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Saudi Feminism: From Freedom to Work to Freedom from Violence

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Saudi Vision 2030 represents another leap forward for Saudi women’s rights. It is the newest extension of the Saudization program. The program seeks to expand the percentage of Saudi nationals in the workforce including an increase from 22 to 30 percent of Saudi women in the workforce. (Khan, 2018)In August 2019, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman officially announced the extension of rights to Saudi women. This extension included: “the right to travel without a male relative’s permission, to receive equal treatment in the workplace and to obtain family documents from the government.” (Hubbard & Yee, 2019) Women will no longer need a guardians’ permission to accept employment under the new extension of rights which will greatly improve the well-being of Saudi women who were often forced to remain in abusive situations because of economic necessity.

The women’s rights movement has made great strides recently in Saudi Arabia and it will be interesting to continue to observe future developments. But there are still significant barriers facing Saudi women before they can truly be equal members of Saudi society. Certainly, women will face push back from more traditional male members of Saudi society and even from their female elders who still adhere to the more traditional Islamic view that honors women solely as wives and mothers. “It is a great breakthrough. It was bound to happen, but these changes are always done at a time when the people are more apt to accept the changes, otherwise they will fail.” – Hoda al-Helaissi, a member of the kingdom’s advisory Shura Council. (Hubbard & Yee, 2019)

There can be little doubt that Saudi Arabia’s Women’s Rights Movement has met some pretty significant milestones in the last decade in education, political activities, access to the workplace, driving, and lessening of male guardianship rules. Yet many other nations point to Saudi Arabia as a leader in human rights violations and particularly the oppression of women’s rights. Is it fair to continue to point to Saudi Arabia as a bad example? Is it truly that far behind other nations on women’s rights? There have been women heads of states for decades now, history records the following women who have been state leaders: Indira Gandhi – India, Golda Meir – Israel, Margaret Thatcher – United Kingdom, Vigdís Finnbogadóttir – Iceland, Benazir Bhutto – Pakistan, Mary Robinson – Ireland, Kim Campbell – Canada. (Wills, Smith, & Hicks, 2016)There are currently 13 nations that are led by a female politician: Iceland, Germany, New Zealand, Marshall Islands, Namibia, Bangladesh, Nepal, Estonia, Croatia, Norway, Ethiopia, Taiwan, and Lithuania. (Gallagher, 2019)

Saudi Arabia’s women’s rights movement still has a way to go to achieve the level of equality that is enjoyed by American and other westernized women; but it has momentum behind it, and it has achieved major milestones in recent years. It has been decades since the U.S. women’s rights movement has attained any significant new achievements. Saudi Arabia’s next ruler supports expansion of women’s rights and hopefully this support continues into the future.

The Saudi women’s rights movement has generated plenty of headlines over the last few years as they have gained more rights to access the work force, to vote, to drive, to more educational opportunities, and the lessening of male guardianship over women. But what has been the overall effect of these changes been to Saudi society? While these changes have been exciting to watch and show that even the most conservative of societies can evolve to embrace equality, their constitution – the Basic Law – has not been permanently amended to codify these changes as permanent. It would only take an accident, assassination, or Coup d’état to bring in a hardline regime that could erase all of the progress that has currently been made. Even the most hardline regime would face a difficult task if it were unequivocally proven that these changes have improved the economic, political, and social spheres of Saudi Arabia.

Multiple studies have proven that educating women and allowing a higher percentage of women into the workplace have resulted in improvements to a nation’s economic output and overall health of women. In regions, that have increased the equality of women in the workforce and education system, those nations have experienced corresponding decreases in maternal death rates and sharp declines in adolescent pregnancy rates.(International Monetary Fund, 2018) Additionally, nations that have pursued increased gender equality in their societies have experienced increases to their economic growth.

In September 2015, 193 UN member nations, including Saudi Arabia, signed on to the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). As described by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon the SDG is “a roadmap to ending global poverty, building a life of dignity for all and leaving no one behind. It is also a clarion call to work in partnership and intensify efforts to share prosperity, empower people’s livelihoods, ensure peace and heal our planet for the benefit of this and future generation” and includes 17 specific goals to meeting sustainable development. The fifth goal is “Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls.”(Kutesa, 2015) Some of the most significant gains in the Saudi women’s right movement have in fact been achieved since the implementation of SDG: suffrage (2015), head of Saudi stock exchange (2017), access to sports stadiums (2018), driving ban eliminated (2018), and women must be notified of a divorce petition (2019). (Deutsche Welle, 2019)

The reforms that have been implemented by the Saudis have been so recent that there is not a lot of long-term analysis of the effects from the progress in women’s rights. The early studies though are showing promising results up to this point. The brightest area for Saudi women is in education. The five-year plan launched in 2014 earmarked $21.33 billion for the education sector and established the King Abdullah Sponsorship Programme (KASP) for Saudi students to attend higher education programs overseas. Currently, Saudi women represent 1/3 of students in the program. Their percentages rise the higher the degree is – 41.91% of Saudi PhD students are women. (Alsubaie & Jones, 2017)While Saudi Arabia still ranks 105th globally for equality of education, it has also been ranked fifth for making progress towards equality. It is not just women attending higher education that has increased. There has also been an exponential increase in the number of Saudi women who are lecturers at the university level. In academic year 2003/2004, there were approximately 4700 Saudi women lecturers. (Alsubaie & Jones, 2017) In five short years, that number had increased to 19,600. Saudi male students are seeing Saudi women in leadership positions in their education and that can only lead to future opportunities for women as these men go out into the workplace and bring their positive experiences with them.

As the education of women has steadily increased, Saudi women are becoming more visible in the workplace. In just three years (2009-2012), the number of Saudi women in the workforce has increased from 48,000 to over 200,000. Saudi women’s participation in the workforce is not just improving the overall economic outlook for the KSA, women’s participation is having a direct effect on the macroeconomics of their homes and their local communities. Women have different spending patterns than their male counterparts. Saudi women tend to spend their earnings “to promote their children’s health and education.” (Saqib, Aggarwal , & Rashid, 2016)Socially, allowing women to work automatically grants them greater freedom – financial independence from families and husbands, something they lacked in the past. “Divorced or widowed women increasingly seek out employment to support themselves, instead of relying on their extended families” or the government welfare system.(Kelly, 2009).

Finally, Saudi Arabia adopted the Protection from Abuse Act in 2013; a clear sign that the women’s rights movement had finally highlighted the domestic violence problem that was easily hidden behind the veils and abayahs worn whenever women were out in public. The most significant fact that is revealed by passing this important piece of legislature is a simple one – Saudi women and girls are worthy of protection. They are important members of their society and Saudi men will not be allowed to continue to abuse them. Of course, even with this important law in place, domestic abuse continues. But combining the legal repercussions of this law with the importance of their right to drive and go out in public, Saudi women have to ability to get to police stations to report abuse and to get to women’s shelters to seek help and find safety from their abusers.(Alhabdan, 2015)Economic independence has been an effective defense against domestic violence. Saudi women who work outside the home and have an independent income stream are less likely to remain in an abusive relationship. One of the most commonly sighted reasons that keep Saudi Arabian women in an abusive relationship is the fear of poverty. (Alhabdan, 2015) So here is to hoping the still-limited progress in terms of women’s freedom from abuse will continue strongly within the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Paula Mallott is nearly finished with her graduate degree in International Security and Intelligence Studies at Bellevue University and works as a Senior RC-135 Training Specialist with Leidos, Inc. She is a retired Air Force Linguist specializing in Russian and Arabic (Syrian, Iraqi, and Libyan dialects).

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Turkey and Iran find soft power more difficult than hard power

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The times they are a changin’. Iranian leaders may not be Bob Dylan fans, but his words are likely to resonate as they contemplate their next steps in Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, Lebanon, and Azerbaijan.

The same is true for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The president’s shine as a fierce defender of Muslim causes, except for when there is an economic price tag attached as is the case of China’s brutal crackdown on Turkic Muslims, has been dented by allegations of lax defences against money laundering and economic mismanagement.

The setbacks come at a time that Mr. Erdogan’s popularity is diving in opinion polls.

Turkey this weekend expelled the ambassadors of the US, Canada, France, Finland, Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, and Sweden for calling for the release of philanthropist and civil rights activist Osman Kavala in line with a European Court of Human Rights decision.

Neither Turkey nor Iran can afford the setbacks that often are the result of hubris. Both have bigger geopolitical, diplomatic, and economic fish to fry and are competing with Saudi Arabia and the UAE as well as Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama for religious soft power, if not leadership of the Muslim world.

That competition takes on added significance in a world in which Middle Eastern rivals seek to manage rather than resolve their differences by focusing on economics and trade and soft, rather than hard power and proxy battles.

In one recent incident Hidayat Nur Wahid, deputy speaker of the Indonesian parliament, opposed naming a street in Jakarta after Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the general-turned-statemen who carved modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire. Mr. Wahid suggested that it would be more appropriate to commemorate Ottoman sultans Mehmet the Conqueror or Suleiman the Magnificent or 14th-century Islamic scholar, Sufi mystic, and poet Jalaludin Rumi.

Mr. Wahid is a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood-linked Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and a board member of the Saudi-run Muslim World League, one of the kingdom’s main promoters of religious soft power.

More importantly, Turkey’s integrity as a country that forcefully combats funding of political violence and money laundering has been called into question by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an international watchdog, and a potential court case in the United States that could further tarnish Mr. Erdogan’s image.

A US appeals court ruled on Friday that state-owned Turkish lender Halkbank can be prosecuted over accusations it helped Iran evade American sanctions.

Prosecutors have accused Halkbank of converting oil revenue into gold and then cash to benefit Iranian interests and documenting fake food shipments to justify transfers of oil proceeds. They also said Halkbank helped Iran secretly transfer US$20 billion of restricted funds, with at least $1 billion laundered through the US financial system.

Halkbank has pleaded not guilty and argued that it is immune from prosecution under the federal Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act because it was “synonymous” with Turkey, which has immunity under that law. The case has complicated US-Turkish relations, with Mr.  Erdogan backing Halkbank’s innocence in a 2018 memo to then US President Donald Trump.

FATF placed Turkey on its grey list last week. It joins countries like Pakistan, Syria, South Sudan, and Yemen that have failed to comply with the group’s standards. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned earlier this year that greylisting would affect a country’s ability to borrow on international markets,  and cost it an equivalent of up to 3 per cent of gross domestic product as well as a drop in foreign direct investment.

Mr. Erdogan’s management of the economy has been troubled by the recent firing of three central bank policymakers, a bigger-than-expected interest rate cut that sent the Turkish lira tumbling, soaring prices, and an annual inflation rate that last month ran just shy of 20 per cent. Mr. Erdogan has regularly blamed high-interest rates for inflation.

A public opinion survey concluded in May that 56.9% of respondents would not vote for Mr. Erdogan and that the president would lose in a run-off against two of his rivals, Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavas and his Istanbul counterpart Ekrem Imamoglu.

In further bad news for the president, polling company Metropoll said its September survey showed that 69 per cent of respondents saw secularism as a necessity while 85.1 per cent objected to religion being used in election campaigning.

In Iran’s case, a combination of factors is changing the dynamics of Iran’s relations with some of its allied Arab militias, calling into question the domestic positioning of some of those militias, fueling concern in Tehran that its detractors are encircling it, and putting a dent in the way Iran would like to project itself.

A just-published report by the Combatting Terrorism Center at the US Military Academy West Point concluded that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) faced “growing difficulties in controlling local militant cells. Hardline anti-US militias struggle with the contending needs to de-escalate US-Iran tensions, meet the demands of their base for anti-US operations, and simultaneously evolve non-kinetic political and social wings.”

Iranian de-escalation of tensions with the United States is a function of efforts to revive the defunct 2015 international agreement to curb Iran’s nuclear program and talks aimed at improving relations with Saudi Arabia even if they have yet to produce concrete results.

In addition, like in Lebanon, Iranian soft power in Iraq has been challenged by growing Iraqi public opposition to sectarianism and Iranian-backed Shiite militias that are at best only nominally controlled by the state.

Even worse, militias, including Hezbollah, the Arab world’s foremost Iranian-supported armed group, have been identified with corrupt elites in Lebanon and Iraq. Many in Lebanon oppose Hezbollah as part of an elite that has allowed the Lebanese state to collapse to protect its vested interests.

Hezbollah did little to counter those perceptions when the group’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, threatened Lebanese Christians after fighting erupted this month between the militia and the Lebanese Forces, a Maronite party, along the Green Line that separated Christian East and Muslim West Beirut during the 1975-1990 civil war.

The two groups battled each other for hours as Hezbollah staged a demonstration to pressure the government to stymie an investigation into last year’s devastating explosion in the port of Beirut. Hezbollah fears that the inquiry could lay bare pursuit of the group’s interests at the expense of public safety.

“The biggest threat for the Christian presence in Lebanon is the Lebanese Forces party and its head,” Mr. Nasrallah warned, fuelling fears of a return to sectarian violence.

It’s a warning that puts a blot on Iran’s assertion that its Islam respects minority rights, witness the reserved seats in the country’s parliament for religious minorities. These include Jews, Armenians, Assyrians and Zoroastrians.

Similarly, an alliance of Iranian-backed Shiite militias emerged as the biggest loser in this month’s Iraqi elections. The Fateh (Conquest) Alliance, previously the second-largest bloc in parliament, saw its number of seats drop from 48 to 17.

Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi brought forward the vote from 2022 to appease a youth-led protest movement that erupted two years ago against corruption, unemployment, crumbling public services, sectarianism, and Iranian influence in politics.

One bright light from Iran’s perspective is the fact that an attempt in September by activists in the United States to engineer support for Iraqi recognition of Israel backfired.

Iran last month targeted facilities in northern Iraq operated by Iranian opposition Kurdish groups. Teheran believes they are part of a tightening US-Israeli noose around the Islamic republic that involves proxies and covert operations on its Iraqi and Azerbaijani borders.

Efforts to reduce tension with Azerbaijan have failed. An end to a war of words that duelling military manoeuvres on both sides of the border proved short-lived. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, emboldened by Israeli and Turkish support in last year’s war against Armenia, appeared unwilling to dial down the rhetoric.

With a revival of the nuclear program in doubt, Iran fears that Azerbaijan could become a staging pad for US and Israeli covert operations. Those doubts were reinforced by calls for US backing of Azerbaijan by scholars in conservative Washington think tanks, including the Hudson Institute and the Heritage Foundation.

Eldar Mamedov, a political adviser for the social-democrats in the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament, warned that “the US government should resist calls from hawks to get embroiled in a conflict where it has no vital interest at stake, and much less on behalf of a regime that is so antithetical to US values and interests.”

He noted that Mr. Aliyev has forced major US NGOs to leave Azerbaijan, has trampled on human and political rights, and been anything but tolerant of the country’s Armenian heritage.

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Process to draft Syria constitution begins this week

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The process of drafting a new constitution for Syria will begin this week, the UN Special Envoy for the country, Geir Pedersen, said on Sunday at a press conference in Geneva.

Mr. Pedersen was speaking following a meeting with the government and opposition co-chairs of the Syrian Constitutional Committee, who have agreed to start the process for constitutional reform.

The members of its so-called “small body”, tasked with preparing and drafting the Constitution, are in the Swiss city for their sixth round of talks in two years, which begin on Monday. 

Their last meeting, held in January, ended without progress, and the UN envoy has been negotiating between the parties on a way forward.

“The two Co-Chairs now agree that we will not only prepare for constitutional reform, but we will prepare and start drafting for constitutional reform,” Mr. Pedersen told journalists.

“So, the new thing this week is that we will actually be starting a drafting process for constitutional reform in Syria.”

The UN continues to support efforts towards a Syrian-owned and led political solution to end more than a decade of war that has killed upwards of 350,000 people and left 13 million in need of humanitarian aid.

An important contribution

The Syrian Constitutional Committee was formed in 2019, comprising 150 men and women, with the Government, the opposition and civil society each nominating 50 people.

This larger group established the 45-member small body, which consists of 15 representatives from each of the three sectors.

For the first time ever, committee co-chairs Ahmad Kuzbari, the Syrian government representative, and Hadi al-Bahra, from the opposition side, met together with Mr. Pedersen on Sunday morning. 

He described it as “a substantial and frank discussion on how we are to proceed with the constitutional reform and indeed in detail how we are planning for the week ahead of us.”

Mr. Pedersen told journalists that while the Syrian Constitutional Committee is an important contribution to the political process, “the committee in itself will not be able to solve the Syrian crisis, so we need to come together, with serious work, on the Constitutional Committee, but also address the other aspects of the Syrian crisis.”

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North Africa: Is Algeria Weaponizing Airspace and Natural Gas?

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In a series of shocking and unintelligible decisions, the Algerian Government closed its airspace to Moroccan military and civilian aircraft on September 22, 2021, banned French military planes from using its airspace on October 3rd, and decided not to renew the contract relative to the Maghreb-Europe gas pipeline, which goes through Morocco and has been up and running since 1996–a contract that comes to end on October 31.

In the case of Morocco, Algeria advanced ‘provocations and hostile’ actions as a reason to shut airspace and end the pipeline contract, a claim that has yet to be substantiated with evidence. Whereas in the case of France, Algeria got angry regarding visa restrictions and comments by French President Emmanuel Macron on the Algerian military grip on power and whether the North African country was a nation prior to French colonization in 1830.

Tensions for decades

Algeria has had continued tensions with Morocco for decades, over border issues and over the Western Sahara, a territory claimed by Morocco as part of its historical territorial unity, but contested by Algeria which supports an alleged liberation movement that desperately fights for independence since the 1970s.

With France, the relation is even more complex and plagued with memories of colonial exactions and liberation and post-colonial traumas, passions and injuries. France and Algeria have therefore developed, over the post-independence decades, a love-hate attitude that quite often mars otherwise strong economic and social relations.

Algeria has often reacted to the two countries’ alleged ‘misbehavior’ by closing borders –as is the case with Morocco since 1994—or calling its ambassadors for consultations, or even cutting diplomatic relations, as just happened in August when it cut ties with its western neighbor.

But it is the first-time Algeria resorts to the weaponization of energy and airspace. “Weaponization” is a term used in geostrategy to mean the use of goods and commodities, that are mainly destined for civilian use and are beneficial for international trade and the welfare of nations, for geostrategic, political and even military gains. As such “weaponization” is contrary to the spirit of free trade, open borders, and solidarity among nations, values that are at the core of common international action and positive globalization.

What happened?

Some observers advance continued domestic political and social unrest in Algeria, whereby thousands of Algerians have been taking to the streets for years to demand regime-change and profound political and economic reforms. Instead of positively responding to the demands of Algerians, the government is probably looking for desperate ways to divert attention and cerate foreign enemies as sources of domestic woes. Morocco and France qualify perfectly for the role of national scapegoats.

It may be true also that in the case of Morocco, Algeria is getting nervous at its seeing its Western neighbor become a main trade and investment partner in Africa, a role it can levy to develop diplomatic clout regarding the Western Sahara issue. Algeria has been looking for ways to curb Morocco’s growing influence in Africa for years. A pro-Algerian German expert, by the name of Isabelle Werenfels, a senior fellow in the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, even recommended to the EU to put a halt to Morocco’s pace and economic clout so that Algeria could catch up. Weaponization may be a desperate attempt to hurt the Moroccan economy and curb its dynamism, especially in Africa.

The impact of Algeria’s weaponization of energy and airspace on the Moroccan economy is minimal and on French military presence in Mali is close to insignificant; however, it shows how far a country that has failed to administer the right reforms and to transfer power to democratically elected civilians can go.

In a region, that is beleaguered by threats and challenges of terrorism, organized crime, youth bulge, illegal migration and climate change, you would expect countries like Algeria, with its geographic extension and oil wealth, to be a beacon of peace and cooperation. Weaponization in international relations is inacceptable as it reminds us of an age when bullying and blackmail between nations, was the norm. The people of the two countries, which share the same history, language and ethnic fabric, will need natural gas and unrestricted travel to prosper and grow and overcome adversity; using energy and airspace as weapons is at odds with the dreams of millions of young people in Algeria and Morocco that aspire for a brighter future in an otherwise gloomy economic landscape. Please don’t shatter those dreams!

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