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Technocratic management pottery with glazed jihadi management

Sajad Abedi

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An overview of the evolution of nearly four decades of Islamic revolution shows that what was the main component of the advancement and advancement of this divine movement is relying on monotheistic faith and indigenous beliefs based on Islamic teachings. As the effects are of these teachings on the various elements of the Islamic revolutionary software can be seen.

One of the effects of this software development is the particular style of management that emerged from the jihadist culture and thought of the Islamic Revolution, which emerged and emerged after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, and can be seen in its efficacy.

The glorious history of the holy defense is a symbol of the effectiveness of the jihadist management, and now, in the Islamic Revolution in the fourth decade, relying on the power of the people and the interior to advance Islamic Iran, the image of the efforts of all the caricons of the revolution, is again the jihadist management that rescues this sensitive arena And strategic.

However, jihadist and jihadist leaders managed to pass the country away from the unpopular imposed war in the first Islamic Revolution in the first decade, but in the second decade of the revolution we saw the reign of the so-called technocrats. Managers who, although claiming to pay expertise, in fact defined expertise against a commitment and were left unidentified by a Islamic regime director under the charge of the revolutionary authorities.

The managers, who, in the wake of the construction of the government and its chairman, rehearsed Western planning for national development, they rewrote the transcripts of the Western prescriptions and prescriptions for so-called modern Iran. Accordingly, technocrats have turned away indigenous, religious, and revolutionary values on the development path. For example, out of a total of 625 people who participated in setting up and approving the “final draft of the second development plan”, only one person was a seminary, the post is “Deputy of Endowment Organization”; he has participated in one of the planning committees. The review of the status of the organization of the former Bundestag and the former administrative and employment organization confirms this view.

The technocrats’ management flow did not survive only in the economic arena and entered the political phase, with the build-up party of the builders-builders rising. Years later, in the 2014 elections, a stream that coincided with the same technocratic leadership once again managed to reach the realm of power in the executive branch, and again the management of technocrats with liberal doctrines again became the powerhouse.

This managerial trend believes that developmental patterns must be pursued in accordance with what is defined in the West, and the prescribed management pattern is also “instrumental management”, that is, a disconnected management of revelatory teachings and reliance on humanity. This management seeks to accept globalization and globalization as a norm and surrenders to it. However, this spectrum of inaccurate executives reads “illiterate” and “inexperienced” and tries to pull out the spectrum from the field.

Technocratic leaders in the eleventh government have gained reliable seats, especially in economic areas, as key ministries and sensitive posts are available to them. Bijan Zanganeh, Minister of Construction and Reforms, has taken over the Ministry of Oil. Massoud Neely is a liberal technocrat economist who is an industrial development strategy and a third development plan for his team. He is the economic advisor to the president and responsible for the macroeconomic planning of the state. Managers such as Akbar Turkan and Mohammad Reza Nematzadeh also have a strong and effective government in the government.

But the technocrats’ management loop that affects the eleventh state has some features:

Wealthy and capitalist executives: some 11th-century government executives have a wealth of thousands of dollars on the basis of their own figures. In general, it can be said that a significant number of economic managers of the eleventh government have, in recent years, embarked on private sector activities, and now operate in parallel both in the government and in the private sector. For example, Mr. Mohammad Reza Nematzadeh, Minister of Industry, Mine and Trade, is a member of the board of directors in 12 private companies that date most of them since 2009.

One site recently released a news release that surprised experts and the community. “The Secretary-General’s sleep at the meeting of the commission” was the headline for sleeping by one of the ministers of the economy at the meeting of the commission. The story was that, apparently, at the meeting of the commission and at the height of the specialized discussions, the audience suddenly realized that Mr. Secretary was sleeping! Therefore, some members of the commission believed that the fatigue and the high level of the minister’s age were due to his sleeping in the meeting.

Managers who have been leading the executive branch of the eleventh government are mainly from the spectrum that had been at the management board in the years 1988 to 2004 and returned to their place after the eight-year termination, with the difference that many of them either retired and or at a retirement age.

This “closed loop of managers” actually leads to the “failure to turn the elite” on the one hand and “the lack of growth of youth” in managerial jobs. In the next few years, with the current range of senior managers leaving management positions, young managers have not had the minimum experience and readiness to accept responsibilities, and the country will be faced with serious damage in the realm of implementation.

Manage technocrats, look out and get Western help. This kind of management does not mean “we can”. A typical example of this is the reliance on the country’s crude oil and the formation of the oil-rich economy. The Supreme Leader of the Revolution said: “I say this once again, a few months ago, that the Americans expressed their joy and said that he acknowledged that sanctions had affected. Yes, the sanctions were ineffective; they wanted to be happy. The sanctions finally hit; this is a fundamental problem in us. Our economy is suffering from this oil-dependent form. We must separate our economies from oil; our governments include this in their core programs. I, seventeen eighteen years ago, was working on a government that was at that time and told officials that we would be able to shut down oil wells whenever we wanted to. The gentlemen, according to their own “technocrat” smile, denied that it would be?! Yes; it must be followed, must be taken, and must be planned. When an economic plan of a country is connected and dependent on a particular point, enemies focus on that particular point. Yes, the sanctions affected, but not the effect that the enemy wanted. “The reason for this should be the fascination of the conservative, Western-Western, and West fascination and, finally, the lack of national self-confidence in this spectrum of executives.

In contrast to technocratic management, the healing version provided by the Islamic Revolution is “Jihadist management”, which has provided its effective record in a sensitive and diverse period of the life of the system. As the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution also states: “If the jihadist management is the same work and effort that is dominated by divine intentions based on knowledge and tact, the problems of the country, in the current conditions of the unbridled pressures of the world powers and in other circumstances, can be resolved, and The country will continue to move forward. »

Accordingly, he sees the rule of Jihadist leadership as a way to overcome the basic challenges of the system: “Our inner challenges are: to entertain the differences in the interior; to divide and disparate the superficial, entertain us, and put them together, Controversy does not let us ignore the main issues and main lines; one of the examples is the main challenge. Losing solidarity is a challenge for our nation. Getting into laziness and disorientation, becoming obsessive, despairing, imagining that we cannot imagine that we have not succeeded; no, as Imam said, we can, we must resolve, national determination and jihadi management can Open all of these nodes. These are all the internal challenges that we must deal with. »

He says in the definition of jihad and jihad movements: “Jihad is an attempt made against an enemy; it is not an attempt to fight jihad. Jihad is an attempt to take on a hostile challenge from the other side; it is jihad. Then the meaning of jihad management here is to pay attention that the scientific movement of the country and the scientific movement of the country and the scientific progress of the country are faced with an adversarial challenge that needs to be resisted in the face of this hostile challenge that you, the student who you master, who you are a student, is. ; This is the jihadist movement and the management of the machine; whether the university’s management, the management of the ministry, or the management of any part of the various sectors of this vast arena, will be Jihadist administration. »

In contrast to this jihadi view, it is normal, sleepy and lacking sensitivity and sense of responsibility. As they emphasize, “it is not possible to do a lot of work with a normal and unassuming movement; it is necessary for a jihadist effort, jihadi mobilization and jihadi management are necessary for these [resistance economy policies]”. Therefore, it can be said that without Jihadist management, endogenous development is not possible, unless people will not be able to change economy and culture. Culture is the most important element of authoritarianism that the reform of consumption patterns is also one of the basic principles of resistance policies. Unless people reconsider their consumption culture, leadership measures will not be realized, and in another direction, the economy will need to flourish. It is a matter of humanity, and this requires the correct implementation of the policies of Article 44 and the proper handing over of government apparatus to the people.

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Turkey and the time bomb in Syria

Mohammad Ghaderi

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The Turkish attack on northern Syria has provided conditions for ISIS militants held in camps in the region to escape and revitalize themselves.

Turkey launched “Operation Peace Spring” on Wednesday October 9, claiming to end the presence of terrorists near its borders in northern Syria. Some countries condemned this illegal action of violation of the Syrian sovereignty.

The military attack has exacerbated the Syrian people’s living condition who live in these areas. On the other hand, it has also allowed ISIS forces to escape and prepare themselves to resume their actions in Syria. Before Turkish incursion into northern Syria, There were many warnings that the incursion would prepare the ground for ISIS resurgence. But ignoring the warning, Turkey launched its military attacks.

Currently, about 11,000 ISIS prisoners are held in Syria. ISIS has claimed the responsibility for two attacks on Qamishli and Hasakah since the beginning of Turkish attacks.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump said that Turkey and the Kurds must stop ISIS prisoners from fleeing. He urged European countries to take back their citizens who have joined ISIS.

It should be noted that the U.S. is trying to prove that ISIS has become stronger since the U.S. troops pulled out before the Turkish invasion, and to show that Syria is not able to manage the situation. But this fact cannot be ignored that ISIS militants’ escape and revival were an important consequence of the Turkish attack.

Turkish troops has approached an important city in the northeast and clashed with Syrian forces. These events provided the chance for hundreds of ISIS members to escape from a camp in Ayn Issa near a U.S.-led coalition base.

 The camp is located 35 kilometers on the south of Syria-Turkey border, and about 12,000 ISIS members, including children and women, are settled there. The Kurdish forces are said to be in charge of controlling these prisoners.

Media reports about the ISIS resurgence in Raqqa, the former ISIS stronghold, cannot be ignored, as dozens of terrorists have shot Kurdish police forces in this city. The terrorists aimed to occupy the headquarters of the Kurdish-Syrian security forces in the center of Raqqa.  One of the eyewitnesses said the attack was coordinated, organized and carried out by several suicide bombers, but failed.

In response to Turkey’s invasion of Syria, the Kurds have repeatedly warned that the attack will lead to release of ISIS elements in the region. Turkey’s President Recep Tayyib Erdogan denied the reports about the escape of ISIS prisoners and called them “lies”.

European officials fear that ISIS prisoners with European nationality, who have fled camps, will come back to their countries.

Kurdish forces are making any effort to confront Turkish troops in border areas, so their presence and patrol in Raqqa have been reduced.

Interestingly, the Turkish military bombarded one of temporary prisons and caused ISIS prisoners escaping. It seems that ISIS-affiliated covert groups have started their activities to seize the control of Raqqa. These groups are seeking to rebuild their so-called caliphate, as Kurdish and Syrian forces are fighting to counter the invading Turkish troops. Families affiliated with ISIS are held in Al-Hol camp, under the control of Kurdish forces. At the current situation, the camp has turned into a time bomb that could explode at any moment. Under normal circumstances, there have been several conflicts between ISIS families in the camp, but the current situation is far worse than before.

There are more than 3,000 ISIS families in the camp and their women are calling for establishment of the ISIS caliphate. Some of SDF forces have abandoned their positions, and decreased their watch on the camp.

The danger of the return of ISIS elements is so serious, since they are so pleased with the Turkish attack and consider it as an opportunity to regain their power. There are pictures of ISIS wives in a camp in northern Syria, under watch of Kurdish militias, showing how happy they are about the Turkish invasion.

In any case, the Turkish attack, in addition to all the military, political and human consequences, holds Ankara responsible for the escape of ISIS militants and preparing the ground for their resurgence.

Currently, the camps holding ISIS and their families are like time bombs that will explode if they all escape. Covert groups affiliated with the terrorist organization are seeking to revive the ISIS caliphate and take further actions if the Turkish attacks continue. These attacks have created new conflicts in Syria and undermined Kurdish and Syrian power to fight ISIS.

From our partner Tehran Times

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The Turkish Gambit

Dr. Arshad M. Khan

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The only certainty in war is its intrinsic uncertainty, something Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan could soon chance upon.  One only has to look back on America’s topsy-turvy fortunes in Iraq, Afghanistan and even Syria for confirmation.

The Turkish invasion of northeastern Syria has as its defined objective a buffer zone between the Kurds in Turkey and in Syria.  Mr. Erdogan hopes, to populate it with some of the 3 million plus Syrian refugees in Turkey, many of these in limbo in border camps.  The refugees are Arab; the Kurds are not.

Kurds speak a language different from Arabic but akin to Persian.  After the First World War, when the victors parceled up the Arab areas of the Ottoman Empire, Syria came to be controlled by the French, Iraq by the British, and the Kurdish area was divided into parts in Turkey, Syria and Iraq, not forgetting the borderlands in Iran — a brutal division by a colonial scalpel severing communities, friends and families.  About the latter, I have some experience, having lived through the bloody partition of India into two, and now three countries that cost a million lives.   

How Mr. Erdogan will persuade the Arab Syrian refugees to live in an enclave, surrounded by hostile Kurds, some ethnically cleansed from the very same place, remains an open question.  Will the Turkish army occupy this zone permanently?  For, we can imagine what the Kurds will do if the Turkish forces leave.

There is another aspect of modern conflict that has made conquest no longer such a desirable proposition — the guerrilla fighter.  Lightly armed and a master of asymmetric warfare, he destabilizes. 

Modern weapons provide small bands of men the capacity and capability to down helicopters, cripple tanks, lay IEDs, place car bombs in cities and generally disrupt any orderly functioning of a state, tying down large forces at huge expense with little chance of long term stability.  If the US has failed repeatedly in its efforts to bend countries to its will, one has to wonder if Erdogan has thought this one through.

The Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 is another case in point.  Forever synonymous with the infamous butchery at Sabra and Shatila by the Phalange militia facilitated by Israeli forces, it is easy to forget a major and important Israeli goal:  access to the waters of the Litani River which implied a zone of occupation for the area south of it up to the Israeli border.

Southern Lebanon is predominantly Shia and at the time of the Israeli invasion they were a placid group who were dominated by Christians and Sunni, even Palestinians ejected from Israel but now armed and finding refuge in Lebanon.  It was when the Israelis looked like they were going to stay that the Shia awoke.  It took a while but soon their guerrillas were harassing Israeli troops and drawing blood.  The game was no longer worth the candle and Israel, licking its wounds, began to withdraw ending up eventually behind their own border.

A colossal footnote is the resurgent Shia confidence, the buildup into Hezbollah and new political power.  The Hezbollah prepared well for another Israeli invasion to settle old scores and teach them a lesson.  So they were ready, and shocked the Israelis in 2006.  Now they are feared by Israeli troops.   

To return to the present, it is not entirely clear as to what transpired in the telephone call between Erdogan and Trump.  Various sources confirm Trump has bluffed Erdogan in the past.  It is not unlikely then for Trump to have said this time, “We’re leaving.  If you go in, you will have to police the area.  Don’t ask us to help you.”  Is that subject to misinterpretation?  It certainly is a reminder of the inadvertent green light to Saddam Hussein for the invasion of Kuwait when Bush Senior was in office. 

For the time being Erdogan is holding fast and Trump has signed an executive order imposing sanctions on Turkish officials and institutions.  Three Turkish ministers and the Defense and Energy ministries are included.  Trump has also demanded an immediate ceasefire.  On the economic front, he has raised tariffs on steel back to 50 percent as it used to be before last May.  Trade negotiations on a $100 billion trade deal with Turkey have also been halted forthwith.  The order also includes the holding of property of those sanctioned, as well as barring entry to the U.S.

Meanwhile, the misery begins all over again as thousands flee the invasion area carrying what they can.  Where are they headed?  Anywhere where artillery shells do not rain down and the sound of airplanes does not mean bombs.

Such are the exigencies of war and often its surprising consequences. 

Author’s Note:  This piece appeared originally on Counterpunch.org

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Could Turkish aggression boost peace in Syria?

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On October 7, 2019, the U.S. President Donald Trump announced the withdrawal of American troops from northeast Syria, where the contingent alongside Kurdish militias controlled the vast territories. Trump clarified that the decision is connected with the intention of Turkey to attack the Kurdish units, posing a threat to Ankara.

It’s incredible that the Turkish military operation against Kurds – indeed the territorial integrity of Syria has resulted in the escape of the U.S., Great Britain, and France. These states essentially are key destabilizing components of the Syrian crisis.

Could this factor favourably influence the situation in the country? For instance, after the end of the Iraqi war in 2011 when the bulk of the American troops left the country, the positive developments took place in the lives of all Iraqis. According to World Economics organization, after the end of the conflict, Iraq’s GDP grew by 14% in 2012, while during the U.S. hostilities the average GDP growth was about 5,8%.

Syria’s GDP growth should also be predicted. Not right away the withdrawal of U.S., French, British, and other forces, but a little bit later after the end of the Turkish operation that is not a phenomenon. The Turkish-Kurdish conflict has been going on since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire when Kurds started to promote the ideas of self-identity and independence. Apart from numerous human losses, the Turks accomplished nothing. It is unlikely that Ankara would achieve much in Peace Spring operation. The Kurds realize the gravity of the situation and choose to form an alliance with the Syrian government that has undermined the ongoing Turkish offensive.

Under these circumstances, Erdogan could only hope for the creation of a narrow buffer zone on the Syrian-Turkish border. The withdrawal of the Turkish forces from the region is just a matter of time. However, we can safely say that the Turkish expansion unwittingly accelerated the peace settlement of the Syrian crisis, as the vital destabilizing forces left the country. Besides, the transfer of the oil-rich north-eastern regions under the control of Bashar Assad will also contribute to the early resolution of the conflict.

It remains a matter of conjecture what the leaders of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Russia agreed on during the high-level talks. Let’s hope that not only the Syrians, but also key Gulf states are tired of instability and tension in the region, and it’s a high time to strive for a political solution to the Syrian problem.

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