The mainstream Western leaders and intellectuals are increasingly preoccupied with the so-called “crisis of the liberal international order.” Western media outlets daily broadcast apocalyptic narratives: the “universal” and “fundamental” values of liberalism are besieged by the contagious forces of “extremists,” who apparently threaten the progress of the entire humanity. Listening to liberal opinion leaders in the European capitals, one could not help but feel as if the sky was falling upon us. However, one can be stunned by the fact that these world-ending narratives are almost entirely absent in the Japanese public debates. While challenges of Trumpism are rightly recognized in Japan, they are discussed in the manner of business-as-usual: how to constrain the unilateral ambition of the hegemonic American partner, which has been an enduring theme defining Japanese foreign and economic policy over the last seven decades. This short article briefly introduces a select number of Japanese perspectives on the ongoing transformation of the international order and explains why Japanese leaders are coping with the contemporary challenges in a relatively more sober manner.
To begin with, Westerners cannot keep calm in the face of the mounting challenges to the liberal order because liberalism has become an absolute faith for many of them, or at least for the mainstream leaders and intellectuals. From an outsider perspective, Western liberals appear to be treating conservatives in the same way Europe’s medieval religionists treated non-believers.
While Western liberals talk of the crisis of liberalism, Japanese thinkers distinguish the crisis of the liberal philosophy from the crisis of liberal elites. Through centuries of interaction with the West, Japanese observers have learned that Westerners are brilliantly good at developing enlightening philosophies yet they are remarkably bad at practicing them in an enlightening way.
The mainstream Western leaders and intellectuals are increasingly preoccupied with the so-called “crisis of the liberal international order” . Western media outlets daily broadcast apocalyptic narratives: the “universal” and “fundamental” values of liberalism are besieged by the contagious forces of “extremists,” who apparently threaten the progress of the entire humanity. Listening to liberal opinion leaders in the European capitals, one could not help but feel as if the sky was falling upon us. However, one can be stunned by the fact that these world-ending narratives are almost entirely absent in the Japanese public debates. While challenges of Trumpism are rightly recognized in Japan, they are discussed in the manner of business-as-usual: how to constrain the unilateral ambition of the hegemonic American partner, which has been an enduring theme defining Japanese foreign and economic policy over the last seven decades. This short article briefly introduces a select number of Japanese perspectives on the ongoing transformation of the international order and explains why Japanese leaders are coping with the contemporary challenges in a relatively more sober manner.
Liberalism as a faith
To begin with, Westerners cannot keep calm in the face of the mounting challenges to the liberal order because liberalism has become an absolute faith for many of them, or at least for the mainstream leaders and intellectuals. Take the example of the European Union (EU). Ken Endo, Professor at Hokkaido University and Japan’s leading expert on European integration, points out the pathology of EU seizensetsu [EU-goodism] in his award-winning book Tougou no shuen [The End of Integration] – a blinding tendency to uncritically celebrate the EU as an absolute good . Anybody who questions the integrity of the holy Union is treated as a mad man, as if the EU is some kind of sacred church. From a Japanese point of view, this is a déjà-vu. When secularism emerged in Europe, religious elites of the time tirelessly disseminated apocalyptic narratives of the “value-based” Christian transcontinental order besieged by “secular extremists,” “bulger nationalists,” and “uneducated peasants.” When the mass was uprising against the Christian union in Western Europe, religious elites blamed “puppets of Satan” for spreading disinformation, dividing societies, manipulating people’s fear, and undermining their “fundamental” and “universal” values. While occidental leaders of the medieval age saw a shadow hand of Satan in every secular uprising, Western leaders of our time see a shadow hand of Vladimir Putin in every popular resistance. Japanese leaders rarely see the world in such a theological picture since they do not have an absolute faith in liberalism: for them, liberalism is not the final Destiny.
In this vein, a growing number of Japanese intellectuals argue that liberalism has somehow become a godless religion in the Western world . This is a main theme explored by Mao Yamaguchi, a Harvard-educated young Japanese lawyer, who recently released her new book Riberarizumu toiu yamai [The Sickness of Liberalism] . From an outsider perspective, Western liberals appear to be treating conservatives in the same way Europe’s medieval religionists treated non-believers. In the American political arena, mainstream liberals treat Trumpians in a very illiberal way, constantly derogating them into subhuman psychopath, or worse, a “deplorable” disease to be eliminated for the sake of a “brighter” future. While conservative thinkers in the West skillfully amplify popular resentments to mobilize resistance, Western liberals are also driven by the naked hatred towards those who disagree with their moral convictions.
From a Japanese point of view, this rage of hatred against hatred only reminds us of Western religious wars where there was no holy side. Hidetsugu Yagi, human rights scholar and Professor at Reitaku University, once rightly pointed out in his Han jinken sengen [Anti-Human Rights Declaration]  that, while Western liberals preach the respect for “all,” they show no respect for non-liberal states and citizens. The absolutist doctrine of human-rightism is used and abused to silence those who do not endorse liberal worldviews, paradoxically undermining the most essential foundation of the liberal world order – the freedom of thought. In light of this, Yagi maintained that religious fundamentalists, Soviet revolutionaries, and liberal internationalists share one thing in common: the attitude to dismiss their opponents as “unenlightened” peasants acting “against their own interests.”
The crises of philosophy
While Western liberals talk of the crisis of liberalism, Japanese thinkers distinguish the crisis of the liberal philosophy from the crisis of liberal elites. A few centuries ago, Japanese samurais understood the crisis of the Christian world order not very much as the crisis of Christianity, but more accurately as the crisis of occidental Christian elites. Today, Japanese leaders understand the crisis of the liberal world order not very much as the crisis of liberalism, but more accurately as the crisis of Western liberal elites. The problem may not be liberalism per sei, but instead the quasi-religious zeal of contemporary Western liberals who want to paint everything in the color of liberalism. A similar line of reasoning is put forth by Tatsuo Inoue, prominent Japanese liberal philosopher and Professor at the University of Tokyoi in his award-winning book Riberaru no koto ha kirai demo riberarisumu ha kirai ni naranaide kudasai, or, as the title of the book suggests, “You May Hate Liberals But Please Do Not Hate Liberalism“ .
While liberals often condemn conservatives for blindly following their inflexible conservative convictions, liberals also blindly follow their own. For instance, Inoue’s new book Ziyu no chitsujo [Order of Freedom] fiercely criticizes the illiberal tendency of the EU to present itself as the only game in town, as if the European integration is driven by the “iron law of history” from which no deviation shall be permitted . This fatalistic and teleological worldview appears pathologically similar to that of Marxism-Lenism, which envisioned the coming of a singular “objective” future organized by the “fundamental” and “universal” values of socialist cosmopolitanism. As British scholar E.H. Carr once famously wrote in his book The Soviet Impact On The Western World, “The first Bolsheviks remained impenitent westerners: for them Russia was a backward country to be regenerated by revolutionary doctrines derived from the west. The early Bolsheviks were also whole-hearted internationalists who believed that the ‘workers had no country’ and regarded the Russian revolution merely as pan of a European or world-wide revolution.”  In the face of the Soviet cosmopolitan project, Western liberals repeatedly taught Japanese leaders that any utopian project which curtails opposition would eventually end up turning itself into a totalitarian system of suffocating political correctness. As Japanese liberals like Inoue point out, it is truly ironic that Western liberals seem to be following this dangerous path of a messianic quest for the singular Truth.
Through centuries of interaction with the West, Japanese observers have learned that Westerners are brilliantly good at developing enlightening philosophies yet they are remarkably bad at practicing them in an enlightening way. Soviet Communism is the latest of the failed Western enlightenment projects in this regard. Initially developed as the embodiment of the freedom of choice, liberalism once signified the rejection of absolutes. Nowadays, contemporary liberals act as if liberalism is an absolute faith – the standard of “politically correct” conduct which must be embraced by any “sane” human. If the moral appeal of liberalism appears to be in a sky-fall, it is not because the liberal philosophy is unattractive, but because this otherwise-inspiring philosophy is practiced in an awfully illiberal way lacking tolerance, compromise, compassion, and flexibility. After all, most Japanese leaders can keep calm in this apparent “crisis” of the liberal world order because they predominantly understand liberalism as practical guidelines to organize politics, not as holy doctrines to be fanatically imposed at all cost. Put differently, liberalism is one among many competing values defining the Japanese political arena, whose uniqueness lies in its organic fusion of Western and traditional Japanese ideas. As long as Western liberals want to seek a homogenous world of an unchallenged liberal morality, they shall find no peace in this messy world of pluralistic realities. After all, the essence of liberal governance lies in the promotion of competition, including democratic governance (political competition), market economy (economic competition), and the rule of law (competing claims put forth by prosecutors and defenders). Then, it is truly paradoxical that Western liberals are acting as if there should be no challenge to liberalism.
First published in our partner RIAC
- 1. See, for example, Ikenberry, G. J. (2018). The end of liberal international order?. International Affairs 94(1): 7-23.
- 2. Endo, K. (2013). Tougou no shuen [The End of Integration]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Endo maintains that many of the core principles of the EU are in fact derived from Christian principles of governance. For instance, he points out that the EU’s principle of subsidiarity is basically a copy of the Protestant principle of subsidiarity which advocated the decentralization of decision-making in Protestant communities.
- 3. Financial Times reporter Eduard Luce’s The Retreat of Western Liberalism makes the exactly same claim. See Luce, E. (2017). The Retreat of Western Liberalism. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press.
- 4. Yamaguchi, M. (2017). Riberarizumu toiu yamai [The Sickness of Liberalism]. Tokyo: Shinchosha.
- 5. Yagi, H. (2001). Han jinken sengen [Anti-Human Rights Declaration]. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo.
- 6. Inoue, T. (2015). Riberaru no koto ha kirai demo riberarisumu ha kirai ni naranaide kudasai [You May Hate Liberals But Please Do Not Hate Liberalism]. Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbun Shuppan.
- 7. Inoue, T. (2017). Ziyu no chitsujo: Riberarizumu no houtetsugaku kougi [Order of Freedom: Lectures on Liberal Legal Philosophy]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.
- 8. Carr, E. H. (1947). The Soviet Impact On The Western World. New York : Macmillan, p. 105.
Rebuilding the World Order
Many in the West believe China’s economic ascendancy indicates that Beijing is covertly working to usher in a new world order in which the balance of power has shifted.
History shows that changes in the world order are inevitable, but they are not happening as quickly as some analysts think. For example, the rise of the US to the world’s primary geopolitical position took nearly half a century, from the late 19th to the mid-20th century. France’s rise to domination over western Europe in the 17th century was also a long and arduous process.
In these as well as many other cases from ancient and medieval times, the rise of a new power was facilitated by stagnation, gradual decline, and military confrontation among the various existing powers.
For instance, the US was already powerful in the early 20th century, but it was the infighting during the two world wars among the European powers that brought down the edifice of the Europe-led world order and opened a path for American ascendancy.
But while it is possible to identify the changing winds of the world order through various analytical methods, it is much harder to find ways to preserve an existing order. It requires a whole constellation of leaders from competing sides to grasp the severity of the threat posed by radical change and to pursue measures together to cool down tensions.
The key question that needs to be addressed is whether the West still possesses the necessary political, economic, and military tools to uphold the existing world order and not allow it to slip into chaos, as the world’s leaders mistakenly did in the first half of the 20th century.
The successful preservation of an existing world order is a rare event in history. Following the Congress of Vienna in 1814-15, European leaders gathered to build a long-lasting peace. They saw that the French power, though soundly defeated under Napoleon I, needed to be accommodated within the new fabric of the European geopolitical order. This meant not only inviting French representatives to conferences, but offering military and economic cooperation as well as concessions to the French to limit their political grievances.
In other words, European diplomats had an acute understanding of post-French Revolution geopolitics and understood the need to build a long-lasting security architecture through balance of power.
But such approaches are unusual. Perhaps the shock of the bloody Napoleonic Wars, as well as the presence of such brilliant diplomats such as Metternich, Talleyrand, Castlereagh, and Alexander I, assured the success of the new order.
It is far more common that challenges to the world order lead to direct military confrontation. Failure to accommodate Germany in the early 20th century led in part to WWI, and the errant diplomacy of the Treaty of Versailles led in part to WWII. The list goes on.
China’s rise to power is another case for study. The country is poised to become a powerful player in international politics thanks to its economic rise and concurrent military development. Beijing has strategic imperatives that clash with those of the US. It needs to secure procurement of oil and gas resources, which are currently most readily available through the Strait of Malacca. In an age of US naval dominance, the Chinese imperative is to redirect its economy’s dependence, as well as its supply routes, elsewhere.
That is the central motivation behind the almost trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative, which is intended to reconnect the Asia-Pacific with Europe through Russia, the Middle East, and Central Asia. At the same time, Beijing has a growing ambition to thwart US naval dominance off Chinese shores.
In view of these factors, mutual suspicion between Beijing and Washington is bound to increase over the next years and decades.
Thus, we find ourselves within a changing world order. What is interesting is what the US (or the West collectively) can do to salvage the existing order.
From the US side, a strengthening of existing US-led alliance systems with Middle Eastern and Asia-Pacific states could help to retain American influence in Eurasia. Specifically, it would enable the US to limit Russia’s, Iran’s, and possibly China’s actions in their respective neighborhoods.
Another powerful measure to solidify the existing world order would be to increase Washington’s economic footprint across Eurasia. This could be similar to the Marshall Plan, with which the US saved Europe economically and attached it to the US economy. New economic measures could be even more efficient and long-lasting in terms of strengthening Western influence across Eurasia.
But no matter what economic and military moves the US makes with regard to allies such as South Korea, Japan, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and others, any attempt to uphold the existing world order without China’s cooperation would be short-lived and would echo the way Germany was cast out of the Versailles negotiations, which served only to create a grievance in Berlin and prompt clandestine preparations for a new conflict. In a way, the West’s current problems with Russia can also be explained this way: Moscow was cast out of the post-Cold War order, which caused worry and a degree of revanchism among the Russian elites.
Without China’s inclusion in the world order, no feasible security conditions can be laid out. To be preserved, the world order must be adjusted to rising challenges and new opportunities. Many Western diplomats are uncomfortable dealing with China, but casting Beijing in the role of direct competitor would not solve the problem, nor would giving it large concessions, which would be too risky.
What is required is a middle road, a means of allowing China to participate in an adjusted world order in which some of its interests are secured. Only that will increase the chances for long-lasting security in Eurasia.
Pulling this off will require an incredible effort from Western and Chinese diplomats. It remains to be seen whether they will be more successful than their predecessors were in the early 20th century and other periods of history.
Author’s note: first published in Georgia today
The Spirit of the Olympic Games and the Rise of China
It is fair to say that no country like China has so seriously connected its national rejuvenation to the Olympic Games for one century. It is also rare that the top leader of a major power like Chinese President Xi Jinping has paid earnest attention to the preparations for the Olympics from the very beginning in 2017. It is reported that over the five years, Xi has made five inspection tours to the sports venues. During his latest tour to the sports villages on January 4, he led his entourage to the Winter Games facilities as the opening ceremony is in one month away. During this field trip, Xi called for efforts to ensure the success of the Beijing 2022 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games in line with what China has promised for the world to host “a green, inclusive, open and corruption-free Winter Olympic Games.”
Historically speaking, China is home to a great and ancient civilization. But as a political entity in modern era, it is a newer player since it was forged after the demise of the Qing Empire in 1912. Since then, the great (and largely successful) quest of China during the following century has been committed to transforming the large country to one strong power and a respected nation-state in the world order. Coincidently, as historian William Kirby put it, the struggle for the rise of China was always linked with the rise of the modern Olympic movement and the growth of spectator sports as an international cultural scenario. To make this long history into a short story, this paper tries to explore the salient legacy of the International Olympic Games in China and its impact on the growth of Chinese nationalism during the 20th century until now.
In a review of the creation of modern China, sports have unusually played a role that has grown in dimensions. For instance, the Olympic Games have aspired the drowsy Chinese to rethink and reinforce new national identities. In 1927 when the Nationalist (KMT) elite took power in China, its early plans for the new capital city of Nanjing included an Olympic-scale stadium. Later, it sent China’s first athlete team to the Olympic Games in 1932 and 1936 for international legitimacy. But China’s inferior power and public poor health only drew international contempt and defeats. Echoing Chinese low-status of the day, Mao Zedong, who later became the leading founder of the People’s Republic of China, warned his contemporaries that “China is being drained of strength. Public interest in martial arts is flagging. The people’s health is declining with each passing day. One day our country will become even weaker if things are allowed to go unchanged for long.” Mao’s words serve us to understand that since the early 20th century, why Chinese political elite are convinced of the merits of the sports in general and the Olympic Games in particular because they would benefit public health domestically and enhance China’s image internationally.
However, it is since the foundation of the PRC that has fundamentally heralded an era of mass participation and public consumption in China as elsewhere of sporting competitions. Since the 1980s when China first participated in the Olympic Games in Los Angeles and then in Seoul, it has been involved in the IO games because sports, and the Olympics in particular, show well how nationalism and internationalism come together in China. It is self-evident that Chinese participation and interest in modern sports are largely driven by nationalism and, through taking part in world competitions, China has engaged the international community. Now Beijing is set to become the first city in the world to have hosted the summer in 2008 and soon to host the Winter Olympic Games in 2022. It is proud to say that hosting a successful Winter Olympic Games is a solemn commitment China has made to the international society. As the Olympic Games are around the corner, China’s preparation for the Games has attracted the global attention.
Now the inquiries go to what are expected for China to attain during the 2022 Olympics given that it is not only the second largest economy in the world but also a rising military power? Looking into the legacy of the Olympic Games in China and Chinese aspiration for their historical mission since the early 20th century, we can possibly suppose three results expected.
First, China aims to rebuild an image of a responsible power in light of multilateralism. With the world still battling the COVID-19 pandemic and the climate crisis, compassion, solidarity, and friendship among nations have never been more critical. As UN head Antonio Guterres, who has accepted an invitation to attend the Beijing Winter Games, has said, “The Olympic spirit brings out humanity’s best: teamwork and solidarity plus talent and tolerance.” Echoing this call, the games organizing committee has vowed to use latest technology in Beijing’s Main Media Center which is the temporary home and office of some 3,000 journalists from more than 100 countries and regions and 12,000 broadcasters from over 200 networks. Moreover, armies of robots will help to provide a wide range of services, working as guides and doing things from those related to COVID-19 prevention and control, to food delivery and food preparation. Since the Olympic spirit of unity, friendship and peace is deeply rooted in China, sports are supposed to promote the mutual amity and respect among the athletes from diverse nations and cultures.
Second, the CPC elite aims to present a healthy and happy China to the world which has been sieged by the multiple complex challenges over the past decade. It is estimated that about 300 million Chinese will be inspired to participate in winter sports through hosting the Olympic Games. In addition, it will not only contribute substantially to the Olympic cause, but also foster domestic public engagement in sports. By hosting the summer and winter Olympic Games, Beijing and elsewhere in China will make full use of the sports venues for ordinary Chinese as they see the sports to promote the public health, to stimulate social-economic growth and to revitalize the cultural legacy of China since it has long regarded physical fitness as an essential national trait.
Third, China, both the leading elite and the led mass, has attest to the contribution of sport for sustainable economic and social development. The 2008 Olympic Games are a prime example of how the games can affect society, triggering action by the government to improve the lives of people with disabilities and protect their rights as equal members of society, along with nationwide investments in sustainable transport, public health, and renewable energy–all important legacies enjoyed by Chinese people today. Indeed, the UN Environment Program’s office in China has provided technical support and advice on the development of national policy initiatives in support of preparations for a green and sustainable Games. In this context, delivery of a Beijing Winter Olympics and Paralympics can be again a beacon of hope, demonstrating the value of unity, resilience and international cooperation in overcoming today’s pandemic.
In sum, this discussion on “The Olympic Games and the Rise of China” will be incomplete if it does not mention the personal ties between Chinese President Xi and the 2022 Olympic Games in Beijing where they are scheduled from February 4 to 13. From bidding for the Games to the extensive preparations, he has played a leading role and vowed to present a “fantastic, extraordinary and excellent” Games to the world. An avid sports fan, Xi sees sports as a driving force for improving people’s health, an engine to stimulate social-economic growth and a showcase to project China’s cultural legacy. As a statesman, President Xi has encourage Chinese athletes to strive for excellence at the upcoming Games while vowing to deepen international cooperation for a brighter future with people of all countries: that is, harnessing the power of the Olympic spirit to promote a community of shared future for mankind.
The role of CPC in supporting leadership schools in democratic countries
The Department of International Communication is officially under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China “CPC”, known by its former name (International Department “ID” or External Department).
It has played a major role in introducing the policies of China and its ruling Communist Party, since the establishment of the External Department of Political Liaison of the Party in 1951, especially those its contacts and communications with (communist and leftist orientations, as well as all other intellectual and ideological currents, in addition to its keenness to communicate with international think tanks and research, and the most prominent academics around the world).
Through my academic experience, academic and research closeness by virtue of my specialization and my in-depth study in the politics of the Communist Party of China, I have been able to analytically approach all departments and committees of the ruling Communist Party and its local grassroots branches in all regions, provinces and autonomous regions of mainly ethnic nationalities in China, in addition to my PhD thesis has focused on tracking and analyzing all policies related to the Communist Party of China, especially the internal ones, which gave me the opportunity to get acquainted with the most prominent comrades in the ruling Communist Party in China and all the visions of the members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and its political office, and my attempt to extensively and permanently review a number of (Documents issued by the archives of the Communist Party Library and its main sessions. Perhaps I had the luck to see old and rare archival documents dating back to the 1950s, and I was fortunate to be close to all international intellectual and research projects aimed at studying the history of the Communist Party of China, its main stations, and the main difficulties and challenges. and patterns of relationship with the powers of the West).
– Based on my academic and analytical understanding of the most prominent roles of the “External Department of Political Communication of the Communist Party of China”, as an academic and expert specialized in Chinese political affairs, I was able to track and monitor the most prominent main roles of the “International Political Liaison Committee of the Communist Party of China”, and its relations and contacts in the past and present, given the importance of the work of tthis international committee in conducting the basic planning and policies of the Communist Party, as the following:
My research and academic exposure, as an expert in Chinese political affairs, came to the most prominent policies of the ruling Communist Party in China and its internal and then external relations through the Foreign Department of the Central Committee, with referring to many (recordings and jottings archives for all of the memories and documents during the Cold War era), and the most prominent rare communist documents that I dealt with, which enabled me academically to study, research, and become familiar with that era that is absent from the minds of new generations, especially my fellow young researchers and academics to study the role of the Communist Party of China and its relevant committee. Through external contacts with the world, in support of the (national liberation movements in Africa and the world during the fifties and sixties), and even an extensive personal and academic acquaintance with the most prominent aspects of the old relations between (the Nasserist era in the history of Egypt for the late Egyptian leader “Gamal Abdel Nasser” and the late Chinese leader, comrade “Zhou Anlai”).
My academic focus on the content of the work of the “External Department of Political Communication of the ruling Communist Party in China” was a pivotal factor in understanding China’s extended relations during ancient periods, and perhaps my study of that ancient era in which the complex conditions of my study led me to reach some new academic and analytica results, and the most important for me personally, was my ability to (rewrite and review the era of the late Egyptian President “Nasser” and the Free Officers in the history of Egypt and the main contacts of the leader “Gamal Abdel Nasser” with China).
As a researcher and academic concerned with Chinese affairs and the policies of the ruling Communist Party, I was able to understand some ancient eras, due to tracking the work and monitoring of the roles of the “International Liaison Committee of the Communist Party”, especially after looking at an old archive of the “Cold War Project”, which I got close to historically and archivally. As an integrated international academic work, I approached its researchers, to understand how the old leaders of the Communist Party of China think during the (period of international liberation movements from Western colonialism) and compare them with the current communist leaders, and try to understand all Western theories that provided different and varied interpretations to understand the mechanism of thinking and formation of the Communist Party of China.
Perhaps the new and very rare matter in research and analysis, which occupied my mind and analysis for a long time, because there were no serious studies about it in the first place, is (an academic research and analysis on the extent of the aspects of the relationship between the external department of the international communication of the Communist Party of China and the Department of Tourism of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, during the era of the fifties in introducing China’s policies globally), especially in front of foreigners and visitors, given that the establishment of an independent department for tourism in China within the Chinese Foreign Ministry in the fifties, which made me pause for a long time to understand: the extent of the relationship between the (Department of Tourism and the International Liaison Committees) of the Communist Party of China, given that they basically mean to improve China’s image internationally and to understand, explain and interpret its policies around the world?
In my personal and academic analytical opinion, it’s not possible to understand all those historical epochs and stages of the Communist Party of China, without a (precise analytical understanding of the working mechanism of the Committee for Communication and External Action of the Communist Party of China), which is entrusted with communicating primarily with the outside world and other parties in the world since the history of its establishment and establishment in the early fifties of the last century.
In general, the “International Liaison Committee of the CPC Central Committee” aims to explain and clarify the policies of the Communist Party of China in the first place, define its achievements and clarify its most important roles internally and externally, and most importantly to respond to those American and Western accusations, and the “CPC” leaders always emphasize that “China is not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries to spread a certain style or ideology or to export the Chinese model of the Communist Party globally”. The Committee for “Liaison and Communication with the Outside World” of the Communist Party of China has also succeeded in (supporting many leadership schools in a number of African democratic countries, and providing educational programs created by the Communist Party of China).
The International Liaison Committee of the Central Committee of the ruling Communist Party of China was able to highlight many of China’s global development efforts for leaders of foreign political parties and to remove confusion and ambiguity about policies related to China and its ruling Communist Party with the constant emphasis of the Chinese leadership on the keenness of the Chinese leadership of the Secretary-General of the Communist Party of China, Comrade “Xi Jinping”, to adopt many of the most profitable and beneficial development initiatives for the world, especially for the marginalized, the poor and developing countries, such as: (Belt and Road Initiative, Dialogue among Civilizations, Exchange and Civilized Cooperation among all, the common destiny of humanity, win-win principle, mutual benefits, pursuit of development and cooperation, South-South cooperation, dialogue and narrowing the gap between North and South), and the other Chinese global development initiatives.
It is noted here that (the international or external section of the Communist Party of China), has no reservations about any trend, type, or intellectual or ideological current adopted by any of those foreign political parties that deal with it around the world, given that the leaders of the Communist Party of China can deal with all of the (right-wing parties, left-wing parties, and with all other parties of different orientations and intellectual and ideological currents).
Many of the tasks of the “CPC Foreign Department” have been carried out online during the period of the Coronavirus pandemic or “Covid-19”, with the aim of introducing the world to China’s achievements in eliminating the pandemic, and how to overcome challenges and learn from the Chinese experience, according to the principle of “common destiny for humanity”.
Here, I can present statistics to understand the most important actual activities of the CPC Foreign Committee. We can identify here that (the CPC Foreign Department or Foreign Liaison Department) has succeeded in (communicating with more than 600 political organizations in more than 160 countries in the world), and these external contacts have increased during the same year of appointing the Comrade “Xi Jinping” in reign. The number and percentage of high-level party meetings between (the external department of the Communist Party with all foreign political parties increased by more than 50% between 2012 and 2017, until the total of those meetings reached more than 230 annual meetings).
Some academics in the West have described the activities of the CPC’s Foreign Department as being similar to the “New Comintern”, that is meaning, the formation of an institutionalized communist regime led by China, which is (similar to the old international communist movement), led by the former Soviet Union before its disintegration.
From my analytical and academic point of view, it is noted that (there is a fundamental difference between the communist system of China compared to other political systems such as Western democracy), China does not preach or advocate the adoption of communism, and its only goal is to prove that countries can become richer without being Democracy in the literal sense that some are trying to export to us, and this message is receptive to politicians who see that the checks and balances of democracy in the same Western liberal concept are disturbing, with their call to change regimes according to the dictates and conditions of the West.
The Chinese President, Comrade “Xi Jinping”, played a major role through his presence and activities within the CPC’s external communication and work committees with the world before he took power in the first place, and head of the “Central Institute for the Qualification of Communist Party of China Leaders”, from which he was rehabilitated and nominated to become the country’s president in 2013.
After Comrade “Xi Jinping” assumed power in China in 2013, he was more confident in the ideas of the Communist Party and the consolidation of its ideology among everyone, especially among the youth and training young people on party principles for the advancement of the Chinese nation. Hence, the Communist Party only started working on increasing its influence on private sector companies in a more specific and accurate way in a strategy known as: (the party building strategy that baptizes everyone), meaning: forming party committees in all Chinese companies, including those belonging to the private sector or to individuals, so that it can be considered whether the company’s decisions are in line with the policies of the government and the “CPC” or not?
The late founder of modern Singapore “Lee Kuan Yew”, described, in an interview with American foreign policy experts “Graham Allison & Robert Blackwill”, in 2012, before Comrade “Xi Jinping” took office, saying that:
“Xi Jinping has iron in his soul more than former President “Hu Jintao”, who came to power without going through the trials and tribulations of “Xi Jinping”. In the sense of referring to the long experience of Comrade “Xi”, given his presence and passing through all party positions in the “CPC” and his deep belief in his ideas and spreading the spirit and ideas of the importance of ideological education sound of Chinese youth and children, with the aim of consolidating the ideological ideas of the CPC within them through schools and various Chinese and local media)
The role and spread of many (Party committees within all sectors of Chinese society during the era of Comrade “Xi”, with the aim of collectively uniting with the policies and leaders of the Communist Party of China), and we can understand the request of the Chinese President, Comrade “Xi Jinping” from the private sector to (Unite around the Communist Party, its policies and leaders to jointly advance the Chinese state), and accordingly, “Yi Qing”, as the responsible for China Federation of Industry and Commerce has ordered to open (party committees supervised by the Communist Party to apply the state policies and laws and their interconnection together to defend the interests of the Chinese nation, especially abroad).
Based on the immediately preceding point, we can notify that “Yi Qing”, as a senior official of the China Federation of Industry and Commerce, called on all companies and private sectors to establish (human resources departments led by the Communist Party of China and its internal committees, with the formation of monitoring units that allow the Communist Party committees to scrutinize company managers) and knowing the depth of their (commitment to the collective policies of the party and the state before the world). I can note and analyze that all of these measures have extended and included mainly all large Chinese companies and groups in particular, given the diminished role of smaller companies in positively influencing the dissemination of the policies and ideas of the Communist Party abroad decisively compared to those of their counterpart companies with space, business volume and investments larger than them in general China.
I can observe and analyze one of the main activities of the “CPC” Foreign Department during the era of Comrade “Xi Jinping” in organizing training courses for foreign political parties, especially those in developing countries, with the purpose of (understanding and highlighting mainly the policies of the strong central leadership of the Communist ruler Party in China).
Here we can analyze the statement of the Head of the Foreign Department of the Communist Party of China, whose name is “Song Tao”, in an online briefing to party leaders from 36 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, with the assertion of “Song Tao”, that:
“The achievements of the Communist Party of China in pushing the wheel of comprehensive development has proven the wisdom of the five-year plans adopted and defended by the Communist Party of China to advance the sectors of Chinese society in all fields”
In his capacity as responsible for all the activities of the Party’s foreign committees and effectively communicating with the outside world, we can find out that “Song Tao” has emphasized that:
“The Chinese regime and its Communist Party can be an important reference for its listeners to learn and benefit from its achievements and successes, how to overcome its failures and any negatives or challenges it faces. Because it turns out that collectively believing in the goal in China by sticking to the leadership of the Communist Party and rallying around it, and will put all those plans and measures on the right track”
On this occasion, a general conference was held in Beijing at the end of 2017, which was joined by (leaders and members of political parties from 120 countries around the world, members of the Democratic and Republican parties at the USA has been attended, despite their public criticism of the policies of the Communist Party of China). Chinese President Comrade “Xi Jinping” also delivered the keynote speech, and many participants signed the statement (Beijing Initiative), praising all the policies of the Communist Party of China and Comrade President “Xi Jinping” in the world.
One of the most prominent roles and works of the (Committee for the Outer World of the Communist Party of China) was to explain, publish and review the book of Chinese President Comrade “Xi Jinping”, known internationally as “The Complete Works of President “Xi Jinping”: On Governance and Administration”, which is consists of three parts to explain the view of Chinese President Comrade “Xi” on the methods and arts of government in China and his view of the world through it.
The foreign committee committees of the Communist Party has organized (several training courses and international classes to explain the ideas of the Chinese President Comrade “Xi Jinping’s book” on the methods and systems of Chinese rule). The most remarkable thing to me is the keenness of a number of African leaders and officials from the ruling parties in countries, such as: (Angola, Congo Brazzaville, Ghana, Mozambique, Panama, and Venezuela) to attend classes and training courses organized by the “Foreign Work Committee” of the Communist Party of China to introduce and explain the ideas of Comrade “Xi Jinping” on the (philosophy of governance and administration in China), with the aim of benefiting from the Chinese experience and the experience of Chinese President Comrade “Xi Jinping” in managing the Chinese state’s policies internally and externally around the world, and understanding and explaining the reason for the success of the Chinese experience and its global development initiatives, such as the “Chinese Belt and Road Initiative”, and others.
There are many official websites in China that promote and explain all (the ideas and policies of the Communist Party of China, and how to strengthen these efforts by communicating with the international community and all political parties around the world, including those parties and countries with a different democratic and liberal ideological vision), and that is a clear sign – according to my own analysis and understanding as an Egyptian researcher in Chinese Politics – to open up the Communist Party of China, and its great willingness to cooperate with everyone and all partners and other parties around the world, including those who differ with it ideologically and ideologically.
Here, we can identify that the (External Department of the Foreign Political Communication of the ruling Communist Party of China with the world) also laid the foundation stone for building ideological schools for the ideas and policies of the Communist Party of China, most notably the opening of (The Ideological School of the Communist Party of China in Tanzania in 2018), and this Tanzanian school is funded Completely from China and the CPC Foreign Liaison Committee, the opening ceremony of the Ideological School in Tanzania was attended by “Mr.Song Tao”, in his capacity as an official and main representative of the Communist Party of the Chinese state, and as the official head and representative of the CPC External Liaison Committee, as well as the presence and participation of many Among the African officials in the opening of the communist ideological school in Tanzania, as representatives of a number of African parties ruling several African countries friendly to China, such as: (South Africa, Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, and Zimbabwe).
The new thing that stopped me in studying and analyzing here, is that a number of African countries that are internationally classified as democratic countries, such as: (Ghana, Kkenya and South Africa), the Foreign Department of the Communist Party of China sponsored several visits by delegations from those democratic parties. To China, in the presence of the leaders of African democratic ruling parties, with the aim of (studying the form and construction of parties, governance and all policies related to China and its Communist Party).
Most notably, the “New National Party of Ghana”, which is currently the ruling party in Ghana, asked for many trainings from the Communist Party of China and its Committee and External Communication Department, in order to (enhance skills Ideology of Ghanaian New National Party Members).
We can notify that the (formerly ruling Democratic National Congress of Ghana) sent dozens of its employees to China to receive and learn such training, and the (Ghana Democratic National Congress) also opened a leadership school in the Ghanaian capital that provides educational programs and materials created by the Chinese Communist Party. It aims to spread its ideas and adopt its policies among the members, despite the different and different ideological views of the Ghanaian party.
We conclude through our analysis of the most prominent roles of the International Liaison Committee of the Central Committee of the ruling Communist Party in China, that it is (the eye through which the world and its political parties see China and its ruling Communist Party). Here, the importance of the document issued by the “Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China” on August 16, 2021, entitled: “The Chinese Communist Party: Its Mission and Contributions”, comes in emphasizing the importance of the “Chinese people” themselves at the heart of the “people’s government and the people’s army”. In order to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, which is already confirmed by all the documents of the International Liaison Committee of the ruling Communist Party, on the role of the ruling Communist Party and its main committees in discussing all issues of concern to the Chinese people, such as: (five-year plan, drafting reports submitted by the Secretary-General of the Communist Party of China to the National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and the plenary sessions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China), all of which aim to affirm the advancement of the Chinese nation and the Chinese people before the world, and the role of the ruling Communist Party in achieving this.
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