Iran’s deal with great powers in the framework of 5+1 negotiations (or 3+3 as European partners prefer to name it!), leads to Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Both sides seem to be committed to the plan so far; Iran to reduce its nuclear double use technologies and the west to remove international sanctions for that regard. But US election outcome brought a threat to the agreement. Trump since election’s campaign criticized the deal as the worst in the history of the United State. Forgetting how true this claim can be, concerning current trends in the Middle East, he is up to not extend the US partnership in the agreement anymore in the next step.
This happens in the circumstance which Europeans consider the agreement one of the biggest achievements of their approach toward managing global peace and security in order to settle the challenges with dialogue. This stand is normal for pro-EU actors after some severe damages to EU structure like BRIXIT or far right movements’ successes in some domestic elections which remind us the problem of democracy where it was born.
On the other hand some European states had deep good economic and industrial ties with Iran before imposing extensive international sanctions by United Nations Security Council on Iran for its nuclear project in 2010. Therefore Europeans tried to redesign economic contracts with Iran and at the meantime keep US in the deal. German, British and some other’s high officials visited Tehran. The last one was French foreign minister Le Drian diplomatic visit which all are rare event in European-Iranian relations. Announcement of French president Macron plan for an official voyage to Tehran comes to absolutely unique occasion during last four decades which we used to see Tehran’s isolation by western leaders despite mentioned trade connections.
Not like extremists in the US, mostly European civic pioneers believe that with deepen relations with Iran, they can improve democracy and social society in Iranian alive and dynamic community. Therefore this can serve western global values as well. In spite of Iranian authority demonstrates modest motivation to promote and support this capacity. Does this case show a weakness point in European agenda which has to forget some basic norms it was established for?
But Iranian wise politicians consider the gaps between EU and US. Even though they cooperate with each other in the world’s securitized issues but Europeans are gradually coming out of Americans military shadow. Some plans for establishment of a European military organization embedded in EU not NATO is an evidence. English depart also accelerates this trend. Whereas other competitions in economic and trade fields are severely considerable in two sides of Atlantic.
With no doubt EU has not a unique spirit. New members in particular from eastern part are more interested in business affairs comparing to founders in the west which civic values are still important. Therefore individual members are capable to have different approach in relation with a rich energy state like Iran whiles their bosses in EU trying to teach them lessons of liberal democracy!
After about four decades past from the Islamic revolution, Iran is going to regain its historical place in the region as a leader. Although reemergence of ancient Persian Empire after long term deprivation and current international political system seems not viable, but acting as a regional hegemony is lowest desire. Both world’s great powers and average states in the Middle East (e.g. US and Saudi Arabia) are concerns about Iranians ambitions and have declared that, beside practical measures in counter. But Iran is trying to reduce tensions by de-securitizing the relations in particular with the west explaining that: “this is our “breathing space” and reasonably normal for a power in our size!”. But here are some other facts which must be respected by critics.
Since the Islamic revolution in 1979, European-Iranian relations have fluctuated. US embassy crisis, Iran-Iraq 8 years’ war, Salman Roshdi’s book case, Mykonos court in Germany, Nuclear and Missile file beside human rights problem and some other events during last 4 decades severely damaged bilateral relations. In better word EU-Iran relations followed an action-reaction model instead of initiative productive approach which could serve both side’s interests.
Question is: For a world actor like EU and regional one like Iran, in spite of differences, a productive approach in relations is promising which maximizes achievable interests for both sides?
In some realistic perspective, analyzers believe that two sides’ different ideologies and norms make it difficult to be cooperative partners. But more social security approach proposes an alternative method. In this practical approach, de-securitization of relations is a solution. Most of available affairs are mainly politically oriented and are not security issues at all. Therefore establishment of productive relations is possible. Particularly when we remember in recent decades they had deep good economic relations even after revolution. In this context spillover of Functionalism agenda -which is an interesting approach in EU’s enlargement process – is also applicable.
Roots of Current Situation
Iranian Islamic republic had some essential principles which have been inflexible since the revolution. But various administrations in power -each for period of eight years- had different domestic and foreign policies. Like a spectrum, one based its strategy against west (by conservatives) and another one rather more pro-western at least in case of Europe (by reformists), and it is observable that both trends have their supports in the entire community of Iran. So, could Europeans take a strategy to strengthen one serving their own interests?
Indeed Iran’s strategic situation in the Middle East between Persian Gulf and Caspian Sea and being the leader of Shie’ Muslims, besides Iranian’s challenge with US and Israel, made Iran a crucial actor for EU. Keeping in mind energy resources and Iran’s big economic and trading market capacities never allowed Europe to put this vital state out of EU’s main agenda in the region, if not the world. Iranians also tried to divide US and Europe from the beginning. Europeans kept their strategic economic and political relations and even did not followed unilateral US sanctions imposed on Iran for US’s Embassy hostage in Tehran although they remain alarmed. Till the recent Nuclear file (non proliferation policy which normally EU sees itself more committed) announced by UN Security Council’s resolution, could unify EU and US against Iran.
But we know EU has some internal security challenges in globalized world which Iran can play more efficient role even if being a bad actor. Iran as a regional power and leader for a large branch of Muslims and also active neighboring with countries which almost all are in domestic terrible (e.g. Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, etc); with its energy and trade capacity can be a helpful partner for EU in the Middle East more than many others. Rooted terrorism in the Middle East, migrants and refugees flood, Energy resources (Iran has one the largest stocks in the world), and trade market capacities, environment and last but not the least drug smuggling road (which Iran is first in the world for fighting with Opium planted in Afghanistan) are of both sides main concerns.
More importantly Iran is not anymore same decades ago actor in the world politics. 1979’s revolution brought new young extremist politicians on power. They were against west oriented and pro Muslim community. But imposed war by Saddam as representative of majority of Arab tyrant states (to prevent export of revolutionary waves) and many years challenge with some neighbors (in particular KSA or UAE and the rest!) made these currently matured politicians more realistic which are considering national interest in higher priority. They are pursuing practical ways to play viable role and gaining respectable position, while not violating revolution’s principles. New young generation as surveys show, is also less anti-western people despite continued propaganda and antagonism.
An opportunity for Europe is that Iran does not like to work with the US officially and correspondingly US administration tries to keep and introduce Iran as a threat for liberal world. Thus with Iran’s leverage, EU can be more active actor in the Middle East; that is important for EU to prevent US unilateralism in the world politics. Internal security concerns and migrations challenge, rising of far right movements -which complains Union’s weak performance- and various other social and economic challenges are threatening European integration future. However Union’s practical capacity in the world politics highlighted among pan-Europeans and Iran could be for one more time the Victory Bridge.
Although for an actor like Iran, working with individual European states is more beneficial. Since most of critics against itself are not really in Union’s smaller states domestic interest, but they seems more EU’s general normative concern. Nevertheless in this context, these two actors can establish a regime for cooperation which benefits both sides. De-securitization of relation and focusing on mutual interests in the region with development of economic and trade capacities can shape better future.
Historically, they [EU-Iran] transferred from “critical dialogues” in the first decade of Islamic revolution (1980’s) to “constructive dialogue” in the second decade(1990’s) which synchronized with the proposal of the idea of “dialogue among civilizations” by Iranian reformist president, leads to recent nuclear talks and settlement (2010’s) by E3+3 in 2015. As mentioned earlier, if EU plays a more observable positive role with Iran, this will support reformists to achieve sets in domestic administration and it helps growth of democratic society easier and faster.
It seems today, is the time for long-term connections to de-securitize bilateral relation in order to be supportive partners for common interests in the region. It can assist Iran be a more productive actor in the region respecting more EU and world’s normative order and either being an asset for EU to deal with home challenges.
Conclusion and future Perspective
Iranian-European relation in spite of periodic fluctuation had a module during recent four decades and it inspired by both sides interests and benefits of cooperation and coordination. Although Iran had a more ideological approach and Europe had more economic priorities. Regarding Iran’s capabilities to influence processes of affairs in the Middle East and even beyond, American approach was quiet aggressive and made barriers in the course in particular by securitization the situation around Iran. It happens both in regional and international levels and also in case by case striking (like recent nuclear file).
Therefore, in order to keep the enthusiasm of Iran-EU connections alive, de-securitization of relation is essential in spite of US will. It is clear that both sides do also prefer this trend but till EU cannot get rid of American military shadow, European efforts to reduce Iranian threat perception should be continued since Iran has much fewer tools to enhance this agenda in public environment regarding the importance of media influence in the west.
Construction of this basement will spill over to other sub-fields which can develop bilateral connections. Respecting Iranian community potentials this will lead to improve Iran’s behavior in the framework of European values which by confrontation strategy by the west will reinforce conservatives in Iran and moving in counter way. For a recent US administration which tries to weaken European Union integration, rethinking the relations with a complicated actor like Iran in such a way will be great chance for pan-Europeans.
All in all, reminding the facts of collapse in western community in face of Iran, hence keeping in mind current real chaos in the Middle East and western Asia; US exit from nuclear deal (JCPOA) can divide US-EU more in coming years and encourage Europeans to have their own strategy toward world’s challenges.
 To be as one of Islamic revolution’s columns; this introduced USA as an Imperialist state beside Israel as an occupier regime dominates an Islamic state.
 Like during Second World War in 1943 for British-Russian joint operations connecting south-north in winning the great battle.
Saudi Arabia and Iran want to be friends again
Eventually the ice-cold relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia began to melt. The two countries sat at the negotiating table shortly after Biden came to power. The results of that discussion are finally being seen. Trade relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have already begun to move. Although there has been no diplomatic relationship between the two countries since 2016, trade relations have been tense. But trade between Iran and the two countries was zero from last fiscal year until March 20 this year. Iran recently released a report on trade with neighboring countries over the past six months. The report also mentions the name of Saudi Arabia. This means that the rivalry between the two countries is slowly normalizing.
Historically, Shia-dominated Iran was opposed to the Ottoman Empire. The Safavids of Persia have been at war with the Ottomans for a long time, However, after the fall of the Ottomans, when the Middle East was divided like monkey bread, the newly created Saudi Arabia did not have much of a problem with Iran. Business trade between the two countries was normal. This is because the rulers of Saudi Arabia and Iran at the time were Western-backed. That is why there was not much of a problem between them. But when a revolution was organized in Iran in 1979 and the Islamic Republic of Iran was established by overthrowing the Shah, Iran’s relations with the West as well as with Saudi Arabia deteriorated. During the revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini called for the ouster of Western-backed rulers from the Middle East. After this announcement, naturally the Arab rulers went against Iran.
Saddam Hussein later invaded Iran with US support and Saudi financial support. After that, as long as Khomeini was alive, Saudi Arabia’s relations with Iran were bad. After Khomeini’s death, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatemi tried to mend fences again. But they didn’t get much of an advantage.
When the Bush administration launched its invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran’s influence in Shiite-majority Iraq continued to grow. Since the start of the Arab Spring in 2011, Iran’s influence in the region has grown. Saudi Arabia has been embroiled in a series of shadow wars to reduce its influence. It can be said that Iran and Saudi Arabia are involved in the Cold War just like the United States and the Soviet Union. Behind that war was a conflict of religious ideology and political interests. Diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran came to a complete standstill in 2016. Iranians attack the Saudi embassy in Tehran after executing Saudi Shiite cleric Sheikh Nimar al-Nimar. Since then, the two countries have not had diplomatic relations.
Finally, in April this year, representatives of the two countries met behind closed doors in Baghdad. And through this, the two countries started the process of normalizing diplomatic relations again. The last direct meeting between the two countries was held on September 21.
Now why are these two countries interested in normalizing relations? At one point, Mohammed bin Salman said they had no chance of negotiating with Iran. And Khomeini, the current Supreme Leader of Iran, called Mohammed bin Salman the new Hitler. But there is no such thing as a permanent enemy ally in politics or foreign policy. That is why it has brought Saudi Arabia and Iran back to the negotiating table. Prince Salman once refused to negotiate with Iran, but now he says Iran is our neighbor, we all want good and special relations with Iran.
Saudi Arabia has realized that its Western allies are short-lived. But Iran is their permanent neighbor. They have to live with Iran. The United States will not return to fight against Iran on behalf of Saudi Arabia. That is why it is logical for Iran and Saudi Arabia to have their ideological differences and different interests at the negotiating table. Saudi Arabia has been at the negotiating table with Iran for a number of reasons. The first reason is that Saudi Arabia wants to reduce its oil dependence. Prince Salman has announced Vision 2030. In order to implement Vision 2030 and get out of the oil dependent economy, we need to have good relations with our neighbors. It is not possible to achieve such goals without regional stability, He said.
Saudi Arabia also wants to emerge from the ongoing shadow war with Iran in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and Lebanon to achieve regional stability. The war in Yemen in particular is now a thorn in the side of Saudi Arabia. The Saudis are unable to get out of this war, nor are they able to achieve the desired goal. Saudi Arabia must normalize relations with Iran if it is to emerge from the war in Yemen. Without a mutual understanding with Iran, Yemen will not be able to end the war. That is why Saudi Arabia wants to end the war through a peace deal with the Houthis by improving relations with Iran.
Drone strikes could also have an impact on the Saudi Aramco oil field to bring Saudi Arabia to the negotiating table. Because after the drone attack, the oil supply was cut in half. The Saudis do not want Aramco to be attacked again. Also, since the Biden administration has no eye on the Middle East, it would be wise to improve relations with Iran in its own interests.
Iran will benefit the most if relations with Saudi Arabia improve. Their economy has been shaken by long-standing US sanctions on Iran. As Saudi Arabia is the largest and most powerful country in the Middle East, Iran has the potential to benefit politically as well as economically if relations with them are normal.
While Saudi Arabia will normalize relations with Iran, its allies will also improve relations with Iran. As a result, Iran’s political and trade relations with all the countries of the Saudi alliance will be better. This will give them a chance to turn their economy around again. The development of Iran’s relations with Saudi Arabia will also send a positive message to the Biden administration. It could lead to a renewed nuclear deal and lift sanctions on Iran.
Another reason is that when Saudi Arabia normalizes relations with Iran, it will receive formal recognition of Iran’s power in the Middle East. The message will be conveyed that it is not possible to turn the stick in the Middle East by bypassing Iran. Relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran need to be normalized for peace and stability in the Middle East.
But in this case, the United Arab Emirates and Israel may be an obstacle. The closeness that Saudi Arabia had with the UAE will no longer exist. The UAE now relies much more on Israel. There will also be some conflict of interest between Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Prince Salman wants to turn Saudi into a full-fledged tourism and business hub that could pose a major threat to the UAE’s economy and make the two countries compete.
Furthermore, in order to sell arms to the Middle East, Iran must show something special. Why would Middle Eastern countries buy weapons if the Iranian offensive was stopped? During the Cold War, arms dealers forced NATO allies to buy large quantities of weapons out of fear of the Soviet Union. So it is in the Middle East. But if the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia is normal, it will be positive for the Muslim world, but it will lead to a recession in the arms market.
Turkey and Iran find soft power more difficult than hard power
The times they are a changin’. Iranian leaders may not be Bob Dylan fans, but his words are likely to resonate as they contemplate their next steps in Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan, Lebanon, and Azerbaijan.
The same is true for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The president’s shine as a fierce defender of Muslim causes, except for when there is an economic price tag attached as is the case of China’s brutal crackdown on Turkic Muslims, has been dented by allegations of lax defences against money laundering and economic mismanagement.
The setbacks come at a time that Mr. Erdogan’s popularity is diving in opinion polls.
Turkey this weekend expelled the ambassadors of the US, Canada, France, Finland, Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, and Sweden for calling for the release of philanthropist and civil rights activist Osman Kavala in line with a European Court of Human Rights decision.
Neither Turkey nor Iran can afford the setbacks that often are the result of hubris. Both have bigger geopolitical, diplomatic, and economic fish to fry and are competing with Saudi Arabia and the UAE as well as Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama for religious soft power, if not leadership of the Muslim world.
That competition takes on added significance in a world in which Middle Eastern rivals seek to manage rather than resolve their differences by focusing on economics and trade and soft, rather than hard power and proxy battles.
In one recent incident Hidayat Nur Wahid, deputy speaker of the Indonesian parliament, opposed naming a street in Jakarta after Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the general-turned-statemen who carved modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire. Mr. Wahid suggested that it would be more appropriate to commemorate Ottoman sultans Mehmet the Conqueror or Suleiman the Magnificent or 14th-century Islamic scholar, Sufi mystic, and poet Jalaludin Rumi.
Mr. Wahid is a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood-linked Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and a board member of the Saudi-run Muslim World League, one of the kingdom’s main promoters of religious soft power.
More importantly, Turkey’s integrity as a country that forcefully combats funding of political violence and money laundering has been called into question by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an international watchdog, and a potential court case in the United States that could further tarnish Mr. Erdogan’s image.
A US appeals court ruled on Friday that state-owned Turkish lender Halkbank can be prosecuted over accusations it helped Iran evade American sanctions.
Prosecutors have accused Halkbank of converting oil revenue into gold and then cash to benefit Iranian interests and documenting fake food shipments to justify transfers of oil proceeds. They also said Halkbank helped Iran secretly transfer US$20 billion of restricted funds, with at least $1 billion laundered through the US financial system.
Halkbank has pleaded not guilty and argued that it is immune from prosecution under the federal Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act because it was “synonymous” with Turkey, which has immunity under that law. The case has complicated US-Turkish relations, with Mr. Erdogan backing Halkbank’s innocence in a 2018 memo to then US President Donald Trump.
FATF placed Turkey on its grey list last week. It joins countries like Pakistan, Syria, South Sudan, and Yemen that have failed to comply with the group’s standards. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned earlier this year that greylisting would affect a country’s ability to borrow on international markets, and cost it an equivalent of up to 3 per cent of gross domestic product as well as a drop in foreign direct investment.
Mr. Erdogan’s management of the economy has been troubled by the recent firing of three central bank policymakers, a bigger-than-expected interest rate cut that sent the Turkish lira tumbling, soaring prices, and an annual inflation rate that last month ran just shy of 20 per cent. Mr. Erdogan has regularly blamed high-interest rates for inflation.
A public opinion survey concluded in May that 56.9% of respondents would not vote for Mr. Erdogan and that the president would lose in a run-off against two of his rivals, Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavas and his Istanbul counterpart Ekrem Imamoglu.
In further bad news for the president, polling company Metropoll said its September survey showed that 69 per cent of respondents saw secularism as a necessity while 85.1 per cent objected to religion being used in election campaigning.
In Iran’s case, a combination of factors is changing the dynamics of Iran’s relations with some of its allied Arab militias, calling into question the domestic positioning of some of those militias, fueling concern in Tehran that its detractors are encircling it, and putting a dent in the way Iran would like to project itself.
A just-published report by the Combatting Terrorism Center at the US Military Academy West Point concluded that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) faced “growing difficulties in controlling local militant cells. Hardline anti-US militias struggle with the contending needs to de-escalate US-Iran tensions, meet the demands of their base for anti-US operations, and simultaneously evolve non-kinetic political and social wings.”
Iranian de-escalation of tensions with the United States is a function of efforts to revive the defunct 2015 international agreement to curb Iran’s nuclear program and talks aimed at improving relations with Saudi Arabia even if they have yet to produce concrete results.
In addition, like in Lebanon, Iranian soft power in Iraq has been challenged by growing Iraqi public opposition to sectarianism and Iranian-backed Shiite militias that are at best only nominally controlled by the state.
Even worse, militias, including Hezbollah, the Arab world’s foremost Iranian-supported armed group, have been identified with corrupt elites in Lebanon and Iraq. Many in Lebanon oppose Hezbollah as part of an elite that has allowed the Lebanese state to collapse to protect its vested interests.
Hezbollah did little to counter those perceptions when the group’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, threatened Lebanese Christians after fighting erupted this month between the militia and the Lebanese Forces, a Maronite party, along the Green Line that separated Christian East and Muslim West Beirut during the 1975-1990 civil war.
The two groups battled each other for hours as Hezbollah staged a demonstration to pressure the government to stymie an investigation into last year’s devastating explosion in the port of Beirut. Hezbollah fears that the inquiry could lay bare pursuit of the group’s interests at the expense of public safety.
“The biggest threat for the Christian presence in Lebanon is the Lebanese Forces party and its head,” Mr. Nasrallah warned, fuelling fears of a return to sectarian violence.
It’s a warning that puts a blot on Iran’s assertion that its Islam respects minority rights, witness the reserved seats in the country’s parliament for religious minorities. These include Jews, Armenians, Assyrians and Zoroastrians.
Similarly, an alliance of Iranian-backed Shiite militias emerged as the biggest loser in this month’s Iraqi elections. The Fateh (Conquest) Alliance, previously the second-largest bloc in parliament, saw its number of seats drop from 48 to 17.
Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi brought forward the vote from 2022 to appease a youth-led protest movement that erupted two years ago against corruption, unemployment, crumbling public services, sectarianism, and Iranian influence in politics.
One bright light from Iran’s perspective is the fact that an attempt in September by activists in the United States to engineer support for Iraqi recognition of Israel backfired.
Iran last month targeted facilities in northern Iraq operated by Iranian opposition Kurdish groups. Teheran believes they are part of a tightening US-Israeli noose around the Islamic republic that involves proxies and covert operations on its Iraqi and Azerbaijani borders.
Efforts to reduce tension with Azerbaijan have failed. An end to a war of words that duelling military manoeuvres on both sides of the border proved short-lived. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, emboldened by Israeli and Turkish support in last year’s war against Armenia, appeared unwilling to dial down the rhetoric.
With a revival of the nuclear program in doubt, Iran fears that Azerbaijan could become a staging pad for US and Israeli covert operations. Those doubts were reinforced by calls for US backing of Azerbaijan by scholars in conservative Washington think tanks, including the Hudson Institute and the Heritage Foundation.
Eldar Mamedov, a political adviser for the social-democrats in the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament, warned that “the US government should resist calls from hawks to get embroiled in a conflict where it has no vital interest at stake, and much less on behalf of a regime that is so antithetical to US values and interests.”
He noted that Mr. Aliyev has forced major US NGOs to leave Azerbaijan, has trampled on human and political rights, and been anything but tolerant of the country’s Armenian heritage.
Process to draft Syria constitution begins this week
The process of drafting a new constitution for Syria will begin this week, the UN Special Envoy for the country, Geir Pedersen, said on Sunday at a press conference in Geneva.
Mr. Pedersen was speaking following a meeting with the government and opposition co-chairs of the Syrian Constitutional Committee, who have agreed to start the process for constitutional reform.
The members of its so-called “small body”, tasked with preparing and drafting the Constitution, are in the Swiss city for their sixth round of talks in two years, which begin on Monday.
Their last meeting, held in January, ended without progress, and the UN envoy has been negotiating between the parties on a way forward.
“The two Co-Chairs now agree that we will not only prepare for constitutional reform, but we will prepare and start drafting for constitutional reform,” Mr. Pedersen told journalists.
“So, the new thing this week is that we will actually be starting a drafting process for constitutional reform in Syria.”
The UN continues to support efforts towards a Syrian-owned and led political solution to end more than a decade of war that has killed upwards of 350,000 people and left 13 million in need of humanitarian aid.
An important contribution
The Syrian Constitutional Committee was formed in 2019, comprising 150 men and women, with the Government, the opposition and civil society each nominating 50 people.
This larger group established the 45-member small body, which consists of 15 representatives from each of the three sectors.
For the first time ever, committee co-chairs Ahmad Kuzbari, the Syrian government representative, and Hadi al-Bahra, from the opposition side, met together with Mr. Pedersen on Sunday morning.
He described it as “a substantial and frank discussion on how we are to proceed with the constitutional reform and indeed in detail how we are planning for the week ahead of us.”
Mr. Pedersen told journalists that while the Syrian Constitutional Committee is an important contribution to the political process, “the committee in itself will not be able to solve the Syrian crisis, so we need to come together, with serious work, on the Constitutional Committee, but also address the other aspects of the Syrian crisis.”
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