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Technocratic management pottery with glazed jihadi management

Sajad Abedi

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An overview of the evolution of nearly four decades of Islamic revolution shows that what was the main component of the advancement and advancement of this divine movement is relying on monotheistic faith and indigenous beliefs based on Islamic teachings. As the effects are of these teachings on the various elements of the Islamic revolutionary software can be seen.

One of the effects of this software development is the particular style of management that emerged from the jihadist culture and thought of the Islamic Revolution, which emerged and emerged after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, and can be seen in its efficacy.

The glorious history of the holy defense is a symbol of the effectiveness of the jihadist management, and now, in the Islamic Revolution in the fourth decade, relying on the power of the people and the interior to advance Islamic Iran, the image of the efforts of all the caricons of the revolution, is again the jihadist management that rescues this sensitive arena And strategic.

However, jihadist and jihadist leaders managed to pass the country away from the unpopular imposed war in the first Islamic Revolution in the first decade, but in the second decade of the revolution we saw the reign of the so-called technocrats. Managers who, although claiming to pay expertise, in fact defined expertise against a commitment and were left unidentified by a Islamic regime director under the charge of the revolutionary authorities.

The managers, who, in the wake of the construction of the government and its chairman, rehearsed Western planning for national development, they rewrote the transcripts of the Western prescriptions and prescriptions for so-called modern Iran. Accordingly, technocrats have turned away indigenous, religious, and revolutionary values on the development path. For example, out of a total of 625 people who participated in setting up and approving the “final draft of the second development plan”, only one person was a seminary, the post is “Deputy of Endowment Organization”; he has participated in one of the planning committees. The review of the status of the organization of the former Bundestag and the former administrative and employment organization confirms this view.

The technocrats’ management flow did not survive only in the economic arena and entered the political phase, with the build-up party of the builders-builders rising. Years later, in the 2014 elections, a stream that coincided with the same technocratic leadership once again managed to reach the realm of power in the executive branch, and again the management of technocrats with liberal doctrines again became the powerhouse.

This managerial trend believes that developmental patterns must be pursued in accordance with what is defined in the West, and the prescribed management pattern is also “instrumental management”, that is, a disconnected management of revelatory teachings and reliance on humanity. This management seeks to accept globalization and globalization as a norm and surrenders to it. However, this spectrum of inaccurate executives reads “illiterate” and “inexperienced” and tries to pull out the spectrum from the field.

Technocratic leaders in the eleventh government have gained reliable seats, especially in economic areas, as key ministries and sensitive posts are available to them. Bijan Zanganeh, Minister of Construction and Reforms, has taken over the Ministry of Oil. Massoud Neely is a liberal technocrat economist who is an industrial development strategy and a third development plan for his team. He is the economic advisor to the president and responsible for the macroeconomic planning of the state. Managers such as Akbar Turkan and Mohammad Reza Nematzadeh also have a strong and effective government in the government.

But the technocrats’ management loop that affects the eleventh state has some features:

Wealthy and capitalist executives: some 11th-century government executives have a wealth of thousands of dollars on the basis of their own figures. In general, it can be said that a significant number of economic managers of the eleventh government have, in recent years, embarked on private sector activities, and now operate in parallel both in the government and in the private sector. For example, Mr. Mohammad Reza Nematzadeh, Minister of Industry, Mine and Trade, is a member of the board of directors in 12 private companies that date most of them since 2009.

One site recently released a news release that surprised experts and the community. “The Secretary-General’s sleep at the meeting of the commission” was the headline for sleeping by one of the ministers of the economy at the meeting of the commission. The story was that, apparently, at the meeting of the commission and at the height of the specialized discussions, the audience suddenly realized that Mr. Secretary was sleeping! Therefore, some members of the commission believed that the fatigue and the high level of the minister’s age were due to his sleeping in the meeting.

Managers who have been leading the executive branch of the eleventh government are mainly from the spectrum that had been at the management board in the years 1988 to 2004 and returned to their place after the eight-year termination, with the difference that many of them either retired and or at a retirement age.

This “closed loop of managers” actually leads to the “failure to turn the elite” on the one hand and “the lack of growth of youth” in managerial jobs. In the next few years, with the current range of senior managers leaving management positions, young managers have not had the minimum experience and readiness to accept responsibilities, and the country will be faced with serious damage in the realm of implementation.

Manage technocrats, look out and get Western help. This kind of management does not mean “we can”. A typical example of this is the reliance on the country’s crude oil and the formation of the oil-rich economy. The Supreme Leader of the Revolution said: “I say this once again, a few months ago, that the Americans expressed their joy and said that he acknowledged that sanctions had affected. Yes, the sanctions were ineffective; they wanted to be happy. The sanctions finally hit; this is a fundamental problem in us. Our economy is suffering from this oil-dependent form. We must separate our economies from oil; our governments include this in their core programs. I, seventeen eighteen years ago, was working on a government that was at that time and told officials that we would be able to shut down oil wells whenever we wanted to. The gentlemen, according to their own “technocrat” smile, denied that it would be?! Yes; it must be followed, must be taken, and must be planned. When an economic plan of a country is connected and dependent on a particular point, enemies focus on that particular point. Yes, the sanctions affected, but not the effect that the enemy wanted. “The reason for this should be the fascination of the conservative, Western-Western, and West fascination and, finally, the lack of national self-confidence in this spectrum of executives.

In contrast to technocratic management, the healing version provided by the Islamic Revolution is “Jihadist management”, which has provided its effective record in a sensitive and diverse period of the life of the system. As the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution also states: “If the jihadist management is the same work and effort that is dominated by divine intentions based on knowledge and tact, the problems of the country, in the current conditions of the unbridled pressures of the world powers and in other circumstances, can be resolved, and The country will continue to move forward. »

Accordingly, he sees the rule of Jihadist leadership as a way to overcome the basic challenges of the system: “Our inner challenges are: to entertain the differences in the interior; to divide and disparate the superficial, entertain us, and put them together, Controversy does not let us ignore the main issues and main lines; one of the examples is the main challenge. Losing solidarity is a challenge for our nation. Getting into laziness and disorientation, becoming obsessive, despairing, imagining that we cannot imagine that we have not succeeded; no, as Imam said, we can, we must resolve, national determination and jihadi management can Open all of these nodes. These are all the internal challenges that we must deal with. »

He says in the definition of jihad and jihad movements: “Jihad is an attempt made against an enemy; it is not an attempt to fight jihad. Jihad is an attempt to take on a hostile challenge from the other side; it is jihad. Then the meaning of jihad management here is to pay attention that the scientific movement of the country and the scientific movement of the country and the scientific progress of the country are faced with an adversarial challenge that needs to be resisted in the face of this hostile challenge that you, the student who you master, who you are a student, is. ; This is the jihadist movement and the management of the machine; whether the university’s management, the management of the ministry, or the management of any part of the various sectors of this vast arena, will be Jihadist administration. »

In contrast to this jihadi view, it is normal, sleepy and lacking sensitivity and sense of responsibility. As they emphasize, “it is not possible to do a lot of work with a normal and unassuming movement; it is necessary for a jihadist effort, jihadi mobilization and jihadi management are necessary for these [resistance economy policies]”. Therefore, it can be said that without Jihadist management, endogenous development is not possible, unless people will not be able to change economy and culture. Culture is the most important element of authoritarianism that the reform of consumption patterns is also one of the basic principles of resistance policies. Unless people reconsider their consumption culture, leadership measures will not be realized, and in another direction, the economy will need to flourish. It is a matter of humanity, and this requires the correct implementation of the policies of Article 44 and the proper handing over of government apparatus to the people.

I’m SajadAbedi a Resident Research Fellow at the National Security and Defense Think Tank. I obtained my Ph. D. degree in National Security from the Nationl Defense University under group of leader of Islamic Republic of Iran. My research interests pertain to Arab-Israeli studies, the Cyber Security studies and National Security.

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Middle East

Saudi Arabia’s Entertainment Plans: Soft Power at Work?

Dr. Theodore Karasik

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Saudi Arabia recently broke ground on its ambitious “entertainment city” known as Qiddiya, near Riyadh. The splashy launch, attended by 300 dignitaries from around the world, highlights a frequently overlooked aspect of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 plan: the entertainment industry as a growing economic sector. As the kingdom diversifies its economy away from reliance on petro fuels, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has been keen to showcase the increasing openness of his country, promoting festivals, concerts and sports events and ending the country’s 35-year ban on cinemas.

These projects are partially intended to bolster the economy and attract FDI—but not only. Saudi Arabia is also playing catch-up with other regional actors, such as Qatar and the UAE, in terms of cultural output and cultural participation. With Qiddiya and the other cultural projects in the works, Saudi is now carving out a road for itself to become a regional culture hub.

Thefirst phase of Qiddiya, which includes high-end theme parks, motor sport facilities and a safari area, is expected to be completed in 2022.  Saudi officials hope the park will draw in foreign investment and attract 17 million visitors by 2030; the final phase of the project is expected to be completed in 2035, by which point the entertainment resort will be the largest in the world, dwarfing Florida’s Walt Disney World.

Beyond these financial incentives, however, the Qiddiya project is Saudi Arabia’s answer to events like the Dubai Expo 2020 or the Qatar World Cup 2022 and suggests that the kingdom is trying to position itself as the next big destination for lucrative events – which also add to the idea that entertainment, culture, and innovation are key to Saudi Arabia’s economic vision and success.

Vision 2030’s emphasis on entertainment raises a key question: is Riyadh attempting to increase its soft power across the region in a constructive and proactive way?  The answer to that question is yes.

In the immediate future, Qatar and the UAE will remain the region’s foremost entertainment and cultural hubs.  From Qatar’s Islamic Museum of Art, which famous architect I.M. Pei came out of retirement to design, to Dubai’s theme parks, including a $1 billion behemoth which is the world’s largest indoor theme park, these two Gulf states are demonstrating their prowess to develop an arts and culture scene.  In Doha, Qatar is exemplifying its unique outlook towards world affairs by emphasizing humanitarianism and fourteen centuries of history.  Qatar is also hosting the World Cup in 2022, intended to bring Doha center-stage in the sports world. Abu Dhabi’s Louvre has been referred to as “one of the world’s most ambitious cultural projects”, while advertisements throughout the emirate insist that the museum will cause its visitors to “see humanity in a new light”.

Despite these Gulf states’ head start on developing vibrant entertainment sectors, there is still room for Saudi Arabia to offer something new. For one thing, some of its neighbors are dealing with trouble in paradise: Qatar’s once-strong economy is under increasing strain as the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Egypt boycott it; meanwhile, the company which owns many of Dubai’s largest theme parks lost $302 million in 2017.

The Qiddiya project also represents a particular vision that’s distinct from neighboring countries’ cultural programs. Qiddiya is designed to mix desert heritage and the ethos of the past with the technological advances of the future. The intended result is to be a fusion between aspirations and building on those achievements from desert to post-modernity, on a colossal scale.

The project is crafted both to satisfy domestic demand—it includes plans to build 11,000 homes to serve as vacation homes for Riyadh residents— and to compete directly against Saudi Arabia’s neighbors in the Gulf. With two-thirds of the Saudi population under the age of 35, building a thriving entertainment sector is particularly important.

The kingdom is hoping to use its idea of mixing the past with the future in Qiddiya to significantly alter the flow of tourist revenues in the Gulf. The UAE, Qatar and Bahrain rely on tourists from the Gulf and beyond for essential cash inflows—including the $30 billion a year Saudis spend on tourism abroad every year. By providing new entertainment options in-country for Saudi Arabia’s citizens and residents, who pay more than any other country’s citizens while on vacation, Riyadh aims to redirect some of this overseas tourism spending back into the kingdom. It’s set up concrete goals to this effect, hoping to increase domestic spending on culture and entertainment from about three percent of household income to six percent. Saudi Arabia also likely hopes that Qiddiya will attract significant international tourism as well—one senior official tied the park’s creation to the goal of making Riyadh one of the top 100 cities in the world to live.

Of course, it is likely to be a long wait before the kingdom itself starts producing the cultural output that will make it a real entertainment hub; after all, Saudi public schools still do not teach music, dance and theater, and the kingdom lacks music and film academies. But by taking the first steps of embracing the vast economic potential of the entertainment sector, the kingdom may well be on its way there.

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Israel, Ukraine, and U.S. Crack Down Against Press

Eric Zuesse

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On Wednesday, May 16th, Russian Television reported recent crackdowns against the press, on the part of both Ukraine’s Government and Israel’s Government. One headline story, “9 journalists injured by Israeli gunfire in Gaza ‘massacre’, total now over 20”, reported that Israel had shot dead two journalists:

“Yaser Murtaja, 31, a cameraman for Palestinian Ain Media agency, died on April 7 after he was shot by Israeli forces the previous day while covering a protest south of the Gaza Strip. He wore a blue protective vest marked ‘PRESS’.”

And:

“Ahmad Abu Hussein, 24, was shot by Israeli forces during a protest in the Gaza strip on April 13. He died from his injuries on April 25. He was also wearing a protective vest marked ‘PRESS’ at the time.”

The other 18 instances were only injuries, not murders, but Israel has now made clear that any journalist who reports from the Palestinian side is fair game for Israel’s army snipers — that when Palestinians demonstrate against their being blockaded into the vast Gaza prison, and journalists then report from amongst the demonstrators instead of from the side of the snipers, those journalists are fair game by the snipers, along with those demonstrators.

Some of the surviving 18 journalists are still in critical condition and could die from Israel’s bullets, so the deaths to journalists might be higher than just those two.

Later in the day, RT bannered “Fist-size gunshot wounds, pulverized bones, inadmissible use of force by Israel in Gaza – HRW to RT” and presented a damning interview with the Israel & Palestine Director at Human Rights Watch.

The other crackdown has been by Ukraine. After the U.S. Obama Administration perpetrated a very bloody coup in Ukraine during February of 2014, that country has plunged by every numerical measure, and has carried out raids against newsmedia that have reported unfavorably on the installed regime. The latest such incident was reported on May 16th by Russian Television, under the headline, “US endorses Kiev’s raid on Russian news agency amid international condemnation”. An official of the OSCE (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe) stated there: “I reiterate my call on the authorities to refrain from imposing unnecessary limitations on the work of foreign journalists, which affects the free flow of information and freedom of the media.” An official of the CPJ (Committee to Protect journalists) stated: “We call on Ukrainian authorities to disclose the charges and evidence they have against Vyshinsky or release him without delay. … We also call on Ukrainian authorities to stop harassing and obstructing Russian media operating in Ukraine. The criminalization of alternative news and views has no place in a democratic Ukraine.” However, as reported by RT, Ukraine’s Prosecutor-General called the editorial policy of the anti-regime RIA Ukraine “anti-Ukrainian” in nature, amounting to “state treason.” So, the prosecutor is threatening to categorize and prosecute critical press under Ukraine’s treason law.

The U.S. regime is not condemning either of its client-regimes for their crackdowns. (It cites Ukraine’s supposed victimhood from “Russian propaganda” as having caused Ukraine’s action, and justifies Israel’s gunning-down of demonstrators and of journalists as having beeen necessary for Israel’s self-defense against terrorism.) In neither instance is the U.S. dictatorship saying that this is unacceptable behavior for a government that receives large U.S. taxpayers funds. Of course, in the U.S., the mainstream press aren’t allowed to report that either Israel or today’s Ukraine is a dictatorship, so they don’t report this, though Israel clearly is an apartheid racist-fascist (or ideologically nazi, but in their case not against Jews) regime, and Ukraine is clearly also a racist-fascist, or nazi, regime, which engages in ethnic cleansing to get rid of voters for the previous — the pre-coup — Ukrainian government. People who are selected individually by the installed regime, get driven to a big ditch, shot, with the corpses piling up there, and then the whole thing gets covered over. This is America’s client-‘democracy’ in Ukraine, not its client-‘democracy’ in Israel.

May 16th also was the day when the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee voted 10 to 5 to approve as the next CIA Director, Gina Haspel, the person who had headed torture at the CIA’s black site in Thailand where Abu Zubaydah was waterboarded 83 times and blinded in one eye in order to get him to say that Saddam Hussein was behind the 9/11 attacks; and, since then, Zubaydah, who has never been in court, has been held incommunicado at Guantanamo, so that he can’t testify in court or communicate with the press in any way. “The U.S. Government has never charged Zubaydah with any crime.” And the person who had ordered and overseen his torture will soon head the agency for which she worked, the CIA.

Whether the U.S. regime will soon start similarly to treat its own critical press as “traitors” isn’t clear, except that ever since at least the Obama Administration, and continuing now under Trump, the U.S. Government has made clear that it wants to seize and prosecute both Edward Snowden and Julian Assange for their journalistic whistleblowing, violations of “state secrets,” those being anything that the regime wants to hide from the public — including things that are simply extremely embarrassing for the existing rulers. Therefore, the journalistic-lockdown step, from either Israel, or Ukraine, to U.S., would be small, for the United States itself to take, if it hasn’t yet already been taken in perhaps secret ways. But at least, the Senate Intelligence Committee is strongly supportive of what the U.S. Government has been doing, and wants more of it to be done.

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JCPOA in Post-US Exit: Consequences and Repercussions

Nisar Ahmed Khan

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The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) or otherwise known as the Iran nuclear deal signed by the P 5+1 in 2015 was widely hailed as a landmark achievement made possible by sincere dialogue and diplomacy. Indeed, the agreement is to a greater extent an achievement of the nuclear non-proliferation regime that helped checked the increasingly disturbing power symmetry in the Middle East which in return has managed to contain the transformation of low intensity conflicts into all out wars. A relative stability is the hallmark which resulted from JCPOA in the Middle East which is extremely volatile region of the world. A vital question is: how these achievements are going to be affected by the US withdrawal from it?

The US withdrawal from JCPOA will adversely affect the aforementioned three areas of its accumulative achievement with variant degree. First, it has negative consequences for the norm that negotiated settlements in international arenas has the potential and lasting credibility to minimize violence or other coercive means led by war. The momentum and confidence the diplomatic means have garnered in post- JCPOA scenario will come to the crushing halt. The sealed and mutually agreed upon agreements in international arena especially in which the US is the potential party, will come under extreme scrutiny leading to an environment of gross trust deficit. Therefore, on the first instance this withdrawal has negative lasting consequences for the diplomatic norms in itself.

Secondly, US exist from the deal does not augur well for the nascent nuclear non-proliferation regime. This regime has a dearth of good precedents like the JCPOA which has deterred a nation from acquiring and operationalizing nuclear weapons as is the case with Iran. Keeping in view this backdrop of this institution, JCPOA has been its glaring example wherein it has managed to successfully convince a nation to not pursue the path which leads towards the nuclear weapons. Therefore, the US withdrawal has shaken the confidence of the non-proliferation regime to its core. It has engendered a split among the leading nations who were acting as sort of de facto executive to enforce the agreements on the nuclear ambitious states. Therefore, this US withdrawal has undoubtedly far reaching repercussions for the non-proliferation as an institution. This development may affect the nature and its future development as an institutional mechanism to deter the recalcitrant states to change their course regarding the nuclear weapons.

Thirdly, in relation to the above mentioned negative consequences on diplomacy and nuclear non-proliferation regime, the US withdrawal from the deal has far serious security ramifications for the volatile and conflict ridden Middle East. It has multiplied the prospects of all-out war between Iran and its regional rivals on one hand and Iran and Israel on the other hand. Just tonight the announcement of Trump exiting JCPOA and the Israeli aggression on Syrian military bases substantiates the assertion that there exists a correlation between this US withdrawal and the Zionist regime`s regional hegemonic designs. It has extremely positive message for the Saudi Arabia. The impulsive and overambitious Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman (MBS) went on extended tours in the US and Europe to convince Western leadership that Iran should be contained.  Therefore, element of stability in the region – contained low intensity conflicts – got serious motivation to turn into all-out-wars  with non-exclusion of nuclear options at the disposal of Zionist regime in the Middle East. The Middle Eastern region with this exit of the US is going to observe substantial turmoil in the months to come which will have some extra regional ramifications.

As a conclusion it could be argued that the US exit has some far reaching repercussions for the diplomatic norms, non-proliferation regime and above all for the volatile Middle Eastern region. All these ramifications resulted from the US withdrawal will also in return have some serious consequences internally and externally. The status of the US as the sole super power of the world will be diminished with this decision. It will create an unbridgeable gap in the West. Henceforth, the EU foreign will be more autonomous, integrated and autonomous in her conduct.

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