Connect with us

South Asia

A Golden Cage of Repression: The Paradoxical Outcome of Afghan Women’s ‘Liberation’

Published

on

Following the September 11 terror attack, the term ‘freedom’ acquired fresh momentum in the global North. However, it captivated America’s national security dialogue in particular. Under the rhetoric of ‘freedom’, the hegemonic masculine American military grew obsessed with protecting the burqa-clad female ‘victims trapped in Afghanistan’. The neo-colonial presumption that Afghani women could be emancipated through American intervention in Afghanistan proved to be unsurprisingly problematic. Evidence has indicated that the insecurity of women exacerbated since the inception of the ‘war on terror’. Numerous women in Afghanistan were displaced during the conflict (and remain soto this day).They continue to endure an unstable economic, political, and social order. Those who fled to neighbouring countries, primarily to Pakistan and Iran as reported by Amnesty International in 2015,were subject to physical and sexual abuse and had restricted access tobasic facilities (i.e. education, healthcare, sanitation etc.) that are imperative to pursuing a decent standard of living. This represents an explicit failure in the American quest for advancing ‘women’s rights.’

The American invasion of Afghanistan governed (in part) by a pseudo-focus on advancing women’s rights was further accentuated in Laura Bush’s speech in 2001. This widespread American liberal feminist thought addressed violence against Afghani women as an outcome of the ideologies imposed by the Taliban male ‘Other’. However, it is this very perspective, representing women from another culture as gendered ‘victims’, that one should be careful of advocating. The tendency to homogenise the experiences of all Muslim women is a rampant limitation of most Western feminist practice, subsequently paving the path to epistemic violence. In addition to cultural/religious insensitivity, their inherent hypocrisy is made apparent when ‘liberation’, which in essence seeks to promote ‘freedom of choice’, equates notions of oppression to various veiling practices widespread in the Afghani culture. The oversimplification of a complex issue in relation to adiverse female population (comprising of cultural, geographical and/or religious identities) enforces elements of neo-colonial violence, thus robbing Afghani women of their agency regarding clothing choices.

With particular focus on Afghanistan, Wylie has demonstrated the importance and implications of focusing on cultural accounts, deep-seated in the history of a nation, in order to understand the foundation of gender order. Utilising the complex historical climate of Afghanistan, one which comprises the decades-long influence of a conservative culture together with the current conflict worsened through foreign funding and support, Wylie has argued that overthrowing the Taliban rule after 9/11andreplacing another government regime would inevitably propose challenges regarding the advancement of ‘(liberal) women’s rights’ constructed by those outside Afghanistan. Counter-productivity concerning the promotion of women’s rights in society or abolishing violence against women altogether is essentially an outcome of their (liberal feminists) failure to formulate strategies that compliment traditional Afghani practices. Hence, we should strive to understand the root causes of injustice apparent in a nation and then, tailor a culturally sensitive approach to combat violence. Otherwise insecurity will continue to prevail, as exhibited in the ‘war on terror.’

Lastly, the voices of those women who have personally encountered the three-fold processes (epistemic, physical, and structural) of violence during the ‘war on terror’ is absent from the discourse. Alack of anecdotes pertaining to an Afghani woman’s cry for help when an invasion in their name is being pursued is rather puzzling. The imposition of such paternalistic belief masked under the rhetoric of freedom has left women voiceless and their agency stripped. It is imperative to note that Afghani women are aware of the obstacles they face to economic, political, and social progress. Their exclusion in the rights debate while being de facto held captive by the daily cycle of violence perpetuated by both the domestic and international community is a key reason as to why insecurity amongst Afghani women is still rampant. This encompasses key implications for academics, policy makers, and the general global arena who provide blind support to those keen to advance the women’s rights discourse but do so clumsily so that no real participation investment is available to actual Afghani women. As long as this remains the case, as long as Afghani women are being patronized in a manner that does not allow them true freedom over their own social rights’ discourse, then it seems unlikely that great progress can be achieved in Afghanistan when it comes to gender equality, gender freedom, and gender security.

It is an undeniable fact that the forceful imposition of American ideals of ‘liberation’ on Afghani women has facilitated an escalation in the three-fold processes of violence. The consequences of military invasion supported by the American government should have been closely observed when it came to the social, political, and development situation for local women. Developing culturally sensitive strategies which address gender order grounded in the historical complexities of a country really needs to be paramount. Without this grounding any force-adoptive strategies placed from above have a small likelihood of lasting once the invading forces withdraw. Lastly, one cannot stress enough on the significance of incorporating indigenous women’s voices explicitly in gender rights discourse. This is a primary step which can enable women (and men) to disrupt the cycle of violence and consequently transfer agency back to the women of Afghanistan (or any other country for that matter). Failure to do so means Western countries will be basically inserting another form of repressive patriarchy in place of the Taliban version. It does not matter that the former is meant to be done with the best of intentions and with improved welfare for local women in mind. Preventing Afghani women from first achieving and then exercising true agency is creating a golden cage. Unfortunately, a cage is still a cage no matter how much it may sparkle compared to the previous one.

Bibliography

  • Amnesty International (2015). Global Refugee Crisis – by the numbers. Available: https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2015/10/global-refugee-crisis-by-the-numbers/[Accessed 3rd November, 2015].
  • Husain, M. E., & Ayotte, K. J. (2005). Securing Afghan women: Neocolonialism, epistemic violence, and the rhetoric of the veil. NWSA journal, 17(3),pp. 112-133.
  • Wylie, G. (2003). Women’s Rights and Righteous War ‘An Argument for Women’s Autonomy in Afghanistan. Feminist Theory, 4(2), pp. 217-223.

Ammna Nasser is a postgraduate of King's College London's internationally-renowned Department of War Studies. Her research interest is focused on the broad topic of security,particularly the role of gender in international security and the correlation between terrorism and state failure. Her research been published in the Education, Citizenship and Social Justice journal and also featured in the NATO Association of Canada.

Continue Reading
Comments

South Asia

Bulldozing Dissent in India

Published

on

State brutality and hostility have emerged as the defining factors in BJP’s (Bharatiya Janata Party)  policy toward Indian Muslims. From mob lynching and punishment on beef consumption to imposing a ban on the ‘hijab’ in universities, BJP continues to find novel ways and means to target Muslim society and enforce the concept of Hindu supremacy in India. While deliberate marginalisation of Indian Muslims is not new and remains an important part of India’s policy towards its minorities, the intensity of this campaign is soaring with every passing day. 

Recently, two senior BJP members made disparaging remarks against the Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), brushing aside the sentiments of the state’s largest minority. The comments drew criticism from around the world, creating a diplomatic row for India.While PM Modi decided to remain silent on the issue, the concerned BJP members had to be suspended from the party given the intense backlash from several countries, especially the Gulf states.

On the other hand, the remarks also sparked a wave of anger in the Indian Muslim communities, who registered their grievances by holding protests on the streets in various parts of the state.  However, to deal with its own citizens, India resorted to using force and refused to let the Muslims protest peacefully, depriving them of their fundamental democratic rights. Amidst the demonstrations after Friday prayers, clashes between protesters and police broke out in several parts, the most notable one occurred in Uttar Pradesh (UP). Two teenagers lost their lives, and several were injured. The Indian police also arrested approximately 300 individuals taking part in the protests.  

The most concerning event that followed afterwards was bulldozing the houses of Muslim activists who were either present at the demonstrations or were apparently the organisers. The demolitions were justified on the pretext that they were illegal establishments. In reality, these criminal activities were done on the behest of the Chief Minister of UP, Yogi Adityanath, who is an ardent RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) follower – the most projected political figure in BJP (after Narendra Modi) and a torchbearer of Hindutva politics.  

It has been observed that the frequency of the use of bulldozers to demolish personal property is increasing in Muslim-majority areas in India. CM Adityanath himself is considered the pioneer and advocate of this ‘bulldozer strategy’, which is now frequently being executed throughout India by other BJP leaders. His ardency with the idea of demolishing Muslim houses can be sensed from the fact that bulldozers are displayed at BJP rallies to demonstrate them as a symbol of state power. Mrityunjay Kumar,  Adityanath’s media advisor later tweeted a photo of a bulldozer with the caption, ‘Remember, every Friday is followed by a Saturday,’ which conveys the government’s unapologetic stance on its actions and the intent to use such equipment without hesitation. 

Whats worse, the state machinery deliberately orchestrates the scenes of Muslim houses being turned to rubble to instil a fearful impact. Its purpose is to deter the Muslim communities from protesting against the ‘saffronized’ state. Such images are meant to signal that the state will not tolerate such kind of opposition in the BJP-led India and will not hesitate to exercise the use of force against such segments. The prime objective is to bulldoze their courage to stand against oppression in the future. 

Another way to look at this violence is the long-term dynamics of Indian politics. While it is apparent that Narendra Modi will contest the next Indian elections for BJP, it is fairly evident that an alternative leadership is preparing to succeed him in the future. The potential candidates are replicating his past machinations to strengthen their personal and political statures. Akin to Modi’s Gujarat massacre, his party members are recreating events that can bear similar impacts in order to emerge as radical leaders in accordance with BJP’s vision.  This includes intense and targeted verbal and physical attacks on Muslims. Hence, the use of force against Muslims will likely be a prominent factor for capitalising on the majoritarian Hindu vote bank.  

Lack of accountability, persistent silence of key leadership and the embedded political objectives are fanning dangerous flames in an already fraught environment for Muslims in India. The repressive attitude toward Indian Muslims has now been institutionalised at the state level and suggests that life will only worsen for them. India’s belligerent policy and confrontational actions will fuel further divisions in a society that has become extremely polarised along religious lines. Political interests are overshadowing national interests and the trend is likely to continue.

Continue Reading

South Asia

This week’s deadly earthquake is a reminder of the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan

Published

on

Damage is seen in the Spera district, in Khost province after a devastating earthquake hit eastern Afghanistan in the early morning of 22 June 2022. © UNICEF Afghanistan

Afghanistan can’t catch a break. This week’s deadly earthquake is the latest chapter in a worsening humanitarian crisis. It has also shone a light on the shortcomings of the Taliban’s ability to deal with the myriad of problems in the poverty stricken country. This represents an opportunity for the international community to play a larger role in helping Afghanistan to recover and rebuild.

This comes as a magnitude six earthquake hit Afghanistan’s remote Paktika province on Wednesday. The Taliban have claimed that at least 1,000 people have died, with over 1,500 injured. The number of casualties is expected to rise over the coming days. The remoteness of the province and heavy rain has hampered rescue efforts in what is the deadliest earthquake in two decades.

For Afghans this is the latest in a line of tragic events that are causing untold suffering. Since the Taliban takeover in August last year, Afghanistan has endured a worsening humanitarian crisis. Decades of conflict, natural disasters, poverty, drought and the coronavirus pandemic have meant that most Afghans are now facing a rapidly deteriorating situation under the Taliban.

The United Nations Development Program has stated that Afghanistan is facing ‘universal poverty’, with 97 per cent of Afghans living below the international poverty line. Acute malnutrition has risen dramatically across the country, with 95 per cent of Afghans now experiencing food insecurity. Well over 80 per cent of families are facing high unemployment, creating a situation where they cannot feed their children and where those children are either sold for money to buy food or forced to work or beg for pitiful sums. The healthcare system has also collapsed, with doctors and nurses not being paid and with medicine in short supply.

The Taliban rightly deserves criticism for this situation through poor governance and the mismanagement of what government funds are available. It has become quickly apparent that the Taliban are incapable of dealing with either the humanitarian crisis or effectively responding to the earthquake in Paktika. The Taliban’s supreme leader, Haibatullah Akhundzadah has pleaded with the international community to “to help the Afghan people affected by this great tragedy and to spare no effort”.

The situation in Afghanistan also raises uncomfortable questions about the role of the international community in causing the current crisis. The country has long been heavily reliant on foreign aid, and this was no different under the NATO-led occupation. The chaotic withdrawal of both international forces and humanitarian aid agencies resulted in much needed funds leaving with them.

Additionally, the implementation of harsh sanctions and the freezing of remaining Afghan assets by the United States has effectively hamstrung the Taliban’s ability to help those most affected by the crisis and to respond to disasters such as the recent earthquake. For these reasons, the Taliban’s claim that international sanctions and the freezing of Afghan assets is acting as a collective punishment on all Afghans has some merit.

In a positive development, the United Nations and aid agencies are on the ground providing support to those affected by the earthquake and have been undertaking operations to tackle the humanitarian crisis for some time.  This includes providing tonnes of medical supplies and teams of medical professionals, and the roll out of food and tents for starving and displaced Afghans.

But more needs to be done. The international community, particularly countries who withdrew from Afghanistan last year, can provide much needed equipment and supplies so recovery operations can continue in Paktika. If these country’s still do not wish to recognise the Taliban, then these funds can be provided to UN aid agencies at ground-level.

Furthermore, the international community needs to play a larger role in alleviating the humanitarian crisis. This can be achieved by unfreezing frozen government assets, which belongs to Afghans, so development projects can continue, and civil servants, teachers and healthcare workers can be paid.

Through this funding, the international community can attempt to leverage the Taliban to adequately fund the education, financial and health sectors so people are paid and so these sectors can strengthen to reliably assist those in need. This leverage can also convince the Taliban to allow women to re-enter the workforce and participate in social life, something that will go a long way to ensuring that families earn enough to feed themselves.

The recent earthquake has highlighted the dire humanitarian and economic situation Afghanistan is in and it is up to both the Taliban and the international community to fix it.

While the international community doesn’t have to recognise the Taliban, it is equally responsible in ensuring that the crisis ends so innocent Afghans can rebuild their lives with dignity.

Continue Reading

South Asia

Pakistan: World Refugee Day

Published

on

photo: UNIC Mexico/ Luis Arroyo

World Refugee Day is an international day designated by the United Nations to honor refugees around the globe. It falls each year on June 20 and celebrates the strength and courage of people who have been forced to flee their home country to escape conflict or persecution. World Refugee Day is an occasion to build empathy and understanding for their plight and to recognize their resilience in rebuilding their lives.

Taking refuge is an old phenomenon, and even during WWI and WWII, the refugee crisis became very serious. In the last few decades, the geopolitics has deteriorated, and once again the people were forced to take refuge in the safer part of the world. Unfortunately, the Muslim world was the victim and most of the refugees were Muslims. However, the Ukraine war is the first-ever war in Europe after several decades, and the refugee crisis in Europe seems a new one. There are around 6 million Ukrainian refugees, and there are 44 European countries, or 27 EU member countries, sharing this burden collectively. Whereas, Pakistan hosted up to 5 million (at peak) Afghan refugees alone.

Pakistan joins the international community in commemorating World Refugee Day. While observing this Day, we express our solidarity with refugees all around the world. This Day behaves us to reflect on the drivers of forced displacements and to reaffirm our commitment to finding sustainable solutions for refugee situations, including through conflict prevention and resolution. This Day is also an occasion to reiterate our collective resolve for refugee protection under the principle of international burden- and responsibility-sharing.

Pakistan has shouldered the responsibility of one of the largest and most protracted refugee situations in the world for over four decades. Pakistan continues to host more than 3 million Afghans. Another 0.4 million Rohingyas have also found refuge in Pakistan. There are refugees from Syria, Iraq, Libya, Yemen, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, India and etc. The people of Pakistan have demonstrated exemplary generosity, hospitality, and compassion towards the refugees in the country, showcased in Pakistan’s inclusive policies on health, education, and livelihoods, including during the COVID-19 response.

As new situations emerge around the globe, the long-standing Afghan refugee situation must not be forgotten by the international community. There is a need for renewed international commitment, especially in the context of COVID-compounded socio-economic and health challenges, through regular, predictable, and adequate financing for Afghan refugees including their safe and dignified return. It is equally important to undertake necessary measures for the stability and sustainable socio-economic development of Afghanistan, in order to avert the possibility of any future refugee exodus from the country.

On this Day, Pakistan pays special tribute to UNHCR – the United Nations refugee agency – for its commendable work in support of refugees and host communities throughout the world. Pakistan looks forward to further strengthening its valuable partnership with UNHCR. We call on the international community to support the Organization in its efforts toward durable solutions for refugees worldwide.

Genetically, Pakistan is an open-minded society and due to its own diversity, can accommodate all races, cultures, and religions, and can be integrated with others conveniently. Pakistan has been hosting refugees from various parts of the world and has integrated them perfectly. Pakistan hosts the world’s second-largest number of refugees in its territory. However, the economic burden is beyond Pakistan’s capacity, the international community is urged to generously extend a helping hand in sharing the burdens with Pakistan. Instability in the region imposed wars, and natural disasters are growing in this part of the world, which may cause more unrest in the neighboring countries and force more people to take refuge in Pakistan. Europe and America have strict policies, but, Pakistan is still a more flexible and convenient destination for international refugees. The constitution of Pakistan is more friendly and accommodative. The visa regime and border controls are also rather flexible and friendly.

Continue Reading

Publications

Latest

Energy News3 hours ago

Salt and a battery – smashing the limits of power storage

by Caleb Davies Thanks to the renewables’ boom, the limiting factor of the energy revolution is not power supply as much...

Russia8 hours ago

Biden forces Russia to retake all of Ukraine, and maybe even Lithuania

The Soviet Union had included what now are Armenia, Azerbaijan, Byelarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan,...

East Asia10 hours ago

The Global-south Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Landscape and China’s Growing Influence

The importance of China’s CPEC project in the region and the obstacles it faces. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, or CPEC,...

Finance11 hours ago

5 Ways LinkedIn Works for Your Career

Any job seeker can reach their goal much faster with the use of job search engines and career platforms. You...

South Asia12 hours ago

Bulldozing Dissent in India

State brutality and hostility have emerged as the defining factors in BJP’s (Bharatiya Janata Party)  policy toward Indian Muslims. From...

Americas15 hours ago

America and the World: A Vital Connection

“The egocentric ideal of a future reserved for those who have managed to attain egoistically the extremity of `everyone for...

East Asia17 hours ago

Five key challenges awaiting Hong Kong’s incoming leader John Lee

Hong Kong’s leader-in-waiting John Lee has officially been appointed as the sixth-term chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative...

Trending