Authors: Dr. Manasi Sinha and Pratyush Bibhakar*
With the recent far right nationalistic wave sweeping over Europe along with an increased fear psychosis in cultural assimilation, tolerance and acceptance for people from diverse culture, Brexit seems precarious for holding the European project of an ‘open society’ based on shared values, diversity, and social cohesion. Britain’s apparent and imminent need for ‘getting back’ its long lost autonomy to decide its fate, is rather driven by an inherent Euro-skeptic discourse that is constantly fed with a populist sentiments involving English nationalism and social conservatism. This together with a growing nationalistic fervour across Europe will stoke up societal tensions and loosen up European landscape of peace and democracy that glued the continent for decades.
Brexit as it called
As the United Kingdom finally made its way out from the European union (EU) on 31st January 2020, after years of political wrangling and dilemmas, it reflects not only an euphoria of victory for many Britons, it also arrests pressing concerns for most of Europeans too. Although for some Britons, this euphoric moment symbolises freedom for the UK— a ‘getting back’ to its long desired autonomy and self control over its land, economy and people, for many others it is a ‘paradise lost’ from the heaven of the EU. When the Nobel Committee awarded its annual Peace Prize in 2012, Europeans could not anticipate how this prize would be given to a fusty institution that claimed its value as a peace paradise on earth for transforming a continent of war to one of peace—the European Union. The Brexit echoes distraction to this decade long efforts.
Putting European Project at Risk
While the UK ceases to be a member of the European Union, it now poses real threats to the overall European project of an integrated and unified Europe—an ‘open society’ rooted in diversity,social cohesion, shared values of rule of law, peace, development and democracy. The EU may be facing more of instability than before in keeping the continent peaceful because of an upsurge of nationalistic fervour mushrooming across European countries and UK’s departure reflect upon the similar trends. If that is the anticipated outcome of Brexit, then Europeans must desire it to fail in that regard.
There has been a growing mainstream opposition to projects of European unification in the early 1990s, especially in the UK. This opposition to any form of Europe integration is rooted in a British Euro-scepticism having its legacy back to before World War II(Crespy and Verschueren 2009) and can further be traced back to the period of the formation of the Church of England and separation from Rome in the sixteenth century (Smith 2006). Over the centuries although economic benefits of European integration soothed the interests of Britons, the growing need for political integration that demanded for supranational set up strain the the populist sentiments of English nationalism. This could be seen when Margaret Thatcher although raised her support for economic integration, also argued consistently about her fear for a “superstate” that threatened to restrict national sovereignty. In a 1988 speech at the College of Europe in Bruges, she rejected “collectivism and corporatism at the European level.” As such Brexit, 2020 reiterates this long running campaign by right wing Euro-skeptic groups that is threatening the overall stability of Europe more than before—and the huge public mandate confirms that right wing Euroskeptic discourse germinating in British society.
Rise of New Nationalism and Far Right Regimes in Europe
As the world community witnessed ravages of two world wars, they sought for peace over war and violence, democracy and political freedom over fascism, and cultural togetherness over hegemonic imperialism. The European community similarly aspired for a land of diversity, social cohesion and shared values for human rights, rule of law, and tolerance for divergent cultures. However, all these seem to be waning down in the wake of a political racism and new sense of nationalistic trends that is germinating in European society. The earlier form of narrow nationalism projected through Jewish conspiracy and Holocaust is slowly changing its nature with a new form of nationalism that firms on the ground of ‘clash of civilisations’ and Islamic fundamentalism. The new form of nationalism spreading its venom not around eugenics, extermination and fatherland but on the lines of traditions, sovereignty and community —leading to a creation of ‘We’ Vs ‘Others’.
A reflection of current trends of far right politics in Europe is visible from the fact that most of current 785 MEPs in the European Parliament expressed their hatred and racist attitude towards all the members of the EU that represent 15 million ethnic minorities and third-country nationals living in European Union (EU). The new Italian government’s anti-immigration drive resulted into gross violence against immigrants, including shootings and attacks on minors and women. While Germany strongly pushed for a strict anti-immigration policy, embraced antagonistic attitude towards Islam and done away with anti-Nazi taboos to prepare the ground for Xenophobia, far right Vox party in Spain intends to deport illegal immigrants, repeal laws against gender violence and curtailing rights of autonomy demanded by north-eastern Catalonia region in Oct 2017. More so, even the Sweden Democrats (SD) got its victory in the 2018 general election by 18% of the vote, discourages multiculturalism and promotes strict immigration controls in Sweden. Similarly, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban continues to foster ethnic and racial hatred against minorities including Roma and Muslims communities. Further, far right leader Marine Le Pen in France also expressed her discontent over mass immigration in Europe and held EU responsible for the same. Echoing this pan European nationalistic fervour, UK had initiated its Brexit saga in 2016 and finally closing its tie with an institution it never really cared for. As it parts its way from the EU, its immigration policy may be twisted for ‘others’. These events reflect upon a wider political ambition of most of European countries to establish a far-right regime in Europe. And the overt targeting of immigrants, legitimising hatred, racism, violence and simultaneous weakening of human rights, and democratic structures in Europe are manifestation of this intention. The much hyped discourse of a rational sovereign polity represented by these countries, deliberately disguises their racist and nationalist connotations which keep taking place in the heart of Europe at a regular interval.
Structural violence in Europe
Contemporary Europe is facing an unprecedented challenge of keeping alive its harmonious coexistence among its citizens, and people/refugees coming from beyond European periphery. There are series of hate crimes, violence, religious abuse, physical and verbal attacks, humiliation, trafficking—all continue to haunt immigrants and refugees across Europe. In the UK too, the Brexit referendum saw an enormous impact on hate crime, violence, and xenophobic attacks in the country. In Plymouth, a Polish family turn victims of what police hold a racially-motivated arson attack. The Black, Asian and minority ethnic individuals/groups who live and work in the UK continue to face discrimination and demonization in their everyday lives.
As such, although UK’s departure from the EU for now present a more bleak future for the continent, nonetheless the European project of a ‘cultural globalisation’ and democratic landscape needs to be reinforced in the EU policy making discourse and its implementation. EU needs to create political impetus to reach out more to the world through its normative values to prevail.
*Pratyush Bibhakar, Assistant Professor, Sociology, Galgotias University.
China, Central and Eastern Europe in 2021: BRI and the 17+1 Initiative during vaccine times
When the worldwide outbreak of COVID-19 spread in March 2020, China played a crucial role in the global supply of critical medical goods such as face masks and disinfectants as their main exporter. According to UN Comtrade (2020) data, 44% of the world’s exports of face masks originated from China in 2018, whereas the next largest exporters such as Germany (7%) and the US (6%), play a comparatively minor role. Due to China´s a track record of using trade to pursue its foreign-policy goals, Beijing´s donation of medical equipment to other countries has been called as a mask diplomacy as the officials and politicians in many Western European countries as well as the European Union have viewed it as a Chinese influence-buying campaign that seeks to divide the EU.
Similar scenario is nowadays taking place under new magical keyword – a vaccine. Hungary was the only European Union member state to decide not to wait for the European Medicines Agency to approve the vaccines and began negotiating supplies of COVID vaccines from China and Russia. This so called Chinese vaccine diplomacy is no surprise. Last May, President Xi Jinping indicated that China would want to use vaccines to strengthen its position in the world. The “Health Silk Road” is together with winning the COVID-19 vaccine race one of the Beijing´s top priorities in 2021. President Xi Jinping is also expected to offer a Chinese vaccine to participants in the online 17+1 Central and Eastern European Summit on February 9.
The ninth 17+1 Central and Eastern European Summit is being postponed since the first half of 2020 where was supposed to take place before the hit of pandemic. Already before the COVID-19 outbreak, the Central and Eastern European countries have been increasingly dissatisfied with the outcome of their economic engagement with China and thus the upgrade of the economic cooperation and shaping the relations is in long-term plan. Moreover, when the U.S.-China confrontation has turned the Central and Eastern Europe into a new ground of great power competition for influence. This summit would break a deadlock over holding a meeting and show new signs in relations between China and Europe.
The transregional cooperation between China and Eastern Europe, the so-called “17+1” initiative, began in April 2012 in Poland where Chinese premier, Wen Jiabao, and representatives of 16 CEE countries, including 11 EU members, hold a meeting. Wen promised investments and infrastructure development to boost the regional economies. China puts an emphasis on its connectivity with Europe and regards railways, ports and FDI as the foundation for achieving balanced development and social cohesion in Europe. For China, the region promised cheap access to European markets. The initiative was quickly co-opted into China’s wider Belt and Road Initiative, which launched the following year. When Greece joined as the 17th member in 2019, it elevated the political significance of the now 17+1 alliance even further. Before the onset of 17+1 cooperation, Chinese investment and trade were spatially unbalanced, and concentrated in north-western Europe. Because of the weak condition of transport infrastructure, the trade between China and Central and Eastern European countries heavily relied on the infrastructure networks of Germany, the Netherlands and France.
Despite voices about the decreasing power of the 17+1 Initiative, the COVID-19 pandemic does not bring an era of active Chinese engagement in the European region to the end. It contrary shows Beijing´s flexibility and adaptation to the world circumstances, including the competition imposed by U.S. interests in bilateral cooperation with the Central and Eastern European countries that could contribute to regional development as well.
UN Comtrade (2020), “UN Comtrade Database. Export data at country level”
EU playing a zero-sum game in Kosovo
When it comes to Kosovo settlement, the European Union is clearly trying to regain the initiative. It was with poorly concealed jealousy and irritation that Brussels watched the delegations of Belgrade and Pristina sign an agreement to normalize their bilateral trade and economic relations in early September in Washington, and with the current change of guard in the US, is now trying to get back its levers of influence. Therefore, Brussels wants to organize a new high-level meeting between Serbia and Kosovo.
Miroslav Lajcak, the European Union’s Special Representative (EUSR) for the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue, made this intention clear on December 2, when speaking at the European Parliament event marking the 25th anniversary of the Dayton Peace Agreement on Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to him, preparations are now underway for a new high-level meeting to be held as part of the dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade.
Tellingly, according to a report by the Albanian news agency Telegrafi, citing sources in Brussels, the upcoming talks are expected to focus on resolving property rights in Kosovo. This means that Brussels is looking for an agenda that the sides can agree on and one that would differ from what they discussed in Washington. This is all the more important now that the negotiating process has virtually ground to a halt since September. According to Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, Belgrade will not agree to have a new summit unless the Kosovar authorities are prepared to create an Association of Serbian Municipalities on the territory of their province (primarily in the north). This provision is part of the accords signed by Belgrade and Pristina in Brussels under the auspices of the EU, but since then the Kosovo authorities have actually blocked its implementation. However, because the European Union hasn’t got any really ambitious initiatives to come up with, the planned parley (if it takes place any time soon) looks bound to be less effective than the September talks in Washington. This, in turn, will deal a new blow to Brussels’ ambitions in the Balkans.
Realizing this, the EU leadership has been ramping up its criticism of the United States, essentially accusing Washington of trying to phase Brussels out of the Kosovo negotiation process. Josep Borrell, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, recently said it loud and clear that the solution of problems in the Western Balkans is entirely the EU’s patch, and that the bloc’s global role depends on the success of its policy in this region.
“If we are unable to solve the problems in the Balkans, then we can’t be a significant global player,” Borrell said.
Russia insists that the problems of Kosovo and other Balkan disputes can only be solved on the basis of international law through talks to achieve mutually-acceptable compromises. During a December 14 visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov reiterated that there is no alternative to ensuring peace and stability through political dialogue and respect for national interests, based on international law and pertinent UN Security Council resolutions.
“It is principally important to help the countries of this region settle their problems via national dialogue and avoid attempts to drag any of these countries into serving somebody else’s unilateral geopolitical interests,” Lavrov emphasized.
Interaction between Russia and Serbia is all the more important amid the ongoing negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina, as it serves as a political and diplomatic counterbalance to the Pristina- Brussels-Washington “axis.” Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic confirmed the invariable nature and timeliness of such interaction during a December 14 joint news conference in Belgrade with Russia’s visiting Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. Vucic also underscored his country’s desire to expand friendly and partnership relations with Russia.
When speaking about the possible outcome of the negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina, one should also keep in mind Turkey’s growing interest in this issue. Ankara is trying to play an increasingly active role in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean region. As the Serbian daily newspaper Informer rightly noted, “One thing the Turkish president can’t be denied is the consistency and frankness with which he is implementing a strategy to bring back a big and mighty Turkey on the territories once occupied by the Ottoman Empire.”
In this situation, it is in Russia’s best interests to expand its partnership with Serbia, while simultaneously working with other key international players to ensure stability and security in the Balkans and counter the nationalist and destructive forces that can still be found in the Balkan capitals.
From our partner International Affairs
Talking Turkey With Greece: Turkey and Israel’s Marriage of Convenience
On January 25, Graeco-Turkish talks begin, at which Turkish claims to Greek island territories will be high on the agenda. Before we briefly consider the Israeli position, herewith a spot of recent history.
Scorned countries sometimes seek out other scorned countries, for reasons of self-interest. Thus Germany, humiliated after the First World War, co-operated with the Soviet Union, first with secret military agreements, and then more openly after the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922; both countries also had problems with the same country, Poland. Both were considered international pariahs at the time, whether rightly or wrongly.
Israel co-operated closely with South Africa when the latter, under its apartheid regime, was internationally blackballed, with most of the balls being black. The co-operation was largely military, overt and covert. Links between the countries’ external security services, Boss and Mossad, were close. Both countries ignored numerous UN resolutions.
The most recent example of the scorned seeking the scorned is, or course, that of Israel and Turkey, who revived a military co-operation agreement in 1996, that goes back to the late Fifties. Again, both states are hardly a paragon of international virtue, supported only consistently by the USA and its strategic acolyte, Britain, but also by Germany, for atavistic business reasons in the case of Turkey, and a contrived feeling of guilt in the case of Israel.
Both Israel and Turkey ignore numerous UN resolutions; both fear Russia; their respective security services exchange information on Syria; and both have a common enemy, also Syria. Both countries occupy parts of other countries, illegally, Cyprus and Palestine, and Syria’s Golan Heights. An interesting quirk is that Syria has territorial claims on its former coloniser, Turkey: with the connivance of France, Hatay (Alexandretta) was stealthily ‘acquired’ by Turkey in 1939, despite the fact that Syrians were in a majority.
The question is whether this is just another ephemeral unholy alliance, an alliance of pure self-interest, that works in spite of deep-seated historico-cultural differences, or something more significant. The evidence suggests that it is more than a simple marriage of convenience. Anyone who knows about the plethora of secret meetings between the two states, that has gone on for years, of the deep-seated mutual disdain between much of the Arab world and its former coloniser, Turkey, will realise that the military co-operation agreement is but the tip of an iceberg, an iceberg being pushed by hoards of American frogmen, with the avowed objective of achieving firm control over the Middle East and eastern Mediterranean. In this way, Russian influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East can be contained, á la Kennan, and Israel can be subtly inserted into the de facto NATO fold, with Jordan perhaps being brought into the equation for good measure, while the Turkish mercenaries continue to kill Kurds and Israel conveniently buries the Oslo accords, continuing its ethnic cleansing and illegal settlements.
The U.S. Embassy in Athens has justified Israeli-Turkish co-operation with the following words: ‘US military co-operation with Turkey and Israel is a matter of long-standing policy and practice. As a NATO ally and friend with Turkey and as a special ally with Israel, both democracies and key regional players, the United States shares core values and mutual security and political objectives in the Eastern Mediterranean. Israel and Turkey have likewise found that they share common objectives, in part from confronting the same set of neighbours which have pursued weapons of mass destruction programmes, have been sponsors and supporters of terrorism, and which have been inimical to democracy, the rule of law and regional stability.’
These neighbours are not actually named, but are obviously Iran and Syria, not to mention some others. There is no mention of Israeli terrorism at home and abroad (vis. Vanunu) or of the treatment of innocent and unarmed Kurdish villagers, no mention of Israel’s nuclear arsenal and chemical and biological weapons programmes, nor of its disregard for international law. Above all, the core values and common objectives shared by the USA, Turkey and Israel are difficult to locate, unless it is to help the U.S. contain Russia.
A few years ago the essentially pro-American Economist wrote that Syria’s concerns about Turkish-Israeli military co-operation were ‘fairly well grounded.’ The article undoubtedly embarrassed the Pentagon and angered the Turkish and Israeli governments. It represented one of those very occasional but authoritative Economist warnings that things had gone too far. The last time the Economist had said anything so risqué was just after the abortive American attempt to rescue the American hostages at the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, by printing a front-page cartoon of President Carter dressed as a cowboy, with his six-guns at the ready. Cruel stuff, and exaggerated criticism, maybe unjustified, even, yet nevertheless telling.
Turkey has in the past threatened to attack Syria. Today it occupies part of it, claiming that Syria supports the Kurds in Turkey. Israel also bombs Syria periodically. In 2008, published Israeli-Turkish military co-operation involved a 1998 $ 700 million contract for Israel to upgrade 54 Turkish F4’s, a $70 million one to upgrade 48 F5’s, and joint manufacture of 1000 tanks and ‘some helicopters.’ Israel also hoped to sell Turkey an early warning system, and also used Turkish territory for low-flying exercises.
Then came a sudden deterioration in Turkey-Israel relations, with Israeli commandos killing of nine Turks on a vessel trying to break the Gaza blockade. Military co-operation between Israel and Turkey was suspended. Backstage American pressure on its two key allies, however, along with an American sponsored joint military love-in between Greece and Israel is leading to new Turkish diplomatic pirouetting: relations between Israel and Turkey could be improving. Bilateral talks are in the offing, and full diplomatic relations could be restored by March, meaning re-activating Turkish-Israeli diplomatic and military relations.
For Greece, the unholy alliance could become more than an irritant, because of Cyprus. However far-fetched it may sound, Turkey could easily encourage the Israeli air force and navy to train in occupied Cyprus, with the Pentagon publicly tut-tutting, but privately sniggering. It could even offer a home in northern Cyprus to would-be Jewish immigrants, as it did in the sixteenth century. There is even a small minority of extreme Zionists in Israel that claims Cypriot territory as part of the Jewish heritage. Thus, an already overcrowded Israel could find more Lebensraum. When one looks at the extremist elements in Turkey and Israel, such plans are not beyond the bounds of possibility.
Greece is now part and parcel of the “new” Cold War, co-operating with Israel and the U.S. militarily more than ever before, in the naïve hope that Turkey will drop its claims on Greek territory. But despite irritation with recent Turkish behaviour, the U.S. and Israel are unlikely to be of much help when it comes down to diplomatic detail: in 2003, the U.S. Embassy wrote the following to me: ‘We recognize Greece’s border with Turkey, but not all the territorial waters implications which Greece asserts. We have not taken a position on sovereignty over Imia/Kardak, in part because of the lack of an agreed maritime boundary.’
When I asked about Greece’s twelve mile nautical and ten-mile airspace limits, the reply was: ‘We recognize the six [!]-mile territorial sea claim and a claim to the superjacent air space. We do not recognize Greece’s claim to territorial air space seaward of the outer limit of its territorial sea.’ I doubt that their position has changed. Similarly, the Israel Embassy refused to answer my question about Greece’s air and sea limits.
Clever Turkish diplomacy currently involves balancing itself between the U.S. and Russia, in the knowledge that neither the U.S. nor Israel will do more than protest diplomatically – á la Cyprus invasion – if Turkey snatches a small Greek island. The U.S.’s main aim is to keep Greece in the anti-Russian camp by not agreeing with Greece’s position on its Aegean borders. For if the U.S. – and Israel – came out in support of Greece’s position, this would push Ankara more towards Moscow.
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