Authors: Do Quynh Anh & Paul Wang
It is true that NATO was founded 70 years ago during the heyday of the Cold War. Then in 1992 when the Soviet Union collapsed, it was debated about the legitimate role of NATO in the future because the Soviet Union disappeared.It is true that in November, French President Macron warned that European countries could no longer rely on Washington to defend its Atlantic allies due to “the brain death of NATO.”Also it is evident that the United States, in particular President Trump, has consistently lashed out at European allies over the defense budget and even trade issues during NATO summit in London during this week.
However, it is unrealistic or a misguided view that the clashes among the NATO members will bring it to the end, and the United States or France would be “breaking off” the relationship with the NATO. In effect, since Macron spoke of the “brain death of NATO, German Chancellor Merkel immediately responded with her disapproval of Macron’s drastic words as she argued that NATO remains vital to the cross-Atlantic collective defense and beyond. So did Turkey and other member states which have vowed to hold the NATO in terms of the “bandwagoning behavior”.
In order to inquire the legitimacy of NATO, let’s go to review briefly its origins in 1949. When NATO was founded, the primary goal was sure to provide a security against the perceived threat from the Soviet Union in a collective military institution. Yet, NATO was also expected to watch and then keep the German re-militarism down and simultaneously to keep the disputed Europeans work together. There is no doubt that from the very beginning military and ideological threats have been reinforced with each other to challenge the Soviet Union and its bloc, since the West opined that divergent ideologies can pose a threat to each other. Today the spirit of the collective security remains valid since most states of Europe which have shared the so-called democracy still want to ensure German integration into a larger defense domain and also remains united to meet the reemerging Russia. It is clear that liberal scholars opine that NATO allies would crumble as the common fears of the Soviet Union had vanished, and now conflicting views might divide NATO and even undermine it soon or later. Yet, the provision in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty specified that “each member would consider an attack against one or more members to be an attack against them all.” This is exactly true that In light of the past memories of the Europeans and the shared interest in a collective security, NATO is still accepted in principle by all member states of NATO and its economic counterpart of EU.
Macron is correct that Europe stands on “the edge of a precipice” wherein it needs to think of itself strategically as a geopolitical power. He is also frank in view of the commitment of the United States which is seen to recede in Europe. As the youngest president of France in history, he is right to opine that Europe needs to start thinking and acting not only as an economic powerhouse but also as a strategic power. It requires that Europe regains its military authority, and re-opens dialogues with Russia despite suspicion from some of former states that were once under Soviet domination. Despite all the discourses, NATO member states want to make sure that the “European force” proposed by France since the 1950s does nothing to weaken NATO and the U.S. commitment to Europe. In effect, if American troops left Europe, most nations across the continent would scream out due to their lingering fears of German hegemony and Russian threat.
Considering this, the comments on the NATO’s brain-death is more a chat than a talk. The differences have been overstated between the United States and its allies. Even Macronopines that NATO functions well in the military sphere. His real goal is that Europe must be great again, even though Russia, China and the U.S. might have more the potentials in the future. Yet, as he argues that no matter how fragile it is, Europe if it can’t of itself as a global power, will disappear at all. In this sense, NATO still provides an insurance policy against any potential geopolitical threat, ensures a more assertive Germany integrated into a larger collective security community. Now it seems that NATO is in a tight spot, with both Trump and Macron taking aim at some of the alliance’s core value. Yet, politically the preservation of NATO is still in its fundamental interest shared by its all members. Germany hopes to ensure member states regain their trust in NATO by reforming the old mechanism. To that end, France does not object at all. It only intends to push forward the strategic autonomy that would insure Europe’s peace and prosperity.
Henry Kissinger once said, the so-called crises within NATO as the alliance were generally in the nature of family disputes, having to do with differing interpretations of the requirements of an agreed common security. Today it is the European allies who dissociate from American policies outside the NATO areas—from the Iran nuclear deal, sanctions against Cuba, and any aggressive rhetoric towards Russia and China. Due to a rapid changing era of globalization, there will be beyond the traditional framework of common defense: the members of the Atlantic Alliance used to think of themselves as belonging to a unique and special community of values and not simply as an aggregation of national interests.
Now consider that after so many years of strategic dependence on the U.S., Europe is truly unprepared – not just materially but psychologically – for today’s harsh geopolitical realities. But the questions about NATO future emanate from not just Washington, DC, but Paris and Berlin as well. NATO’s survival can no longer be taken for granted, and Europeans cannot wait 20 years to figure out what should come after it. In view of the U.S. unilateral mentality, China’s growing assertiveness, and the ongoing digital revolution, Europe has no choice but to become a power in its own right. In this respect, Macron is correct but meanwhile to be sure, NATO still exists, and there are still U.S. troops deployed in Europe. As Joschka Fischer, former German foreign minister and vice chancellor (1998-2005) argued recently, Now that traditional institutions and transatlantic security commitments have been cast into doubt, the alliance’s unraveling has become less a matter of “if” than “when.” When will Trump finally decide that it’s time to call the whole thing off? For Europeans, it would be the height of folly to sit back and wait for the fateful tweet to arrive.”
