Defense
Does an Ambiguous Indian Nuclear Stance Benefit Anyone?

The recent escalation in India-Pakistan tensions resulting from the deteriorating human rights situation in Kashmir has since its outset carried the threat of spiraling into the realm of the nuclear question. With both India and Pakistan having already fought three full-fledged wars and a series of medium to small-scale skirmishes, Kashmir’s potential of turning into a major nuclear flashpoint has remained a constant threat for the 2 billion people living in South Asia. Since both countries declared their nuclear weapons capability, this looming specter of nuclear war has been leveraged by both India and Pakistan to varying degrees and effects.
For instance, Pakistan’s approach to this issue is encapsulated in the following two objectives. The first being to serve as a viable deterrent to the conventional asymmetry that exists between its own and India’s armed forces. And the second to help internationalize the Kashmir dispute by leveraging the international community’s commitment to preventing nuclear war. This can be thus understood as having both a regional and a wider international dimension.
India’s regional approach on the other hand was also to an extent aimed at preventing any military incursions or adventurism from Pakistan. Its commitment to a ‘Retaliation Only’ or No First Use policy announced shortly after the Pokhran II tests (1998) however had formed a major component of India’s attempts at internationally projecting itself as a responsible nuclear weapon state. At least that was the impression given by the draft report of the National Security Advisory Board on the Indian Nuclear Doctrine dated August 1999. Yet, in last week’s statement given by Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh, exactly two decades later at the very site of the Pokhran II tests, a major departure from this policy was witnessed. Paying tribute to former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his legacy as one of the architects of India’s NFU Mr. Singh had stated that “While India has strictly adhered to this doctrine (of No First Use), what happens in the future depends on the circumstances.”
This question of India renouncing its NFU stance has already been doing the rounds in academic and policymaking circles for quite some time. Yet it has always been downplayed or negated by one argument or the other. For instance, Manohar Parrikar during his stint as the Indian Defence Minister in 2016 had alluded to the possibility of India considering a pre-emptive strike in a marked departure from the stated NFU policy. The statement which was made at a public book launch however was qualified by the Minister as being his personal opinion and not an official policy statement. In contrast, the above statement given last week by the current Indian Defence Minister represents perhaps the clearest and most direct articulation of India’s renouncement of the NFU at a pre-scripted gathering. Not to mention the fact that Mr. Singh tweeted the same from his official twitter account the same day during one of the most heightened periods of tensions over Kashmir.
The significance of Mr. Singh’s statement has been further echoed by Vipin Narang, one of the leading academics focusing on India’s nuclear program. In a recent interview he stated that while the credibility of India’s NFU policy had already eroded long ago, all this move has done is bring even greater uncertainty and instability to an already tense situation. He stated that while India’s NFU policy was already perceived as being irrelevant by Chinese and Pakistani strategists, it had still carried a self-purported image of India as a responsible nuclear weapon state to a wider international audience. That despite its hollowness the NFU still projected a semblance of stability and acceptance of a certain responsibility befitting a rising power.
Yet, the present BJP government by steadily reneging on its commitment to the NFU has exhibited a resolve and willingness to upend the status-quo at the expense of India’s international credibility. By politicizing nuclear brinkmanship as chest-thumping machismo, what this Indian government has essentially done is willfully project a sense of ambiguity regarding its nuclear posture. While such a move may generate rapturous applause amongst the BJP’s predominantly far-right electorate as well as some of the most prominent hawks within the country’s politico-military establishment, what it does is estrange India’s commitment to certain ideals that may still hold certain weight and diplomatic capital in its dealings with the international community. What’s more it also puts the onus on both Pakistan and China to quite visibly re-think their strategic calculus leading to even greater risks and uncertainty with regard to regional stability.
Hence, while the BJP under Mr. Modi represents a far-cry from the more moderate and careful tact of Prime Minister Vajpayee, one wonders whether anyone else in the Indian leadership is able to look past the self-aggrandizing hubris that characterizes this government. The kind of hubris that considers India’s tremendous economic rise as affording it the ability to renege on universally acclaimed ideals of peace and stability. All while pandering to a segment of its population’s basest instincts driven by greed and a misplaced sense of supremacy.
Defense
Rising Powers in the Asia-Pacific: Implications for Global Stability

For a long time, the Asia-Pacific region has been the epicentre of rising economic growth and strategic influence, gradually changing the dynamics of world power. Because of the rapid rise of China and India, the increasing influence of ASEAN, and the steady comebacks of Japan and South Korea, its significance has only increased in the twenty-first century. Given the ongoing challenges to the traditional dominance of Western powers, this shifting environment raises intriguing questions about the future of global stability.
The rise of China stands out as the most significant factor in this dynamic. China’s phenomenal economic growth, along with its more assertive foreign policy and military modernization, have propelled it to the forefront of the global stage since the economic reform policies of the late 1970s. The Belt and Road Initiative, companies like Alibaba, and military actions in the South China Sea are just a few of the ways it is increasingly challenging the US-led international order. Due to its second-largest economy, China’s actions and policies have a significant impact on the stability of the world.
Despite lagging behind China, India is another growing Asian power that has started on a path of significant economic expansion. It has the potential to play a significant role in the region due to its distinct demographic dividend, IT industry, and geostrategic location. However, it problems a insufficiency in infrastructure, social inequality, and enduring poverty hinder its potential and raise the level of complexity in the power dynamics of the area.
In the midst of this power shift, Japan and South Korea, two countries that are already major global players, have been rearranging their positions. The balance of power in the region is greatly influenced by their advanced economies, sizable military capabilities, and strategic alliances with the US. A crucial role in the region is also played by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). A seat at the table for shaping the future of the region has been secured for ASEAN despite its diversity and disparities thanks to its prominence in regional diplomatic structures like the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Regional Forum.
Additionally crucial to this shifting dynamic are the Pacific powers, particularly the US and Australia. While the US remains the most powerful country on the planet, it must deal with these new regional forces, necessitating a reevaluation of its Asia-Pacific strategy. Australia’s position has changed as well as a result of its efforts to strike a balance between its regional economic interests and its long-standing alliances. The effects of these changing power dynamics on world stability are significant. First, there is a chance that a power vacuum in the area could cause unrest and possible conflict. This is amply demonstrated by the South China Sea dispute, in which numerous nations are asserting territorial claims and frequently supporting them with military showdowns.
Second, the spread of power might also create more significant opportunities for cooperation and multilateralism. However, much of this depends on these countries’ ability to manage disagreements and rivalries as well as build inclusive and effective regional institutions. Thirdly, these changes might result in new economic structures that reshape international economic relationships and structures. The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), a free trade agreement involving 15 countries in the Asia-Pacific, is a good illustration of this. Last but not least, the changes in power may significantly affect international institutions and norms. As Asia-Pacific nations gain power, they may try to change international institutions so that they better represent their interests.
The main worry, however, is that these changes could result in more tensions and conflicts as countries with various political ideologies and systems compete for influence. For instance, the rivalry between the US and China goes beyond merely a contest of political and economic power. Several things are essential to preserving global stability in the midst of these shifting power dynamics. First and foremost, it is essential to promote a cooperative regional order based on mutual respect and gain. Second, preventing the escalation of regional disputes into conflict requires ensuring that they are settled peacefully in accordance with international law. Third, safeguarding and bolstering regional and international institutions will be essential for preserving stability and offering forums for communication and cooperation.
In conclusion, it is undeniable that the power dynamics in the Asia-Pacific are shifting. For the stability of the world, this evolution poses both danger and promise. How well we navigate this shifting landscape, handle potential conflicts, and seize opportunities for cooperation will determine whether the world can continue to be peaceful and stable.
Defense
Beyond the Battlefield

Since the beginning of time, wars and conflicts have been an inextricable part of human history. As such, they have developed in lockstep with the complex interactions between social, political, and technological changes that have shaped our world. Warfare’s methods and goals have undergone a significant metamorphosis, moving from crude and simple engagements to ones that are sophisticated and complex. Armed conflicts have expanded to take on global proportions with the advent of destructive world wars, and are no longer restricted to simple tribal or regional skirmishes. In addition to transcending their religious roots, these conflicts are now driven by nationalistic imperatives, giving rise to wars with geopolitical goals.
However, in the fierce race to reach the pinnacle of technological achievement with the introduction of a revolutionary artificial intelligence-powered search engine, issues of veracity and the widespread dissemination of false information are the most crucial issues of our time. These worries are well-founded because the consequences of a poorly functioning search engine could distort reality, worsen the already virulent spread of false information, and cause irreparable harm to the fabric of truth.
Additionally, warfare has changed from being characterized by linear battles to being characterized by maneuver warfare, placing greater emphasis on flexibility, agility, and strategic maneuvering. Armed engagements have evolved from primitive first-generation manifestations to the complex dynamics of fourth-generation warfare. They now involve a variety of unconventional tactics such as asymmetric tactics, psychological operations, and information warfare. Thus, in order to successfully navigate the complexity of the modern battlefield, this evolution calls for both a thorough understanding of the many facets of modern warfare and the adoption of adaptive strategies.
Simultaneously, the concept of fifth-generation warfare, also known as hybrid warfare, denotes a paradigm shift in contemporary military tactics, where the importance of cultural warfare, information warfare, and unconventional methods surpasses the conventional use of brute force on the battlefield, as seen in third- and fourth-generation warfare. India is said to be using 5th-generation warfare strategies against Pakistan to sow seeds of enmity and spread false information in an effort to block Pakistan’s progress. Moreover, India is using all of its resources to undermine Pakistani society in a number of different domains. Pakistan to modernize its weaponry and armed forces given the strategic landscape of South Asia, which is becoming more complex and volatile, especially given India’s use of fifth-generation warfare against Pakistan.
Relatedly, information warfare has undeniably grown significantly important in the effort to effectively project Pakistan’s narrative both domestically and internationally. A well-calibrated national response reinforced by a clearly defined foreign policy is required in light of the double-edged nature of fifth-generation warfare. Modern times see a rapid spread of irregular wars across the spectrum of conflict, amid intensifying great power competition, as the nature of warfare changes continuously.
Modern warfare has undergone a sea change as a result of the advancement of information technology, which makes it easier for nontraditional actors like violent extremist groups to communicate. We find ourselves ensconced in a world permeated by high tension, accompanied by a flood of tweets, ranging from the tumultuous battlefields in Ukraine to a pernicious terrorist attack on mass transit inside the borders of the United States. Our insatiable appetite for knowledge is driven by a desire to protect our safety, show compassion for those who are suffering, or see wrongdoers brought to justice. Despite our desire for knowledge, we must maintain an appropriate level of skepticism toward the sources that provide it. After all, we are living in a time that is frequently referred to as the “golden age of fake news.”
Today’s conflicts are largely not fought between nation-states and their armies; instead, they are increasingly fought with the mighty arsenal of words rather than with traditional weapons. In recent years, policy discussions, popular discourse, and academic analyses have given priority to a particular breed of weaponry: “fake news” and viral disinformation. In reality, disinformation used in warfare in the digital age may not differ much from other forms of warfare; after all, wars are fought to establish power, with some reaping financial rewards while the most vulnerable suffer the most.
The problem of fake news has gotten worse since the Internet and social networks were invented. The conventional news model, which involved a small number of media outlets run by experienced journalists who interviewed reliable sources and meticulously verified the information before it was published, has been overturned by the current media environment. Today, there are numerous channels, a never-ending stream of messages, and an environment where contradictory information is frequently overlooked that all contribute to the relative ease with which conspiracy theories and rumors can spread. The temptation to cling to a simpler fiction rather than taking on the laborious task of dissecting a more complex reality grows as we are frequently presented with contradictory messages.
Defense
United States Donates $9 million in Weapons, Equipment to Support Somalia National Army

Official reports here said the United States through its diplomatic office in Mogadishu has presented $9 million in weapons, vehicles, medical supplies and other equipment to the Somali National Army (SNA). The ceremony was attended by Minister of Defense Abdulkadir Mohamed Nur Jama and U.S. Ambassador Larry André.
Aside from heavy weapons, equipment included support and construction vehicles, explosive ordinance disposal kits, medical supplies, and maintenance equipment for vehicles and weapons. Most of the supplies are already on their way to Hishabelle and Galmudug States to support SNA troops.
“We cheer the success achieved by Somali security forces in their historic fight to liberate Somali communities suffering under al-Shabaab,” said Ambassador André. “This is a Somali-led and Somali-fought campaign. The United States reaffirms commitment to support country’s efforts.”
Minister of Defense Abdulkadir Mohamed Nur Jama thanked the United States, saying, “Allow me to convey the appreciation of the Federal Government of Somalia to the Government of the United States of America for the continued support to Somalia’s peacebuilding process and the support for the fight against terrorism. This support comes at a critical time for our forces as we boost their capabilities to combat al-Shabaab.”
The Minister was joined by Chief of Defense Forces Brigadier General Odowaa Yusuf Rageh for the ceremony.
The weapons, including light and heavy machine guns were purchased with U.S. Department of Defense funding. They are marked and registered pursuant to the Federal Government of Somalia’s Weapons and Ammunition Management policy, designed to account for and control weapons within the Somali security forces and weapons captured on the battlefield.
Notification to the UN Security Council is conducted by the Federal Government of Somalia in close coordination with the Office of Security Cooperation of U.S. Embassy Mogadishu in accordance with UN Security Council resolutions.
The weapons will support SNA-Danab battalions, including battalions currently participating in operations in Hirshabelle and Galmudug. The weapons will provide a significant increase in the lethality and mobility of the SNA-Danab units participating in these operations. Somalia and its neighbouring States have come under frequent heightened militant attacks in the Horn of Africa.
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