs. 1.5 billion Afghan students studying in different institutes of Pakistan in various fields, including medicine, engineering, agriculture, management, and computer science.

 Pakistan has made exemplary efforts to reinvigorate bilateral economic relations to boost trade and investment through cooperation in diverse areas and frequent exchange of business delegations.

In a bid to reconstruct and rebuild Afghanistan, Pakistan has never acted as a traditional donor country which is evident from its four decades of hosting 3 million Afghan refugees and facilitation of the Afghan peace process prior to the Taliban takeover in August 2021.

From its limited resources, Pakistan is providing the US $500 million for capacity building in various sectors including education, and health as well as building schools, hospitals, roads, etc. communications infrastructures of Afghanistan. A few completed projects under Pakistan’s Bilateral Assistance Program are as under:-

Roads & Transportation Sector

o         75 Km Torkham – Jalalabad Road.

o         Additional carriage Wayat Torkham – Jalalabad Road.

o         3 internal roads in Jalalabad.

o         Traffic signals in Jalalabad city.

o         Provision of road construction machinery.

o         30 Mobile hot mixers, generators, and medicines for Wardak Province.

o         200 Trucks & 100 Public transport buses.

Education Sector

o         Rehman Baba School and Hostel, Kabul at cost of Rs: 120 million.

o         Liaquat Ali Khan Engineering Faculty Block, Balkh University at cost of Rs: 1046 billion.

o         Allama Iqbal faculty of Arts, Kabul University at cost of Rs: 672.54 million.

o         Sir Syed Post-graduate faculty of sciences, Nangarhar University at cost of Rs: 389.65 million.

o         6 primary schools and 2 Vocational Training Institutes in Kabul and Baghlan.

o         10 Buses for Kabul and Nangarhar Universities.

o         300,000 School Kits for 18 provinces.

o         2000 fully funded scholarships for higher education in Pakistan.

o         500,000 refugee students enrolled in schools in Pakistan.

o         Trained 644 Afghan police and drug control officers, doctors and paramedical staff, diplomats, judicial officers, customs officers, agriculturists, and bankers.

Health Sector

o         Nishtar Kidney Centre, Jalalabad at a cost of USD 7 million.

o         400 Bed Jinnah Hospital, Kabul at a cost of USD118.854 million.

o         Naeb Aminullah Khan Hospital, Logar at a cost of USD 20 million.

o         45 Ambulances for 12 provinces.

o         14 fully equipped mobile medical units at a cost of Rs 58020 million.

o         Medicines for Kabul, Jalalabad and Kandahar.

o         Free Eye Camps (still continued).

o         A single philanthropic Pakistani organization performed over 30,000 free eye surgeries on Afghan patients in 2008 alone.

 General Assistance included the provision of TV transmitters for Kandahar, a Digital Radio Link between Kabul and Peshawar, security equipment and computers, installation of 15 deep well hand pumps in villages of Kabul, and rehabilitation of Kabul Zoo and Deh Mazang Park.

It is desired that the International Community may also follow the same spirit and extend the much-needed humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan on emergency bases. Especially the developed nations should generously assist Afghanistan.

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South Asia

Varisha Tariq – Representing women in politics

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Varisha Tariq is a writer and politician interested in the intersectionality of gender, class and global politics with culture. She is an Alumna of Ashoka University, and founder of Helping Hands NGO, Lucknow. She has been published in an anthropological book ‘People called Lucknow’ and in news outlets like Vogue, Stylist Magazine, Fodor, CH-VOID, LiveWire, Your Story, Feminism In India and Hindustan Times. You can find all her published work here and her most recent article in Vogue here.

Why did you choose to contest for elections in India?  
Growing up as a Muslim woman I had become intricately familiar with how politics impacts marginalised women’s rights. The lack of women in politics certainly played a huge role in how the policies in the country were shaped. I had always been a feminist who has been interested in bringing large-scale change and post my undergraduate studies at Ashoka, I realise the potential Indian Politics hold. Not just that but the understanding that it’s all about the courage to enter these fields. To quote Emma Watson, “if not me, who? if not now, when?”

Why did you choose Congress as the party you want to support? 

My reason for choosing congress was based on the party’s current policy, leadership and an analysis of its relevance geographically and their long-term vision. The party re-designed its vision to a feminist structure with women empowerment as a key point in its manifesto. It promised to have a minimum of forty per cent women in leadership positions. In Uttar Pradesh, Congress has been strong opposition to the right-wing ideological party, BJP. Moreover, the party leadership is committed to restructuring the party from a long-term perspective and I appreciated the dedication. These were my reason for choosing to support congress. 

What are some campaigns you ran for your party? 

All my campaigns were in alignment with #LadkiHounLadSaktiHoun campaign. I ran a digital campaign to raise awareness about the electoral process in order to encourage others to apply. I tried to break down the process of applying for MLA in Uttar Pradesh as this knowledge would make politics more accessible to people who have doubts or reservations about the political system. The campaigns were planned keeping Covid in mind so they had physical restrictions. 

Why did you choose feminism as a centric theme for your campaigns? 

Having experienced patriarchal and structural defects that work against the Indian woman, and having worked in the social sector, I realised the biggest change that needs to come in India is in the field of policy making. Even if we have strong laws that can help prevent oppression against women, we don’t have a strong policy system that can properly support it. Politicians are key in creating and promoting healthy policies. Strong policies regardig women can only come into affect if we have more feminist politicians. Even apart from that, I have always dreamt of creating feminist social impact and I believe that this campaign has been a start of a lifelong commitment to this cause. 

Do you see yourself trying for elections again despite the outcome this time? 

That is a yes without any doubt. Politics is one profession where you must commit to a long-term plan. For the same reason, this is never rushed. You keep coming back to politics as and when you grow. When I entered I knew that this would be something I would carry with me lifelong and the efforts have to be consistent. So, in short, yes, I will definitely keep trying till it works out. 

What has your social work in the past included? 

I worked as a Resident Assistant in the final year of my college, a student ambassador for Ashoka University for two years, a member of Centre for Gender and Sexuality, Ashoka University. All these commitments drew out a leader in me, a leader who is passionate about serving her community. In 2019, I established Helping Hands NGO where I led a team of six individuals. The objective was to make welfare schemes accessible for the marginalized. Over the span of four months, I connected to more than forty-five thousand female students and two thousand families. During the deadly second wave of Covid, I used my NGO to increase awareness of medical resources available in Lucknow. I worked with Ashoka University and Barefoot International at the time when India was, quite literally, gasping for breath. Today I am working to create sustainable creative scholarships for marginalised young girls who want to grow up and pursue unconventional career paths.

What are your future plans?

After dabbling in the creative sector, development sector, politics and business I have realised that the one thing that has remained common in whatever I do is my feminist understanding of the world. In order to learn and understand more about the feminst leadership and perspective I have decide to pursue a masters in Gender and Law from SOAS Univeristy of London. Post that I would want to come back to India and pursue politics. Hopefully my deeper understanding of Gender and Law from South-Asian perspective would allow me to create meaningful and sustainble impact in politics in the years to come. 

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South Asia

The India-Pakistan Sub-Conventional War: Democracy and Peace in South Asia -Book Review

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Sanjeev Kumar H.M., The India-Pakistan Sub-Conventional War: Democracy and Peace in South Asia, New Delhi: SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd, 2022, pp. 207, ₹1,095 (Hard Cover). ISBN: 978-93-5479-420-9.

The India-Pakistan relations have involved a manifestation of the multifaceted nature of conflict since their independence and partition. The legacy of colonialism, psychology of fractured identities and a deep sense of nationalism have been the leading trends defining their relations. From geopolitical conflicts over Kashmir issue and cross-border terrorism, their geostrategic ties with other countries to the third party involvement of US and China, India and Pakistan have seen multiple level of tensions.

To understand these multifaceted dynamics of India-Pakistan relations, the book under review involves an adequate analysis of their unique relations that is beyond the understanding of any western theorization. The book criticises the theory of democratic peace thesis and reports its failure in the context of India-Pakistan relationship as two democracies facing multiple level of conflicts. The author, Sanjeev Kumar HM, criticize the liberal peace thesis for considering only the conventional definition of warfare, and suggests to move beyond or consider the sub conventional form of conflict through diving into the empirical case scenarios of India-Pakistan relations. It examines the modes by which the crisis-prone processes of democratization in South Asia have contested the central thesis of liberal theory of international relations, which claims a natural link between democracy and war. In other words, the book opposes the epistemic foundations of democratic peace hypothesis by deconstructing its central arguments in the geostrategic context of the South Asian regional security architecture. It explains the South Asian region as a postcolonial territorial formation, which has been plagued by internal conflicts driven by social-economic inequities and embedded complexities.

Unlike the chronological explanations of India-Pakistan relations, the book aims to revise the theoretical rigors around them. The ontology, epistemology, spatial-temporal aspect of every theory is different, thus cannot be generalized. The democratic peace these is suitable for those societies engaged in interdependent community, for instance- European Union. The author has analyzed the transferability of democracy and peace from domestic to regional and then to the global level, which varies as per the history of a country or region. Unlike Western Society, the South Asian region has multiple aspect of analysis- Nationalism, Post-colonial conditionality, and delayed modernity. The failure of modernity in South Asia itself makes it not qualified to be analyzed as per the liberal peace thesis concept.

The deepening of democracy goes through stages like- decay, consolidation and maturity. Pakistan as a deep state, manages between authoritarianism and democratization since the beginning. With increasing emphasizes on Islamic state goals and military statecraft, Pakistan continued to face legitimation crisis and shrinking of public sphere, being a terror manufacturing state facilitating under military control thus has no connection to the liberal peace theses. While despite all the neo-liberal reforms, India has failed to create an inclusive society and over-bureaucratization of development that reflects how India doesn’t fit in liberal peace theses. In liberal peace theses, there is a presupposed rationalism required between two parties to maintain peace that is mostly missing between India-Pakistan.

He has argued how liberal peace theses fails to take following factors into consideration (thus fails to anlyze the South Asian region)- 1) Regime types, as a democracy can be procedural or consolidated or both based on the stage of democracy deepening it could have achieved; 2) Different nature of State, as while India focused on maintaining status quo, Pakistan continued to emphasize on escalation and reaching threshold; 3) State behavior, as the nature of peace and war gets determined by the behavior of states. The most important aspect of the book is the fact that author has attempted to redefine the concept of war as different from the conventional concept of war given by democratic peace theses. He argues that India-Pakistan war are not only conventional in nature, but also have remained sub-conventional that costed more casualties to both sides. The sub-conventional wars have been a result of both countries’ failure in nuclear deterrence.

The book concludes that the democracies in South Asia have gone through sub-conventional war consistently, most particularly between India-Pakistan making their equations as unsuitable to be analyzed by the democratic peace theses, despite being democracies. Their sub-conventional war involves multifaceted aspect of conflicts that involves- a) geopolitical factors due to contest and hostilities over the territory of Jammu and Kashmir, majorly seen as contest between the Westphalian and the primordialist conception of state; b) Ideological contestation between secularism and Islamic nationhood in the context of Jammu and Kashmir most particularly. c) The over acquisition of nuclear weapons by both countries reflects their contested terrain of power politics.

Weakness or Limits of the book:

The book is theoretically loaded with less empirical explanations, which requires a less advanced IR scholar or student to do two or more readings to understand the complex terminologies used in the book. It has given a fair explanation how liberal peace thesis has no application in the South Asian region, but has used only the case study of India-Pakistan relations. If the central argument opposes the generalization of democratic peace thesis in analyzing the relations between any democracies, then the counter-argument of the book should have used more examples before generalization the non-application of peace thesis in South Asia. The absence of enough empirical examples in comparison to theoretical arguments can limit the readership of the book.

How it is good for the IR students?

As mastery on theoretical analysis is a loosing trend among IR and foreign policy scholars. This book will lead the reader in the direction of conceptual clarity of not only democratic peace thesis and its critic neo-kantian cosmopolitan, but also the whole IR theoretical base. How every theory of IR views the anarchical nature of world order and suggest solutions, but not all solutions fit into the South Asian region. This means the analysis should consider the spatial and temporal aspects of a situation or case study as well. Sometimes a theory fits, sometimes doesn’t but following a particular spatio-temporal analysis derived majorly from Euro-American experience limits the scope of analyzing a regional of different spatial-temporal dimension like South Asia, which is full of its very unique kind of controversies and disputes around the issues of river water sharing, transborder migration, cross-border terrorism, diverse ethnic nationalities, and so on. 

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