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A Golden Cage of Repression: The Paradoxical Outcome of Afghan Women’s ‘Liberation’

Ammna Nasser

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Following the September 11 terror attack, the term ‘freedom’ acquired fresh momentum in the global North. However, it captivated America’s national security dialogue in particular. Under the rhetoric of ‘freedom’, the hegemonic masculine American military grew obsessed with protecting the burqa-clad female ‘victims trapped in Afghanistan’. The neo-colonial presumption that Afghani women could be emancipated through American intervention in Afghanistan proved to be unsurprisingly problematic. Evidence has indicated that the insecurity of women exacerbated since the inception of the ‘war on terror’. Numerous women in Afghanistan were displaced during the conflict (and remain soto this day).They continue to endure an unstable economic, political, and social order. Those who fled to neighbouring countries, primarily to Pakistan and Iran as reported by Amnesty International in 2015,were subject to physical and sexual abuse and had restricted access tobasic facilities (i.e. education, healthcare, sanitation etc.) that are imperative to pursuing a decent standard of living. This represents an explicit failure in the American quest for advancing ‘women’s rights.’

The American invasion of Afghanistan governed (in part) by a pseudo-focus on advancing women’s rights was further accentuated in Laura Bush’s speech in 2001. This widespread American liberal feminist thought addressed violence against Afghani women as an outcome of the ideologies imposed by the Taliban male ‘Other’. However, it is this very perspective, representing women from another culture as gendered ‘victims’, that one should be careful of advocating. The tendency to homogenise the experiences of all Muslim women is a rampant limitation of most Western feminist practice, subsequently paving the path to epistemic violence. In addition to cultural/religious insensitivity, their inherent hypocrisy is made apparent when ‘liberation’, which in essence seeks to promote ‘freedom of choice’, equates notions of oppression to various veiling practices widespread in the Afghani culture. The oversimplification of a complex issue in relation to adiverse female population (comprising of cultural, geographical and/or religious identities) enforces elements of neo-colonial violence, thus robbing Afghani women of their agency regarding clothing choices.

With particular focus on Afghanistan, Wylie has demonstrated the importance and implications of focusing on cultural accounts, deep-seated in the history of a nation, in order to understand the foundation of gender order. Utilising the complex historical climate of Afghanistan, one which comprises the decades-long influence of a conservative culture together with the current conflict worsened through foreign funding and support, Wylie has argued that overthrowing the Taliban rule after 9/11andreplacing another government regime would inevitably propose challenges regarding the advancement of ‘(liberal) women’s rights’ constructed by those outside Afghanistan. Counter-productivity concerning the promotion of women’s rights in society or abolishing violence against women altogether is essentially an outcome of their (liberal feminists) failure to formulate strategies that compliment traditional Afghani practices. Hence, we should strive to understand the root causes of injustice apparent in a nation and then, tailor a culturally sensitive approach to combat violence. Otherwise insecurity will continue to prevail, as exhibited in the ‘war on terror.’

Lastly, the voices of those women who have personally encountered the three-fold processes (epistemic, physical, and structural) of violence during the ‘war on terror’ is absent from the discourse. Alack of anecdotes pertaining to an Afghani woman’s cry for help when an invasion in their name is being pursued is rather puzzling. The imposition of such paternalistic belief masked under the rhetoric of freedom has left women voiceless and their agency stripped. It is imperative to note that Afghani women are aware of the obstacles they face to economic, political, and social progress. Their exclusion in the rights debate while being de facto held captive by the daily cycle of violence perpetuated by both the domestic and international community is a key reason as to why insecurity amongst Afghani women is still rampant. This encompasses key implications for academics, policy makers, and the general global arena who provide blind support to those keen to advance the women’s rights discourse but do so clumsily so that no real participation investment is available to actual Afghani women. As long as this remains the case, as long as Afghani women are being patronized in a manner that does not allow them true freedom over their own social rights’ discourse, then it seems unlikely that great progress can be achieved in Afghanistan when it comes to gender equality, gender freedom, and gender security.

It is an undeniable fact that the forceful imposition of American ideals of ‘liberation’ on Afghani women has facilitated an escalation in the three-fold processes of violence. The consequences of military invasion supported by the American government should have been closely observed when it came to the social, political, and development situation for local women. Developing culturally sensitive strategies which address gender order grounded in the historical complexities of a country really needs to be paramount. Without this grounding any force-adoptive strategies placed from above have a small likelihood of lasting once the invading forces withdraw. Lastly, one cannot stress enough on the significance of incorporating indigenous women’s voices explicitly in gender rights discourse. This is a primary step which can enable women (and men) to disrupt the cycle of violence and consequently transfer agency back to the women of Afghanistan (or any other country for that matter). Failure to do so means Western countries will be basically inserting another form of repressive patriarchy in place of the Taliban version. It does not matter that the former is meant to be done with the best of intentions and with improved welfare for local women in mind. Preventing Afghani women from first achieving and then exercising true agency is creating a golden cage. Unfortunately, a cage is still a cage no matter how much it may sparkle compared to the previous one.

Bibliography

  • Amnesty International (2015). Global Refugee Crisis – by the numbers. Available: https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2015/10/global-refugee-crisis-by-the-numbers/[Accessed 3rd November, 2015].
  • Husain, M. E., & Ayotte, K. J. (2005). Securing Afghan women: Neocolonialism, epistemic violence, and the rhetoric of the veil. NWSA journal, 17(3),pp. 112-133.
  • Wylie, G. (2003). Women’s Rights and Righteous War ‘An Argument for Women’s Autonomy in Afghanistan. Feminist Theory, 4(2), pp. 217-223.

Ammna Nasser is a postgraduate of King's College London's internationally-renowned Department of War Studies. Her research interest is focused on the broad topic of security,particularly the role of gender in international security and the correlation between terrorism and state failure. Her research been published in the Education, Citizenship and Social Justice journal and also featured in the NATO Association of Canada.

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South Asia

A double-edged sword: China and Pakistan link up with fibreoptic cable

Dr. James M. Dorsey

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This month’s inauguration of a fibreoptic cable linking Pakistan with China could prove to be a double-edged sword. Constructed by Chinese conglomerate Huawei Technologies Co., Ltd, the cable is likely to enhance both Pakistan’s information communication technology infrastructure as well as the influence of Chinese authoritarianism at a moment that basic freedoms in Pakistan are on the defensive.

The $44 million, 820-kilometre underground Pak-China Fibre Optic Cable links Rawalpindi with the Chinese border at Khunjerab Pass and is backed up by a 172-kilometre aerial cable. A second phase of the project is likely to connect to the port of Gwadar in Balochistan, a key node in China’s US$ 50 billion plus infrastructure-driven investment in the South Asian state, dubbed the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

The cable is expected to provide terrestrial links to Iran and Pakistan and serve as a conduit to the Middle East, Europe and Africa through hook ups with submarine cables.

The inauguration of the cable came days after China launched two satellites for Pakistan from the Jiuquan Space Center in Inner Mongolia, to provide remote sensing data for CPEC.

The satellites are expected to monitor natural resources, environmental protection, disaster management and emergency response, crop yield estimation, urban planning and provide CPEC-related remote sensing information.

The prominence of Pakistani military officers, including General Qamar Bajwa, Pakistan’s top military commander and Major General Amir Azeem Bajwa, the head of the Special Communications Organisation (SCO), at the inauguration underlined the cable’s strategic and potentially political importance.

Pakistan’s military sees the cable as a way of ensuring that the country’s in and outbound traffic does not traverse India. Major General Bajwa told lawmakers last year that the current “network which brings internet traffic into Pakistan through submarine cables has been developed by a consortium that has Indian companies either as partners or shareholders, which is a serious security concern.”

The key to the cable’s potential political significance lies buried in the Chinese-Pakistani vision that underlines CPEC against the backdrop of Chinese concern about the messiness of Pakistani politics and the People’s Republic’s support of what it sees as the behind-the-scenes stabilizing role of the country’s powerful military.

A leaked draft outline of the vision identified as risks to CPEC “Pakistani politics, such as competing parties, religion, tribes, terrorists, and Western intervention” as well as security. “The security situation is the worst in recent years,” the outline said.

The vision appears to suggest addressing security primarily through stepped up surveillance  based on the model of a 21st century Orwellian surveillance state in parts, if not all of China, rather than policies targeting root causes and appears to question the vibrancy of a system in which competition between parties and interest groups is the name of the game.

The draft linked the fibreoptic cable to the terrestrial distribution of broadcast media that would cooperate with their Chinese counterparts in the “dissemination of Chinese culture.” The plan described the backbone as a “cultural transmission carrier” that would serve to “further enhance mutual understanding between the two peoples and the traditional friendship between the two countries.”

Pakistan’s Ministry for Planning, Development, and Reform said at the time that the draft “delineates the aspirations of both parties”

The cable’s facilitation of aspects of the Chinese surveillance state and soft power strategy occurs in a country in which feudal and patronage politics dominate the countryside and the military has sought to severely curb media coverage in the run-up to elections scheduled for July 25.

Democracy has become a terrifying business in the villages of Pakistan. Elections might change the federal and state governments, but the feudal and punitive power structures in the countryside don’t change. The feudal lords offer allegiance to the new ruler and continue to oppress the poor villagers,” said Ali Akbar Natiq, a scholar, poet and novelist who returns every two weeks to his home district of Okara in Punjab, in an article in The New York Times.

The media crackdown involves censorship of TV channels, newspapers and social media, including preventing the distribution of Dawn. An English-language newspaper, Dawn was established by Pakistan’s founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah before the 1947 partition of British India, as a way for Muslims to communicate with the colonial power.

Cable operators were advised to take Dawn’s TV channel off air, advertisers were warned to shy away from the paper while its journalists were harassed. Other journalists and media personalities have been kidnapped or detained by masked men believed to be linked to military intelligence.

Columnist and scholar S. Akbar Zaid said last month that he was advised by Dawn that the paper could no longer publish his column “because of censorship problems that they are facing with regard to the military and its agencies. They say that the threats are very serious,” Mr. Zaid said.

Daily Times journalist Marvi Sirmed reported that her home was burgled and ransacked last month. The intruders took her computers, smartphone, and her passport as well as those of members of her family but left valuables such as jewellery untouched.

Pakistan’s military has denied cracking down on the media although it conceded that it was monitoring social media.

Bloggers, including well-known journalist Gul Bukhari, are among those who have been detained and released in some cases only weeks later.

A guard in a detention centre where five bloggers were held last year for three weeks, alongside ultra-conservative militants, told his captives:, according to one of the detainees: “You are more dangerous than these terrorists. They kill 50 or 100 people in a single blast, you kill 600,000 people a day,” a reference to the 600,000 clicks on the bloggers’ Facebook page on peak days.

In an editorial published after months of harassment Dawn charged that “It appears that elements within or sections of the state do not believe they have a duty to uphold the Constitution and the freedoms it guarantees. Article 19 of the Constitution is explicit: ‘Every citizen shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, and there shall be freedom of the press.’ The ‘reasonable restrictions’ that Article 19 permits are well understood by a free and responsible media and have been consistently interpreted by the superior judiciary.”

The paper went on to say that Dawn “considers itself accountable to its readers and fully submits itself to the law and Constitution. It welcomes dialogue with all state institutions. But it cannot be expected to abandon its commitment to practising free and fair journalism. Nor can Dawn accept its staff being exposed to threats of physical harm.”

At the bottom line, Pakistan’s new fibreoptic cable promises to significantly enhance the country’s connectivity. The risk is that visions of Chinese-Pakistani cooperation in the absence of proper democratic checks and balances threaten in Pakistan’s current political environment to undermine the conditions that would allow it to properly capitalize on what constitutes a strategic opportunity.

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India Ranked at Top as the Most Dangerous Country for Women

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Thomson Reuters Foundation in its recent survey released on June 26, 2018 ranked India as the most dangerous country in the world for women.

More than 500 global experts on women’s issues took part in a survey covering areas such as healthcare, discrimination, cultural traditions, sexual and non-sexual violence and human trafficking. Not enough was being done to tackle the dangers women faced, they said. India was ranked fourth in a similar study conducted in 2011.

Afghanistan and Syria were ranked second and third in the study, followed by Somalia and Saudi Arabia. The only western nation in the top ten was the USA. The foundation said that this was directly related to the #MeToo movement

According to government data gathered in the study, crimes against women in India rose by more than 80 per cent between 2007 and 2016. Nearly 40,000 rapes were reported in 2016, despite a greater focus on women’s safety after the fatal gang rape of a student in Delhi in 2012 that prompted nationwide protests and led to tougher laws against sexual abuse being introduced.

India recorded 539 cases of sexual harassment in the workplace in 2016, 170 per cent from 2006, a report from last year suggested. However, campaigners have said that those figures are only the tip of the iceberg; a 2017 survey by India’s National Bar Association found that nearly 70 per cent of victims did not report sexual harassment.

Manjunath Gangadhara, an official at the Karnataka state government, said: “India has shown utter disregard and disrespect for women. Rape, marital rapes, sexual assault and harassment, female infanticide has gone unabated. The fastest-growing ecnomy and leader in space and technology, is shamed for violence committed  against women.”

Some observers pointed out that the study, while it took in wider streams of figures, was primarily based on opinion.

Upasana  Mahanta, of Jindal Global University in Delhi, told The Times: “I’m not sure that India is any more dangerous now than it was six years ago. In terms of progress, having only legal provisions  will not make the difference. Most studies show that women in India are mostly victims of violence from their partners or family members. Which shows they are hurt because they are women, regardless of cultural, economic or social factors. Women are basically being put in their place through violence.”

In the past year several prominent rape and murder cases involving children have led to the introduction of the death penalty for those convicted and speedier trial process for violence against females.

The Ministry of Women and Child Development declined to comment on the survey results, said the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the news network’s philanthropic arm.

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South Asia

Pakistan: A New Space Era

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Pakistan’s fragile economy and resource restraints are the main hurdles in the way of technological development, especially in space affairs. Therefore, it is so obvious that Pakistan governments’ priorities were off the beam in term of emphasis on space technology. Notwithstanding, Pakistan has taken a small step by launching two indigenously manufactured satellites, Remote Sensing Satellite-1 (PRSS-1) and Pakistan Technology Evaluation Satellite-1A (PakTES-1A) into orbit using a Chinese launch vehicle.

PRSS-1 is an earth observational and optical satellite, which will allow SUPARCO to analyze its imagery requirements in terms of land mapping, agriculture classification and assessment, urban and rural planning, environmental monitoring, natural disaster management and water resource management for the socio-economic development of the country. After the launch, Pakistan has joined the elite club to have its own remote sensing satellite in orbit.

Pakistan is an active participant of international cooperation of Asia Pacific Space Cooperation Organization (APSCO). The APSCO is an inter-governmental institute functioned as a non-profit independent body with full international legal status. Its Members include space agencies from Bangladesh, China, Iran, Mongolia, Pakistan, Peru, Thailand, Indonesia and Turkey. The recent launch of satellites by Pakistan is an extension of support given by APSCO. Therefore, it is the conceding fact that after the successful launches of PRSS-1 and PakTES-1A projects, the space collaboration between Pakistan and China with respect to APSCO will be further strengthened.

The launch of two new satellites will facilitate SUPARCO in developing indigenous capabilities in space technology and promote space applications for socio-economic uplift of the country. Recently, an international conference on the Use of Space Technology for Water Management was hosted by the SUPARCO in March 2018. The United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA), the Government of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Prince Sultan Bin Abdulaziz International Prize for Water (PSIPW) – were jointly organizing the Conference. The conclusion of the conference was that there mote sensing satellite technology i.e. PRSS-1, have validated established competences in terms of water resource management.

Pakistan is rapidly becoming a water-stressed country and according to some estimates, it could face mass droughts by 2025. In this scenario, a remote sensing satellite will be very beneficial in accumulating the data for future plans to fight against this evolving threat. PRSS-1 will use remote sensing techniques to outline the surface water bodies, assess meteorological variables like temperature and precipitation, estimate hydrological state variables like soil moisture and land surface characteristics, and fluxes such as evapotranspiration will be compiled by scientific methods.

Pakistan along with other South Asian states is the most vulnerable countries to climate change. Satellite remote sensing is a useful scientific tool in understanding the climate system and its changes. The technologies and information related to space contribute a fundamental role in climate knowledge, science, monitoring and early warning. Space-based information can subsidize to calculations of the vulnerability of societies to climate change and can help monitor the efficiency of adaptation strategies.

Agriculture holds a great significance for Pakistan and being an agrarian economy, all institutions should be playing a positive role for consolidation in the agriculture sector. The professions related to agriculture i.e. farmers, agronomists, food manufacturers and agricultural policymakers can concurrently augment production and profitability by using space-based technology. The best apparatus to monitor and enhance agriculture development is a remote sensing satellite, which provides key data for monitoring soil, snow cover, drought and crop development. Remote sensing satellite can assess and record precipitation for farmers to assist them in scheduling the timing and amount of irrigation they will need for their crops. Precise data and examination can also benefit in forecasting a region’s agricultural output well in advance and can be critical in anticipating and mitigating the effects of food shortages and famines.

In this era of technological advancement, the Global community today faces a series of non-tradition threats such as climate change and the management of depleting natural resources. In the backdrop of emerging requirements of societal and economic development, geospatial technology is evolving as a top technological domain in the 21st century. The technologies related to earth observation and remote sensing techniques are getting growing interest from the academia, scientists, governments and industries. Pakistan is increasing its efforts in managing natural resources, enhance sustainable urban and territorial development initiatives, facilitate the conservation of forests and valuable biodiversity habitats. Space technologies must benefit all countries; therefore, the international community must support Pakistan to ensure the peaceful application of its space programme.

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