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Technocratic management pottery with glazed jihadi management

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An overview of the evolution of nearly four decades of Islamic revolution shows that what was the main component of the advancement and advancement of this divine movement is relying on monotheistic faith and indigenous beliefs based on Islamic teachings. As the effects are of these teachings on the various elements of the Islamic revolutionary software can be seen.

One of the effects of this software development is the particular style of management that emerged from the jihadist culture and thought of the Islamic Revolution, which emerged and emerged after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, and can be seen in its efficacy.

The glorious history of the holy defense is a symbol of the effectiveness of the jihadist management, and now, in the Islamic Revolution in the fourth decade, relying on the power of the people and the interior to advance Islamic Iran, the image of the efforts of all the caricons of the revolution, is again the jihadist management that rescues this sensitive arena And strategic.

However, jihadist and jihadist leaders managed to pass the country away from the unpopular imposed war in the first Islamic Revolution in the first decade, but in the second decade of the revolution we saw the reign of the so-called technocrats. Managers who, although claiming to pay expertise, in fact defined expertise against a commitment and were left unidentified by a Islamic regime director under the charge of the revolutionary authorities.

The managers, who, in the wake of the construction of the government and its chairman, rehearsed Western planning for national development, they rewrote the transcripts of the Western prescriptions and prescriptions for so-called modern Iran. Accordingly, technocrats have turned away indigenous, religious, and revolutionary values on the development path. For example, out of a total of 625 people who participated in setting up and approving the “final draft of the second development plan”, only one person was a seminary, the post is “Deputy of Endowment Organization”; he has participated in one of the planning committees. The review of the status of the organization of the former Bundestag and the former administrative and employment organization confirms this view.

The technocrats’ management flow did not survive only in the economic arena and entered the political phase, with the build-up party of the builders-builders rising. Years later, in the 2014 elections, a stream that coincided with the same technocratic leadership once again managed to reach the realm of power in the executive branch, and again the management of technocrats with liberal doctrines again became the powerhouse.

This managerial trend believes that developmental patterns must be pursued in accordance with what is defined in the West, and the prescribed management pattern is also “instrumental management”, that is, a disconnected management of revelatory teachings and reliance on humanity. This management seeks to accept globalization and globalization as a norm and surrenders to it. However, this spectrum of inaccurate executives reads “illiterate” and “inexperienced” and tries to pull out the spectrum from the field.

Technocratic leaders in the eleventh government have gained reliable seats, especially in economic areas, as key ministries and sensitive posts are available to them. Bijan Zanganeh, Minister of Construction and Reforms, has taken over the Ministry of Oil. Massoud Neely is a liberal technocrat economist who is an industrial development strategy and a third development plan for his team. He is the economic advisor to the president and responsible for the macroeconomic planning of the state. Managers such as Akbar Turkan and Mohammad Reza Nematzadeh also have a strong and effective government in the government.

But the technocrats’ management loop that affects the eleventh state has some features:

Wealthy and capitalist executives: some 11th-century government executives have a wealth of thousands of dollars on the basis of their own figures. In general, it can be said that a significant number of economic managers of the eleventh government have, in recent years, embarked on private sector activities, and now operate in parallel both in the government and in the private sector. For example, Mr. Mohammad Reza Nematzadeh, Minister of Industry, Mine and Trade, is a member of the board of directors in 12 private companies that date most of them since 2009.

One site recently released a news release that surprised experts and the community. “The Secretary-General’s sleep at the meeting of the commission” was the headline for sleeping by one of the ministers of the economy at the meeting of the commission. The story was that, apparently, at the meeting of the commission and at the height of the specialized discussions, the audience suddenly realized that Mr. Secretary was sleeping! Therefore, some members of the commission believed that the fatigue and the high level of the minister’s age were due to his sleeping in the meeting.

Managers who have been leading the executive branch of the eleventh government are mainly from the spectrum that had been at the management board in the years 1988 to 2004 and returned to their place after the eight-year termination, with the difference that many of them either retired and or at a retirement age.

This “closed loop of managers” actually leads to the “failure to turn the elite” on the one hand and “the lack of growth of youth” in managerial jobs. In the next few years, with the current range of senior managers leaving management positions, young managers have not had the minimum experience and readiness to accept responsibilities, and the country will be faced with serious damage in the realm of implementation.

Manage technocrats, look out and get Western help. This kind of management does not mean “we can”. A typical example of this is the reliance on the country’s crude oil and the formation of the oil-rich economy. The Supreme Leader of the Revolution said: “I say this once again, a few months ago, that the Americans expressed their joy and said that he acknowledged that sanctions had affected. Yes, the sanctions were ineffective; they wanted to be happy. The sanctions finally hit; this is a fundamental problem in us. Our economy is suffering from this oil-dependent form. We must separate our economies from oil; our governments include this in their core programs. I, seventeen eighteen years ago, was working on a government that was at that time and told officials that we would be able to shut down oil wells whenever we wanted to. The gentlemen, according to their own “technocrat” smile, denied that it would be?! Yes; it must be followed, must be taken, and must be planned. When an economic plan of a country is connected and dependent on a particular point, enemies focus on that particular point. Yes, the sanctions affected, but not the effect that the enemy wanted. “The reason for this should be the fascination of the conservative, Western-Western, and West fascination and, finally, the lack of national self-confidence in this spectrum of executives.

In contrast to technocratic management, the healing version provided by the Islamic Revolution is “Jihadist management”, which has provided its effective record in a sensitive and diverse period of the life of the system. As the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution also states: “If the jihadist management is the same work and effort that is dominated by divine intentions based on knowledge and tact, the problems of the country, in the current conditions of the unbridled pressures of the world powers and in other circumstances, can be resolved, and The country will continue to move forward. »

Accordingly, he sees the rule of Jihadist leadership as a way to overcome the basic challenges of the system: “Our inner challenges are: to entertain the differences in the interior; to divide and disparate the superficial, entertain us, and put them together, Controversy does not let us ignore the main issues and main lines; one of the examples is the main challenge. Losing solidarity is a challenge for our nation. Getting into laziness and disorientation, becoming obsessive, despairing, imagining that we cannot imagine that we have not succeeded; no, as Imam said, we can, we must resolve, national determination and jihadi management can Open all of these nodes. These are all the internal challenges that we must deal with. »

He says in the definition of jihad and jihad movements: “Jihad is an attempt made against an enemy; it is not an attempt to fight jihad. Jihad is an attempt to take on a hostile challenge from the other side; it is jihad. Then the meaning of jihad management here is to pay attention that the scientific movement of the country and the scientific movement of the country and the scientific progress of the country are faced with an adversarial challenge that needs to be resisted in the face of this hostile challenge that you, the student who you master, who you are a student, is. ; This is the jihadist movement and the management of the machine; whether the university’s management, the management of the ministry, or the management of any part of the various sectors of this vast arena, will be Jihadist administration. »

In contrast to this jihadi view, it is normal, sleepy and lacking sensitivity and sense of responsibility. As they emphasize, “it is not possible to do a lot of work with a normal and unassuming movement; it is necessary for a jihadist effort, jihadi mobilization and jihadi management are necessary for these [resistance economy policies]”. Therefore, it can be said that without Jihadist management, endogenous development is not possible, unless people will not be able to change economy and culture. Culture is the most important element of authoritarianism that the reform of consumption patterns is also one of the basic principles of resistance policies. Unless people reconsider their consumption culture, leadership measures will not be realized, and in another direction, the economy will need to flourish. It is a matter of humanity, and this requires the correct implementation of the policies of Article 44 and the proper handing over of government apparatus to the people.

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The syndrome of neglect: After years of hyperactivity, Erdogan is completely isolated

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At the NATO Summit held in Brussels on June 14, strategically important issues were discussed, such as the relations of the Alliance’s Member States with China and their attitude towards President Putin’s Russia. The Member States’ positions on these issues did not appear unambiguous and diplomats had to struggle to find the right wording to draft the final communiqué. What was evident, however, was an only apparently marginal fact: the total “physical” as well as political isolation of Turkish President Recep Tayip Erdogan.

After being defined by Prime Minister Draghi as a “dictator and autocrat”, the Turkish President also had to endure the harsh reprimands of the US State Department which, at the end of the “eleven-day war” between Israel and Hamas, did not hesitate to condemn – in unusually harsh language – some of his public statements made in the first days of the war when, in order to underline his thoughts towards the Israeli leadership, he called Benjamin Netanyahu “the Jewish Prime Minister”.

The derogatory use of the word “Jewish’ instead of “Israeli” triggered a reaction from President Biden’s Administration. The State Department spokesman, Ned Price, was instructed to express “the strong and unequivocal condemnation of the Turkish President’s anti-Semitic comments’, and called on him to refrain from “incendiary remarks, which could incite further violence … not least because anti-Semitism is reprehensible and should have no place on the world stage”.

After struggling for years to become a true regional power, President Erdogan’s Turkey is now on the sidelines of the political scene and the Turkish leader’s bewildered expression emerging from the photographs of the NATO Summit of June 14 – which show him physically isolated from the other Heads of State and government – appears as an iconic testimony to the irrelevance to which Turkey has been condemned, owing to the adventurism of its President, after a decade of reckless and counterproductive political and military moves.

As early as in the spring of 2010, in view of showing he was at the forefront in supporting the Palestinian cause, President Erdogan authorised the establishment of the “Freedom Flotilla”, a naval convoy capable of challenging – under the Turkish flag – the Israeli naval blockade of the Gaza Strip.

On May 31, 2020, Israeli commandos intercepted the Mavi Marmara ship carrying not only humanitarian aid, but also Hamas militants attempting to enter again the Gaza Strip illegally.

As soon as Israeli soldiers stepped onto the deck of the Turkish ship, they were confronted by Palestinians and crew members armed with axes, knives and iron bars. Ten Palestinians and Turkish sailors died in the ensuing clashes, but the most severe wound was inflicted on Turkish-Israeli relations.

Turkey broke off diplomatic relations with Israel – long-standing relations dating back to 1949 when Turkey was the first, and for many years the only, Muslim country to recognise the State of Israel, thus also interrupting important economic and military relations that represented for the entire Middle East the example of how it was possible to follow paths of integration and pacification between Muslims and Jews.

Since 2011, with the outbreak of the so-called “Arab Springs”, President Erdogan has tried in every way to take a leading role in a flow of events which – rather than exporting liberal democracies in the region – aimed to underline and validate the victory of the “Muslim Brotherhood” and of the most backward and fundamentalist Islam.

While thinking he could easily solve his competition with Assad’ Syria and at the same time dismiss the problem of Turkish and Syrian Kurdish irredentism, President Erdogan intervened heavily in the Syrian civil war by providing military aid and logistical support not only to the militias of the “Syria Liberation Army”, but also to the Salafist formations of Jabhat Al Nusra and even ISIS.

We all know what has happened: after a decade of civil war, Syria is in ruins but Bashar al-Assad is still in power; the rebels are now closed in small pockets of resistance and Russia, which intervened siding with Damascus, thus overturning the outcome of the conflict, is firmly established in the country while Turkey is not only excluded from the promising business of Syria’s reconstruction, but finds itself managing a massive refugee emergency.

In President Erdogan’ sometimes ill-considered quest to make his country take on the role of the leading regional power, his activism led him to intervene in the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis in support of the Azerbaijani Turkmen against the Christian Armenians, with the result that, after the last crisis in the autumn of 2020, Turkey had to step aside to leave Russia the role of interposition and peacekeeping force.

In Libya, too – after sending arms and mercenaries to support al-Sarraj’s Government of National Accord (GNA) – after its resignation last January, the Turkish role became less influential than the Turkish leader’s aspirations.

In 2017, in a vain attempt to send a signal to NATO and US allies, President Erdogan bought S-400 surface-to-air missile systems from Russia, worth 2.5 million dollars.

The move did not please the then US President, Donald Trump, who immediately imposed economic and military sanctions on Turkey, thus contributing to the decline of its economy and to its progressive international isolation.

It has recently been reported that, in an attempt to bring Turkey closer to the new Biden Administration, President Erdogan has decided to send back home the Russian technicians who were in charge of S-400 maintenance at the Incirlick base – which is also a NATO base – with the result of infuriating Vladimir Putin who obviously does not like the idea of seeing highly sophisticated equipment in the hands of the Americans.

The end result of all these unhinged moves is that the US sanctions remain in place while the Russians can only regret having trusted an unreliable leader.

On the domestic front, too, despite the repression that followed the failed coup d’état of 2016, things are not going well.

The deep economic crisis, resulting from excessive military spending, poor administrative capacity and rampant corruption, as well as the repercussions of the Covid-19 pandemic, makes the situation even more difficult for the Turkish President and his party, the AKP (Justice and Development Party), which have ruled the country continuously since 2002.

The recent local elections, in which the AKP was defeated, and the election polls indicate that, despite the tactical alliance between President Erdogan’s party and the ultra-nationalist National Movement, a success for the President and his party in the 2023 general and Presidential elections seems far from certain.

What makes President Erdogan’s sleep even more restless is certainly the ‘Peker scandal’ that has been hitting the headlines of all Turkish newspapers and social media over the last few days.

Sedat Peker, a businessman formerly affiliated with the extreme right-wing organisation of the “Grey Wolves” (the same one to which Ali Agca, known for the attempted assassination of Pope John Paul II, belonged) has long been a supporter of Tayyp Recep Erdogan and is known to have been one of the main suppliers of weapons to jihadist groups involved in the Syrian civil war.

Last April, after being accused of corruption and criminal conspiracy, he went into self-exile, first in Montenegro and then in the United Arab Emirates, from where he has been conducting a relentless campaign against President Erdogan and his party on charges of corruption and other crimes and offences.

Under the interested supervision of Mohamed Dalhan, the former Head of the Palestinian intelligence service in the Gaza strip, exiled to the Emirates after the break with Hamas, Sedat Peker daily floods social media with accusations against the Turkish President’s “magic circle”, starting with Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu and his ally Mehemet Agar, former Police Chief, who in Peker’s opinion are responsible not only for corruption, but also for extortion, drug trafficking and murder.

Despite government-imposed censorship, these sensational accusations dominate the political debate in Turkey.

Mohammed Dalhan, the Palestinian secret agent, helps Sedat Peker both out of a spirit of revenge against Hamas and, hence, against its Turkish supporter, and because the Abu Dhabi government, for which he now works, has not favourably viewed Turkey’s attempts to sabotage the “Abraham Accords” between Israel and moderate Arab countries and the explicit support offered by President Erdogan to Hamas during the recent “eleven-day war”. Moreover, the latter ended thanks to Egypt’s mediation – a diplomatic success for the moderate Arab front that pushes Turkey and its leader ever further to the sidelines, as they – observant Sunnis – are now forced to move closer to the heretical Shiites of Iran, the only ones who now seem to give credit to President Erdogan, who is now like a bad student relegated to a corner of the classroom, from which he will find it difficult to escape without a clear change of course towards a more moderate approach in domestic policy and a rapprochement to the West in foreign policy.

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Iranian Election Portends Increased Human Rights Abuses, Demands Western Response

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When the Iranian regime holds its presidential election this Friday, it is likely to experience the lowest level of voter turnout in its 42-year history. This has been acknowledged by certain Iranian officials and state media outlets. There are a number of reasons for this, which include the lingering effects of three anti-regime uprisings, public resentment over authorities’ crackdowns on those uprisings, a lack of serious competition among the candidates, and the brutal legacy of the clear frontrunner.

All but the last of these factors were already apparent in February of last year, when Iranian regime held elections for various governors and members of parliament. Those elections are the ones to beat if the country is to set a new record for low turnout this week. Moreover, if persistently anti-democratic conditions aren’t enough to yield that outcome on their own, public antipathy toward Ebrahim Raisi might just be the thing that pushes the electoral boycott over the top.

For months now, Raisi has been recognized as a person favored by the regime’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei as the next President. But that preference specifically stems from Raisi’s unwavering loyalty to the supreme leader and his willingness to flout the security and wellbeing of ordinary Iranians in order to safeguard the future of the theocratic dictatorship. In 2019, Raisi was appointed to head the nation’s judiciary, and his penchant for political violence was put to the test by the outbreak of a nationwide uprising in November 2019 – a follow-up to similar protests in January 2018.

The regime’s response to the latter uprising constituted one of the worst singular crackdowns on dissent since the early years of the Iranian regime. As head of the judiciary, Raisi played a leading role in that crackdown, particularly the systematic torture of political prisoners that was detailed in a September 2020 report by Amnesty International. That report was closely accompanied by the emergence of new evidence supporting the tally of protest-related killings provided by the People’s Mojahedin Organisation of Iran (PMOI/MEK).

The MEK, which has long been recognized as the leading voice for Iranian democracy, quickly determined that security forces and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps had killed 1,500 people in mass shooting incidents over just several days coinciding with the November 2019 uprising. Over time, the MEK has also released the names of more than half of the victims, naturally starting with those who were members of the organisation or were otherwise closely connected to it.

Details of the crackdown serve to underscore the notion that it was largely an attack on the MEK, which Khamenei had acknowledged as a driving force behind the initial uprising in early 2018. The supreme leader referenced months of planning by dissidents in order to explain the popular embrace of slogans calling for “death to the dictator” and condemning both the “hardline” and “reformist” factions of mainstream politics inside the regime. This messaging was tantamount to a call for regime change – the expressed platform of the MEK and its parent coalition, the National Council of Resistance of Iran.

In recent weeks, MEK-affiliated activist collectives known as “Resistance Units” have been using precisely this platform to promote the concept of an all-encompassing electoral boycott. In April alone, those activists erected posters, painted graffiti, and held demonstrations in more than 250 localities across the Islamic Republic, urging citizens to “vote for regime change” by avoiding the polls and denying any semblance of legitimacy to the ruling system. Since then, the call to action has been echoed by various other groups, including pensioners and blue-collar workers whose frustration with the regime has greatly intensified in the midst of an economic crisis exacerbated by self-serving government policies and blatant corruption.

Protests by these and other demographics have lately come to feature slogans like, “We have seen no justice; we will not vote anymore.” The implication is that Iranians from all walks of life are not only rejecting the current election but also the entire underlying system, in favour of a platform akin to that which is being promoted by the MEK and the NCRI. The details of that platform are clarified for an international audience each year at a rally of Iranian expatriates and political supporters which invariably features eager endorsement of the “10-point plan” for a democratic Iranian republic that was authored roughly 15 years ago by NCRI President-elect Mrs. Maryam Rajavi.

The plan calls for free and fair elections as well as secular pluralism, and it expresses a commitment to international laws and principles of human rights. By contrast, the existing regime has repeatedly rejected those laws and principles through such recurring actions as its execution of juvenile offenders, its routine usage of torture and forced confessions, and its explicit insistence upon exception from human rights standards that are deemed to conflict with the regime’s fundamentalist interpretation of Shiite Islam.

Despite all of these, Tehran’s contempt for human rights has arguably never been more blatant than is now, in the run-up to Raisi’s appointment as the regime’s next president. His role in the crackdowns following the November 2019 are certainly one reason for this, but the main source of Raisi’s infamy remains his participation in the 1988 massacre of political prisoners. Those killings arguably constitute the late 20th century’s single worst crime against humanity, and as one of four figures in Tehran’s “death commission” at the time, Raisi bears as much responsibility as anybody for the roughly 30,000 hangings that were carried out over just several months.

In commenting on the election, the NCRI has made it clear that Raisi was chosen to run a more-or-less uncontested campaign precisely because of this legacy. Specifically, the NCRI argues that Khamenei witnessed the Resistance movement gaining momentum and resolved to consolidate power in the hands of those most comfortable with political violence. But in so doing, the supreme leader gave Iranians even more incentive to protest the political process than they had had in February 2020. Thus, when Raisi takes office, he will immediately be faced with the challenge of compensating for an electoral boycott that effectively deprive the regime of any claim to political legitimacy.

The consequences of that challenge will surely depend, in part, on the role that the international community chooses to take on in the midst of forthcoming conflicts between the Iranian regime and a population that is showing ever-greater support for an organised resistance. If major world powers elect to stand on the sidelines, it could give the Raisi administration license to assume office and then immediately initiate human rights abuses rivaling those of November 2019, or possibly approaching those of summer 1988. However, if those powers recognize this danger and instead elect to intervene on the Iranian people’s behalf, then they may find they have ample opportunities to do so.

Relevant strategies will be presented by NCRI officials and the political supporters, including European and American lawmakers and academics with diverse party affiliations, when they take part in the coalition’s World Summit on a Free Iran between July 10 and 12.

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Israel-Palestine Conflict: A Way Forward

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The first Prime Minister of Israel, David Ben Gurion, confessed (as mentioned in the book The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy), “If I were an Arab leader, I would never make terms with Israel. That is natural: we have taken their country. Sure, God promised it to us, but what does that matter to them? Our God is not theirs. We come from Israel, it’s true, but two thousand years ago, and what is that to them? There has been Anti-Semitism, the Nazis, Hitler, Auschwitz, but was that their fault? They see but one thing: we have come here and stolen their country. Why should they accept that?” 

Why did Ben Gurion say this? He knew that, initially the land did belong to the Jews, but when it was taken over by the Babylonians long ago, it remained no longer theirs. The Muslims had no role, whatsoever, in that occupation since the Babylonian captivity occurred around a thousand years before the emergence of Islam, implying that Muslims did not besiege this land from the Jews. In other words, when Jews were living there, it was their national homeland and when Muslims became the dominant force there, it turned out to be their national homeland. 

This piece of land has remained sacred to both Jews (as Ben Gurion said, above) and Muslims. It is the place containing the first Qibla of Muslims and associated with the Prophet Muhammad’s (PBUH) journey to the heavens. For Jews, it contains the Temple of Solomon. Thus, both historically and religiously, Muslims have the equal right on this land as Jews. On these bases, neither Muslims nor Jews are ready to give up this land, hence a conflict continues between them. 

Following the realization of the unjust Balfour declaration, two prominent solutions have been proposed: one state of two nations (Muslims and Jews) or two states of two nations.

One-state two-nation solution refers to a unitary state which includes the whole territory of Israel, West Bank and Gaza Strip. The federating units can be autonomous for the better functioning of the one state of two nations. The state would be shared and owned as equals by Jews and Muslims alike. Culturally, it would remain a salad bowl – the two peoples would retain their distinct cultural identities yet live together. If better sense prevails, the coexistence of Muslims and Jews would enable them to utilize each other’s potential and pursue their common interests, i.e., peace and stability.

In this regard, the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) set a guiding principle for the mutual co-existence of two nations (i.e., Muslims and non-Muslims) in the charter of Medina. This charter was democratically agreed by the leaders of all local tribes in such a way that all the parties to the agreement committed to defend the Medina state from any external aggressor. One example to illustrate the level of commitment is noteworthy. A prominent Jewish scholar, Makhreeq, took part in the battle of Uhud and fought alongside Muslims against the Mushriqin of Mecca. He was killed in the battle performing the commitment made under the Medina charter. He even made sure that if he was killed, his family must donate all his wealth to the state treasury for the protection of the homeland. The Medina charter valued religious differences by not making one religion superior to others. One of its clauses was that Muslims would abide by their religious laws and Jews by theirs. They were not to lose their religious identities but live together as politically equals while maintaining the religious differences. 

The one-state solution can end the hostilities between the two peoples. A multicultural nation can be inclusive for all, and be a state to be recognized by other states. The Balfour Declaration of 1917 outlined the notions of a national home for the Jewish people without infringing the religious as well as civil rights of the non-Jewish people. However, it contained a fundamental flaw. It provided Jews national rights but did not give the Palestinians the same status.

On similar lines, Yousef Munnayer, a Palestinian-American writer and the former Executive Director of the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, proposed a one state formula, which provides equal rights to all the citizens in every essence of the word. He wrote in the Foreign Affairs magazine, “The question, then, is not whether there will be a single state but what kind of state it should be. Will it be one that cements de facto apartheid in which Palestinians are denied basic rights? Or will it be a state that recognizes Israelis and Palestinians as equals under the law?” If we analyze the latter state in the light of Medina charter, it would be feasible and acceptable for two nations to exist as political equals. While protecting and preserving the religious identities of both nations, a one-state solution must provide equality to them in the political realm.

If the one-state solution is not possible, then the alternative could be the two-state solution, which means that the Gaza Strip and West Bank would unitedly become Palestinian territory and the remaining part would remain Israel. This is something on whose basis Pakistan also supports the Palestinian cause and backs a pre-1967 border solution. In such a scenario, Palestine would resemble Pakistan before the fall of Dhaka – Gaza and West Bank separated by Israel in between, just like East and West Pakistan separated by India before 1971. 

The aggression by Israel every now and then must end. Human security should become the focus. A binational secular state accepting the religious differences and considering all the people as equals can work in the benefit of all. A peaceful settlement to the dispute is the only thing that is beneficial for both of them, especially the Palestinians. 

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