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The Sochi Summit and the Pride of Africa

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After nearly three decades of extremely low political, economic and cultural engagement, Russia is indeed returning to Africa. For obvious reasons, Russia’s relations with Africa turned extremely worse as some diplomatic representations were unexpectedly cut, all cultural centers closed, and many projects were suspended. Of course, relations with many foreign countries have faded into the background compared with the challenges the country had to deal with in order to preserve its statehood.

Understandably, Russia has had to struggle with its post-Soviet internal and external problems especially during the first decade, from 1991 till 2000, which has been described by policy experts as the “Lost Decade on Africa”.

Still the second decade, 2000 to 2010, saw the reawakening with decades among the Kremlin, Government officials and academic researchers debated consistently whether “Russia needs Africa or Africa needs Russia” while African leaders were already turned towards Asian and the Gulf regions especially China and often asked why wake up the “Sleeping Giant Bear”. China became the best development suitor in Africa.

During this period, Russia seems to have attained relative political and economic stability. “As we regained our statehood and control over the country, and the economy and the social sphere began to develop, Russian businesses began to look at promising projects abroad, and we began to return to Africa,” noted Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov early September when he addressed students and staff of Moscow State Institute for International Relations.

This process has been ongoing for the past 15 years. The return is now taking the form of resuming a very close political dialogue, which has always been at a strategic and friendly level, and now moving to a vigorous economic cooperation.

To reflect and consolidate these trends and in order to draw up plans for expanding consolidated partnerships with the African countries, President Putin initiated the Russia-Africa Summit last year during the BRICS summit in Johannesburg. The initiative was strongly supported. This October, it will be implemented under the co-chairmanship of the heads of Russia and Egypt, since this year Egypt is heading the African Union.

Further, from my research and monitoring, it is interesting to recall here that during the BRICS summit in Durban, on March 26-27, 2013, BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) discussed, among other topics, “BRICS and Africa: Partnership for Development, Integration and Industrialization.”

The BRICS membership gives an additional competitive advantage. Firstly, none of the members of this association is tainted with a colonial past on the African continent, and second, the BRICS member countries as a matter of principle do not interfere in the internal affairs of African countries. None of the BRICS member countries spread democracy in Africa by force or impose their values with the help of expeditionary corps and air strikes.

The U.S. and the European Union (EU) monopoly in African countries is steadily coming to an end, as new players have come to the African continent, namely the BRICS countries. Russia is now the new force. Russia’s renewed interest in Africa is due to a desire to restore its previous influence and to build allies as it experiences growing criticism by Western countries.

During my long years of research has shown me that Africa is a huge continent that still requires economic development. Its active demographic growth and abundance of natural resources are creating conditions for the emergence of probably the world’s biggest market in the next few decades.

Today, Africa moves towards raising its social, economic, scientific and technological development, and is playing a significant role in international affairs. African states are strengthening mutually beneficial integration processes within the African Union (AU) and other regional and sub‑regional organizations across the continent.

Furthermore, African leaders keep in mind other key questions such as rising unemployment, healthcare problems and poor infrastructure development. That is, they now focus on measures toward realizing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

So, in the contemporary period, Russia and Africa have to, both at a bilateral level and in various multilateral formats, take significant new steps forward in new joint projects in extractive industries, agriculture, healthcare, and education. Besides, there are aspects of the diplomacy that really need focus, for example cultural and social spheres as well as the use of soft power. Indeed, the forthcoming Russia-Africa Summit on October 23-24 should lay the necessary foundation for improving all these for a stronger partnership.

Quite recently, Foreign Affairs Minister Lavrov assertively acknowledged “Africa is one of our priorities. Our political ties in particular are developing dynamically. But economic cooperation is not as far advanced as our political ties. We believe that we should promote joint activity in order to make broader use of the huge potential of Russian-African trade and investment cooperation.”

Political dialogue: Russia has intensified promoting political dialogue, including the exchange of visits at the top levels. Interaction between foreign ministries is expanding. Last year, 12 African foreign ministers visited Russia. According to my calculation, Sergey Lavrov and his deputy Minister, Mikhail Bogdanov, have held talks with nearly 100 African politicians including ministers, deputies between January and September 2019. Bogdanov has interacted with all African ambassadors in Moscow.

Lavrov conducted bilateral dialogue with African countries at the UN in New York, between September 24 and 30, 2019. Lavrov held talks with Foreign Minister of Algeria Sabri Boukadoum, Foreign Minister of Morocco Nasser Bourita and Prime Minister of Sudan Abdallah Hamdouk among others.

During their conversation on the sidelines of the 74th Session of the UN General Assembly, all the sides discussed matters concerning the further expansion of multifaceted partnership, foreign policy collaboration in regional and international affairs. 

With other questions such as the practice of democracy, Russia does support whatever regime is in power. While this makes its policy predictable, it does not encourage good governance and democratic practices in those countries that are severely challenged in these areas. Many other countries follow this practice and even countries like the United States, which often do speak out forcefully on behalf of good governance, are not always consistent.

Economic and investment cooperation: Africa truly is a continent of new opportunities and there is huge potential here for developing economic ties. Many see Africa’s growth primarily not because of aid, it is because of businesses and entrepreneurship, consistent efforts at creating wealth and employment. Africa in the 21st century does not need charity but wants to be an economic partner. African countries are not lacking the resources to boost the relationship, but the will power has always been put on hold or totally ignored.

Russia has shown strength in Africa in niche sectors such as nuclear power development, launching African satellites, and constructing energy and mining projects. It has been seeking to exploit conventional gas and oil fields in Africa; part of its long-term energy strategy is to use Russian companies to create new streams of energy supply. With regard to other economic areas, it may have to identify more sectors like this rather than compete head-to-head in a wide range of sectors with European Union countries, China, the United States, India, and others.

But U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration said recently that “Russia has bolstered its influence with increased military cooperation including donations of arms, with which it has gained access to markets and mineral extraction rights. With minimal investment, Russia leverages private military contracts, such as the Wagner Group, and in return receives political and economic influence beneficial to them.”

While Russians are aware of the equal competitive conditions in the continent, Africans on the other hand view Russia as another fairly large trading partner and, probably a stabilizing and balancing factor to other foreign players. In terms of stringency of strategic outlook and activeness on economic engagement, the country is seriously lagging behind China, U.S., EU, the Gulf States, India and Brazil.

Trade: Russian aid, trade, and investment in Africa, especially Sub-Saharan Africa, are modest. Russian exports to Africa have been growing modestly and reached $18.5 billion in 2017. Russian imports from Africa have been flat and totaled only $2.1 billion in 2017. This was well below Turkey’s trade with Africa in 2017.

Russian trade is heavily concentrated in North Africa, especially with Egypt. Noticeably, Russia’s relationship with North Africa is more significant. Nevertheless, Russia apparently wants to maximize the business relationship rather than the aid relationship. The problem is that Africa has little that Russia wants to buy.

It is, however, necessary to raise trade and economic ties to a high level of political cooperation. Russia and Africa have to show not only an exceptional commitment to long-term cooperation but also readiness for large-scale investments in the African markets taking into account possible risks and high competition.

Equally important are African businesspeople who are looking to work on the Russian market. Definitely, time is needed to solve all these issues including identifying and removing obstacles to mutual bilateral trade and investment.

Weapons and arms diplomacy: After the collapse of the Soviet era, Africa owed US$20 billion, later written off. This debt was due to weapon and arms delivery to Soviet allies including Ethiopia, Angola, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and a few other African countries. Now, Russia is the largest seller of arms to Africa and is willing to sell to any country. This gives it a certain advantage as many Western countries prohibit arms sales to a few countries.

More recently, Russia has made significant arms deals with Angola and Algeria. Egypt, Tanzania, Somalia, Mali, Sudan and Libya have also bought arms from Russia. The Russians also provide military training and support.

In Africa, Russia seeks to guarantee security. In the classical sense, security guarantees imply something different. Russia has very warm, historically developed relations since their decolonization. This forms the theme for the Sochi summit: “For Peace, Security, and Development” which organizers explained would serve as the foundation of the final joint declaration.

Soft power interplay: Experts and members of the Valdai Discussion Club noted that soft power has never been a strong side of Russian policy in the post-Soviet era. Federation Council and State Duma, both houses of legislators, enacted a law that banned foreign NGOs from operating in the Russian Federation. As a result, African NGOs that could promote people-to-people diplomacy and support cultural initiatives as well to push for good image, is non-existent.

On education and culture. Simply cultural cooperation could be described as catastrophic. With education, Russia now offers a few state scholarships. Official figures from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs pegged it at 15,000 students, only one-third of this receives Russian grants. The remaining two-thirds are fee-paying clients. The Ministry of Higher Education told me last month during interview discussions that there are nearly 21,000 African students while some in the far regions are still undocumented. This also means that African elite and the middle class pay approximately US$75 million annually to Russian educational institutions. Average tuition is US$5,000 per year.

Over the years, one of the key challenges and problems facing Russian companies and investors has been insufficient knowledge of the economic potential, on the part of Russian entrepreneurs, the needs and business opportunities of the African region. Africa needs broader coverage in Russian media. Leading Russian media agencies should release more topical news items and quality analytical articles about the continent in order to adequately collaborate with African partners and attract Russian business to Africa. The media can, and indeed must be a decisive factor in building effective ties.

After several years of consistently constructive criticisms, Russian authorities have ignored media cooperation. Russia could use its media resources available to support its foreign policy, promote its positive image, disseminate useful information about its current achievements and emerging economic opportunities especially for the African public.

Russian media resources here, which are largely not prominent in Africa, include Rossiya Sevogdnya (RIA Novosti, Voice of Russia, Sputnik News and Russia Today), Itar-Tass News Agency and Interfax Information Service. Besides, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs could use its accreditation opportunities to allow African media to work in Russia. While the Foreign Ministry has accredited foreign media from Latin America, the United States, Europe and Asian countries, none came from sub-Saharan Africa. Instead of prioritizing media cooperation with Africa, high-ranking Russian officials most often talk about the spread of anti-Russian propaganda by western and European media in Africa.

Professor Vladimir Shubin, Deputy Director of the Institute for African Studies under the Russian Academy of Sciences, reiterated: “Russia is not doing enough to communicate to the broad public, particularly in Africa, true information about its domestic and foreign policies as well as the accomplishments about Russian culture, the economy, science and technology in order to form a positive perception of Russia abroad and a friendly attitude towards it as stated by the new Concept of the Foreign Policy.”

Russia-Africa Summit: Russia holds its first summit in October. Through this, Russia and Africa aim jointly at advancing relations to a fundamentally new level and a wider dimension. Of course, Africa is not fully satisfied with Russia due to its “diplomatic niceties” and largely unfulfilled pledges and promises. Russia already has a plethora of post-Soviet bilateral agreements that it is now implementing, with some degree of limitations, in various African countries. It’s clear that Russia might not make any public financial commitment as many foreign countries have done over the years. But Russia needs to demonstrate that it has a plan to engage Africa in a significantly greater way than it has in recent years.

According to my investigations, Russia would sign 23 new bilateral agreements with a number of African countries and issue a joint declaration that would lay down a comprehensive strategic roadmap for future Russia-African relations.

Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, while addressing the Russia-Africa Economic forum in July also added his voice for strengthening cooperation in all fronts. “We must take advantage of all things without fail. It is also important that we implement as many projects as possible, that encompass new venues and, of course, new countries,” he said.

Medvedev stressed: “It is important to have a sincere desire. Russia and African countries now have this sincere desire. We simply need to know each other better and be more open to one another. I am sure all of us will succeed if we work this way. Even if some things seem impossible, this situation persists only until it has been accomplished. It was Nelson Mandela who made this absolutely true statement.”

In July, President Vladimir Putin took part on third day of the International Parliamentarian Forum that also brought African legislators, emphasized that “the modern world needs an open and free exchange of views, confidence building and search for mutual understanding”.

Indeed, judging from the above discussions about the changing geopolitical relations, after the first Russia-Africa Summit, there has to be a well-functioning system and mutual willingness in the spirit of reciprocity to achieve a more practical and comprehensive results from the new relations between Russia and Africa. [Find more from the Geopolitical Handbook titled “Putin’s African Dream and The New Dawn: Challenges and Emerging Opportunities” devoted to the first Russia-Africa Summit 2019.]

MD Africa Editor Kester Kenn Klomegah is an independent researcher and writer on African affairs in the EurAsian region and former Soviet republics. He wrote previously for African Press Agency, African Executive and Inter Press Service. Earlier, he had worked for The Moscow Times, a reputable English newspaper. Klomegah taught part-time at the Moscow Institute of Modern Journalism. He studied international journalism and mass communication, and later spent a year at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. He co-authored a book “AIDS/HIV and Men: Taking Risk or Taking Responsibility” published by the London-based Panos Institute. In 2004 and again in 2009, he won the Golden Word Prize for a series of analytical articles on Russia's economic cooperation with African countries.

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Presidents Chakwera and Nyusi toast for laudable Malawi-Mozambican relations

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Mozambique and Malawi, largely sharing borders, have agreed to forge cooperation in diverse economic sectors and take advantages offered by the single continental market. A number of African leaders have started looking at the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), as it aspires to connect all regions of Africa, to deepen economic integration and to boost intra-African trade and investment. It aspires to create a single market for goods and services across 55 countries and our continent, creating a market of as much as 1.3 billion people with a combined GDP of $3.4 trillion.

On November 22 to 24, President Filipe Jacinto Nyusi of Mozambique went on an official working visit to Blantyre, Malawi. It was to participate in the 5th SADC Industrialization Week in Lilongwe, according a statement from the Malawi’s Ministry or Foreign Affairs.

The first strategy for regional industrialization, he noted at the conference of the Industrialization Week, includes developing synergies linked to value chains, transport corridors, energy, and human potential. It will also involve bringing down barriers at the border to strengthen the economic identity of SADC. According to Nyusi, the impact of this strategy will be amplified through changes to the trade balance as exports are increased and imports substituted.

The second strategy is based on developing technology, employing thousands of people, creating a market to absorb agricultural surpluses from the rural population with a particular focus on women, agro-processing and associated logistics, which, he said, ends up becoming a “powerful weapon” for the well-being of the population and combating poverty.

While still in Malawi during the visit, Malawi President Lazarus Chakwera took his guest counterpart Filipe Nyusi to launch the construction works for Mozambique-Malawi power transmission interconnection project at Phombeya in Balaka District. The power generation project planned to translate into improved access to electricity supply and ultimately strengthen the industrialization programmes in both countries. Construction of the interconnection project, includes laying transmission lines about 142km from Matambo substation and 76km into Malawi to Phombeya passing through Mwanza and Neno Districts – expected to be completed in 2023.

According to the Integrated Resource Plan of 2017, peak electricity demand will be 1,860MW by 2030 yet currently Malawi’s installed electricity generation capacity is hovering at 50MW. The objectives of the interconnection project include to support economic growth of the region through sustainable power access by integrating Malawi electricity market to the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) in order to balance power deficit through regional power trading.

Phase 1 of the project included technical and economic feasibility study that was completed in 2017, project definition and scope and environmental and social impact assessment that was completed in 2019.

In his remarks, President Chakwera said like the railway rehabilitation project that the two countries have embarked on to connect Malawi to the Sena Line across the border from Vila Nova de Fronteira to Marka, “this interconnection project is yet another milestone in the linkages between our two nations.” He reminded Nyusi, that during his visit to Songo Province in Mozambique last year, Chakwera was privileged to tour the Cabora Bassa Dam which is the hub of the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP).

“It was at that time that we agreed to hold this joint ceremony launching the construction of the electricity transmission line for Malawi-Mozambique Interconnection. I am, therefore, glad to see this coming to pass as a step in the direction of integrating infrastructure across SADC for sustainable economic development. The project aims at at creating avenues for trade in the SAPP, with the prospect of more exchanges of trade and power in the future,” he asserted in remarks.

President Chakwera says Malawi and Mozambique are strategic development partners and there is a need for the two nations to continue exploring possible areas of cooperation in the areas of trade, transport and mining for the mutual benefit of their people. Both president also identified areas of rail transport, energy and mining for developing bilateral partnership.

With the construction of The Malawi-Mozambique Interconnector, it marchs towards the goal of adding 1,000 megawatts to the national grid over the next four years is making steady progress. The project is co-funded by the World Bank- IDA Credit at US$15 million; European Union through KFW Grant at US$20 million and the Malawi Government at US$3.5 million.

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European Council offers €40 million assistance under the EPF in support of Mozambique

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With about 3,100 African, European and US soldiers already been deployed to Cabo Delgado province, the security situation has begun stabilizing in Mozambique. Southern African Development Community (SADC) has a Standby Force effectively working, besides the Special Force from Rwanda.

Rwanda was the first foreign army to send troops to Mozambique, deploying 1,000 in July. South Africa has the largest contingent of around 1,500 troops. External countries are enormously helping to stabilize the situation in Mozambique. Mozambique’s former colonizer Portugal and the United States both sent special forces to train local troops.

According reports, the European Union (EU) concretely sent 1,100 soldiers to the country in September and the troops will be in Mozambique for two years to train rapid intervention units. It is supplying the Mozambican army with non-lethal weapons.

“This mission will contribute to operations to defend Mozambique. After finishing the training, we will prepare an operational training plan for the future. The soldiers trained here will be able to go on missions,” Head of Mozambique’s Armed Forces, Joaquim Mangrasse, said in Maputo.

On November 19, the European Council adopted a decision establishing a €40 million assistance measure under the European Peace Facility (EPF) in support of Mozambique. This assistance measure complements an urgent measure amounting to €4 million approved by the Council under the EPF on 30 July 2021 for the most urgently required equipment.

With the measure decided on, the EU will support the Mozambican military units trained by the EU military training mission in Mozambique (EUTM Mozambique), and enable them to conduct security operations in the northern province of Cabo Delgado.

The assistance measure will, in particular provide adequate, non-lethal equipment to strengthen the capacities of the first Mozambican army companies scheduled to be the first to benefit from the EUTM Mozambique’s training. This includes individual and collective equipment, ground mobility assets, technical tools and a field hospital.

The provision of the assistance will be subject to the compliance of the EUTM-trained units of the Mozambican armed forces with relevant international law, in particular international human rights and international humanitarian law, as well as with relevant legal instruments and best practices based on international and EU rules, standards and policies in the area of the supply of military equipment.

The assistance measure will cover part of the EUTM’s mandate duration. In 2021, partial support packages will be provided to the two companies currently undergoing training by Portugal while, as from 2022, three additional companies will receive support. In total, 11 companies of the Mozambican army and navy will undergo training by the EUTM in several batches and subsequently form a Quick Reaction Force.

The November 19 decision follows the request by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Mozambique in her letter of 27 August 2021 to the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.

Reports said that Islamic-State linked militants have been wreaking havoc in the area since 2017, raiding villages and towns in violence that has claimed at least 3,340 lives and displaced more than 800,000 people. The grave situation attracted international concern when they attacked the key port town of Palma in March, killing dozens as thousands fled into surrounding forest.

The violence forced France’s Total Energies to declare force majeure and evacuate staff from a nearby multi-billion-dollar natural gas project.

Mozambique is a member of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). Mozambique is a country located in Southeast Africa bordered by the Indian Ocean to the east, Tanzania to the north, Malawi and Zambia to the northwest, Zimbabwe to the west, and Eswatini (Swaziland) and South Africa to the southwest.

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Underdevelopment Mindsets: An Africanizing American Perspective

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I took my first international development studies class in the 1970s while pursuing Northwestern University Sociology doctoral studies in the United States.  International development studies back in those days was a brand-new field in the various social sciences emerging from growing assessment of scholars, consultants, emerging international development NGO administrators, and so called first world national and international organizational policy makers in the United States, Europe, the United Nations, and the World Bank as American and European colonial powers legally freed their colonies. Such legal freedom called “independence” usually was with strings attached to assure dependent marginal new nations without competition capacity against their former colonial authorities.

Before I began to travel and live in African countries, beginning with Sierra Leone as a 1989-90 Fulbright Scholar, and in other legally decolonized countries, back then labeled the “third world”, I belonged to that liberal naive branch of international development studies which rejected terminologies such as ” underdeveloped” and ” developing” which insinuated that peoples of such lands were somehow inferior humans or not human at all. I still do reject any such insinuations about anyone which are biogenetic or theological which claim some people wherever they are, in this case, so called third or first world peoples, are naturally inferior or superior human beings.

But there are, indeed, psychological, social, economic, and political consequences of what has happened to still dependent legally decolonized peoples with underdevelopment and developing outcomes when compared with what it is like living in the first world.  After traveling and living in Africa, the Caribbean, and Latin America off and on since the 1990s and full time in Africa for nearly 10 years now, I can now attest to the realness of what it means to live in a developing or merely, underdeveloped country.

I will here focus on psychological aspects of underdevelopment which I have found to be characteristic in the African and other so called third world countries I have   traveled to and especially those I have resided in for a couple of reasons. First, because before my so called third world lived experiences, I used to reject most now classical psychological theorists of societal development and underdevelopment, conventional such as David McClellan and radical such as Franz Fanon. I assumed their views were patronizing over generalizations. Second, what matters the most in human development are the individual cognitions, attitudes, and coping skills we learn institutionally from our families, communities, schools, faith communities, communication technologies, and governments embedded in vastly varied historical sociopolitical, cultural, and socioeconomic contexts. That is, what is generally called our daily mindsets.

What I wish to point out then is: in various historically contextualized ways such as the dominant cultural and linguistic backgrounds of legally former colonizers and thus their colonized oppressed, the status type of historical colonization such as slavery, indentured labor, limited free people, or mode of economic production such as plantation, factory, retail and other consumer sectors, limited businesses and civil service employment, all produced patterns of daily mindsets.  As their now neo-colonial continuities, these mindsets contribute greatly to national underdevelopment. Unless they change a nation may adapt more or less to the 21st century well developed world in consuming first world fashion styles, food, car purchases, smart phones, home and commercial office building designs, and legal and health practices but the mindset is in being say a slave, an indentured laborer, or in being a limited freed person used to having limited civil liberties or human rights and human responsibilities.

What are some of the more common neo-colonial mindsets generating continued underdevelopment where I have casually observed and experienced   over the years in Africa and elsewhere in the so called third world?

1.Transactional relationships meaning building relationships with others especially those with means perceived or real is an end to get something rather than to build authentic caring friendships and other trusting and loyal meaningful rather than ends oriented relationships. The person is important to get to know as long as you get something out of it– money, position, property, a child, and is tossed away as soon as use value is depleted. The more people place value in sincere private and public caring (charity) relationships, the more a country like its communities and institutions within develops.

2. Little value for efficiency. This means other things matter besides time management, setting and reaching goals, and being productive in workplaces and in general life such as beauty maintenance, gossiping, family affairs, leisure, and pursuing romance. Work is organized around playtime not playtime around work so having time off like short standard work hours, and long weekends and breaks and many holidays are top priority.

3.Buying status symbols such as cars and homes, makeup, facelifts, and fashions through great loan debt beyond real cost of living finances is an obsession which causes great stress, waste of time and energy in constant comparisons competition while ignoring holistic life values and practices. All of this comes crashing down at the least economic crisis such as unemployment, ill health or death of breadwinners as seen in COVID-19 pandemic impacts disproportionately impacting personal and societal indebted so called third world countries with their easy loan opportunities.

4. Looking Outward and Upward. Rather than having an attitude and commitment value to advocate for national pride rooted in good governance and genuine economic and sociopolitical human rights for everyone including the riddance of societal and institutional insufficiencies such as corrupt governments and corrupt institutions such as police, hospitals, media, and schools, one dreams about going to America, France, New Zealand, UK, Canada, or Australia as promised lands of milk and honey. It is a mindset that few in developing countries can realize. It causes negativity, stagnation, and apathy rather than effective human rights movement mobilization. It also encourages casting blame at the wrong causes of corruption, poverty, marginality which keeps citizens in mindsets of blaming their leaders for forced choices they must make due to the neo-colonial boxes they are locked into. It is ironic that such common dreamers wish to run to the very so called first world countries which are the sources of their societal miseries. By the way, this “looking outward and upward” mindset refers as well to the tendency to view anything made in the West in terms of consumer goods and anything sounding western like an accent or being Western such as a potential mate is superior to anything native, providing of course that which is western is somehow white.

5. Having mass consumer literary rather than real life reading and understanding which means buying the ” I love New York” t-shirt or working or eating in a KFC restaurant without knowing or caring about what the words mean or the history of the company hiring you or selling you chicken. Using Internet search engines such as Google to find video games or latest American movie or pop song or to do online shopping without using search engines let alone bookstores and libraries to read about what’s going on in the world or about historical issues.  Wanting to only read a few soundbite Instagram words with photos while reading more than a couple of paragraphs is too much.

6. Thinking about “success,” “achievement,” “making it” are magical things which happen to you absent of loyalty, faithfulness, sacrificial hard work, and a committed value for needing to be mentored and at times criticized not just praised. So, dream and do nothing or little and quit the first time someone makes you feel bad or disagrees with you or criticizes you. This is a mark of a low self-esteemed mindset which makes developing countries filled with dreamers rather than doers; those afraid of taking risks and taking criticism it takes to achieve. Always talking never doing. Just dreaming.

7.Mindless development means taking development ideas from the West and applying them to non-western contexts usually through some exorbitant international loan or government funding or international development NGO support which does not fit the realities of the country.  But it feeds well the pockets of those who cook up the plans to copy the West in being Western in image though does great harm to the ordinary citizens of their country. What happened in Afghanistan with its 12,000 contractors propped up for twenty years as mindless projects making money is characteristic of what has been going on in the so-called world for decades now. Building schools which have failed to educate. Building unnecessary skyscrapers which come to collapse. Building unnecessary bridges and tunnels. Building clinics and research labs which for years chase chronic diseases seemingly unable to cure and capture while building resumes and providing the income and comfortable accommodations of so called third world health experts be they Westerners or the Westernized. Missionaries of so many faiths coming over by the boatloads to the shores of Africa and to the continent’s many nations who after they leave things remain the same. The morality problems, the poverty, the massive lack of genuine conversion, etc. Such contemporary missionary work, in more cases than a few done in great material comfort, is another example of mindless development which perpetuates underdevelopment adorned in the usual smiles and well intentions that mindless development displays though in different flavors and fabrics.

Mindless development also relates to the misapplication of Eastern and Western ideologies imposed on the ex-colonial Non-West such as communism or democracy which don’t even fit or do well in originating Eastern or Western countries and overtime have evolved into different forms of governance than original constitutional mandates. And then everyone seemingly in East and West elite foreign policy making circles become disappointed when collective farms, multiparty, and even human rights and responsibilities don’t work in neocolonial impositions in African or other so called third world countries. Or shock or dismay occurs if such nation building practices occur in ways apart from Eastern and Western scripts and prescriptions. The emergence of bubbling up citizen movements against standing African governments in recent years in Egypt, Tunisa, Nigeria, Botswana, The Gambia, Zimbabwe, and South Africa have Easterners and Westerners scratching their heads, since after all, according to their paradigms, African countries don’t have civil societies. African citizens are conventionally viewed in the East and West as being merely passive pawns, especially those claiming to be in what has been called authoritarian states or because they are in democracies which are poorly lead and managed.

Anyone who is honest rather than in denial due to ideological blinders or blind nationalism would have to admit the observational points made are worthy of further investigation and acting on to eradicate and thus authentically liberate those who remain victimized by the neo-colonial underdevelopment which plagues their countries. As well, underdevelopment mindsets learned in the homeland can come to hinder their own individual development if they have been able to emigrate elsewhere since changing sovereignty geography does not necessarily change well internalized psychological mindsets. Such a geographical change in life can merely allow for a mindset to find new fertile soil for germinating a transplanted mental inclination causing just as much individual underdevelopment as the structural underdevelopment continues to do back home.

It would be a grave inconsideration if I did not raise the point that even though what I have been casting here as the mindset psychology of underdevelopment pertains to the so called the third world, it can be said to also refer to human developmental problems in the so called first world. The American mindset claiming we are so superior allows us to forget our own chronic areas of individual and societal underdevelopment and the mindsets which maintain such dominant mythologies.  American medical systems and our higher education systems rank among the lowest in the world. Our election of Donald Trump as President of the United States in 2016 and his behavior while in office and his refusal to concede losing to Joe Biden is a script expected in a so-called Banana Republic or African country as much as members of a national legislative branches well in the deep pockets of donors rather than representing the quality of life needs of their constituencies and of the nation. The Republican effort to repress voter rights of Non-Whites to win future elections is something you would expect in a so called third world country as is the paralysis of Democrats as national political rulers claiming to be for the people but too much in the pockets of Wall Street with no energy to standup to racial injustices in effective ways as an empty campaign promise. The recent Kyle Rittenhouse court decision to acquit a White Supremacist vigilante is something you would stereotypically expect in a so called   third world country where we are taught miscarriages of justice for such violent people is expected. So, like the underdeveloped nations we Americans enjoy looking down to and patronizing with our smug media remarks and foreign charity aid, we continue to in many respects look like because we are, an underdeveloped country with the psychological mindsets of underdevelopment listed earlier but of course with our own twists and turns. The extremely rural and urban poverty. The deep problems the middle class as well as the poor is having paying the house note, being gainfully employed, and having quality food to eat and air to breath. The deep discrimination against women, especially the Non-White, the lack of decent healthcare and education of the poor, especially those who are Non-White, and the massive illiteracy of all of us which makes us so vulnerable to emotional manipulation such as who we decide to vote for even against our quality-of-life interests.

So increasingly, and tragically ironically, what I have listed as mindsets of underdevelopment in the formerly colonized Non-West is in many respects attitudes and behaviors the ex-colonized pick up and internalize as mindsets from the East and West in this information and social media digital age where emulation, too often of things which injure rather than help and empower run rampant without needed reflection, critique, and prevention. So that goes as well to explain why and how too often the ex-colonized watch and copy the xenophobia, racism, elitism, and corruption of not only Americans but also of their former European colonizers in their distorted mindsets of dominance through which they afflict their own underdevelopment.  It is why when people arrogantly point to corruption on the part of African leaders or about how African leaders do not take of their own people, my first response is a question, not to excuse but to put in proper context: where did they learn it from?

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