Once a liar is always a liar, the old saying goes. The American lies and allegations about chemical weapons attacks during the Syrian conflict are not any new. These lies emphasise that whenever the victorious SAA advances, the United States and its NATO allies promote rigged and unverified reports of chemical weapons attacks in Syria while singling out Russia for protecting President Bashar al-Assad.
Meanwhile, the bogus claim of a purported gas attack in Syria obviously aims at undermining the exit of the Takfiri terrorists from Douma to show that the Syrian government forces have launched the attack. On Sunday, the US State Department issued a strongly worded statement, blaming the Syrian government for purportedly conducting the attack and accusing Russia of being responsible.
The use of chlorine as a weapon is prohibited under the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention, which Syria adhered to in 2013, under a deal brokered by Russia and the US. Damascus surrendered its stockpiles of chemical weapons in 2014 to a joint mission led by the UN and the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), which oversaw the destruction of the weaponry. However, Western governments have never stopped pointing the finger at Damascus whenever an apparent chemical attack has taken place.
A report, compiled by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and the UN’s Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), claimed last week that Syria had used chlorine in separate attacks, between 2014 and 2015. The investigation was launched based on the UN Security Council’s Resolution 2235, which called for determining which party used chemical arms in Syria.
Syria has repeatedly denied all allegations circulated about the use of chemical poisonous materials like chlorine gas. On October 26, the Syrian Foreign Ministry issued a statement, saying Damascus fully honours its commitments under the convention. The statement rejected the allegations, expressing that the investigations “lack any physical evidence, whether by samples or attested medical reports that chlorine was used and was totally based on witnesses presented by terrorist armed groups.”
Apparently, the Western governments have seldom accused Russia of the victims targeted with alleged chemical weapons attacks. They have launched the so-called ‘International Partnership against Impunity for Use of Chemical Weapons’ and endorsed a political commitment “to share information on combating the use of chemical weapons worldwide.”
The Zionist arrogant American President Donald Trump has accused the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad of launching the alleged chemical attack, saying on Twitter there will be a “big price to pay.” He also tweeted, “Many dead, including women and children, in a mindless chemical attack in Syria. Area of atrocity is on lockdown and encircled by Syrian Army, making it completely inaccessible to outside world.”
In 2012, months after Syria plunged into crisis, Eastern Ghouta, a home to nearly 400,000 people, fell to multiple foreign-sponsored terrorist groups and has since served as a launch pad for mortar attacks against residents and infrastructure in the Syrian capital.Over the past few months, the area has witnessed deadly violence and eventually Eastern Ghouta has been fully liberated with the exception of Douma. The Syrian government agreed to let the militants and their families flee in convoys to Syria’s northern parts in order to save the lives of civilians caught in the crossfire.
In a statement released late on Saturday, the Syrian government have intensely denounced the allegation, emphasising, “the so-called Jaish al-Islam Takfiri terrorist group, which has dominant presence in the town, was repeating the allegations of using chemical munitions in order to accuse the Syrian Arab army, in a blatant attempt to hinder the Army’s advance.”
The so-called ‘White Helmets,’ a generated myth by the hypocrite international mainstream media, overseen and driven by James Le Mesurier, have claimed that the government forces, on Saturday, had “dropped a barrel bomb containing poisonous chemicals in Douma, killing and wounding dozens of civilians.” The White Helmets is a suspicious organisation backed by the British Government and the ‘Syrian National Council.’
Russia, which backs the Syrian government against the terrorist conspiracy, has casted strong doubt on the alleged attack. Noticeably, it has engaged in an anti-terror campaign in Syria since September 2015, upon an official request from Damascus, in contrast to the US-led military coalition, which is operating without permission from the Syrian government.
In response, the Russian Foreign Ministry,on Sunday, has lambasted these suspicions of a chemical gas attack allegedly conducted by the Syrian government in Eastern Ghouta, expressing, “The spread of bogus stories about the use of chlorine and other poisonous substances by (Syrian) government forces continues. Yet another such fabricated piece of information about an alleged chemical attack in Douma appeared yesterday.”
The Ministry added that “the notorious White Helmets, which have a large role in fabricating the gas attack allegation, have been repeatedly caught acting with terrorists, as well as other so-called humanitarian organizations based in the United Kingdom and the United States.”
The Russian Foreign Ministry said that Moscow had “warned several times recently against such dangerous provocations.” It further emphasised, “The aim of such deceitful speculation, lacking any kind of grounding, is to shield terrorists … and to attempt to justify possible external uses of force.”
The ministry has warned that any military intervention based on such “invented and fabricated excuses could lead to severe consequences.” In November, Russia vetoed the renewal of an independent and technical group created by the U.N. Security Council, the so-called Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), to look into the perpetrators of chemical weapons attacks in Syria.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry Spokesman Bahram Qassemi said that these chemical attack claims are conspiratorial and illogical. He maintained,“Such claims and accusations by the Americans and some Western countries signal a new conspiracy against the Syrian government and nation and a pretext for military action against them.”
The Spokesman added that using such allegations as a pretext for a military intervention in Syria would certainly aggravate the situation in this country and in the region. Qassemi also expressed that the terrorists would be emboldened by any act of aggression, which would not be in favour of peace, stability and security in the region and across the world. He pointed out, “When the Syrian army has the upper hand on the battlefield against armed terrorists, and it would not be rational for it to use chemical weapons.”
In an interview with Lebanon-based al-Mayadeen TV, the current Permanent Representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations Bashar al-Jaafari dismissed as flawed the findings of a UN-mandated investigation blaming Syrian forces for the use of chemical weapons, saying the report is based on “false testimonies.” He added,“The allegations had been fabricated to put pressure on the government in Damascus.”
Chief negotiator Bashar al-Jaafari added that the UN Security Council and the Organisation for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) had yet to publish their final findings on the use of banned arms in Syria, adding that Damascus would present its own observations and notes to the world body before the joint report is out.
Deliberately, Washington has led aerial bombardment campaigns with the help of its allies, allegedly targeting ISIS positions, but actually targeting civilians and soldiers. They have previously launched several chemical attacks, which are banned under arm treaties intended to stop the use of chemical weapons. In addition, they have carried out various horrific acts, such as public decapitations and crucifixions.
The US and its allies have been bombarding in Syria, since September 2014, without any authorization from the government. They, reportedly, have more than 2,000 troops stationed in eastern Syria, in addition to several thousand others in the north.A senior US military general said Thursday that Trump has not given the Pentagon a timeline for getting American troops out of Syria, despite Trump’s public statements that US troops should withdraw soon.
The hostile American warships, in the eastern Mediterranean, launched a barrage of 59 Tomahawk missiles against Shayrat Airfield in Syria’s Homs province, in April last year. The barrage drew the praise from anti-Damascus staunch supporters, i.e. the Saudis and the Zionists.
The U.S. alleged that the strike was the origin of a suspected chemical attack on the town of Khan Shaykhun in Syria’s Idlib province a few days earlier. So far, Washington has failed to provide any concrete evidence to prove the accusations, prompting criticisms for choosing to take unilateral military action hastily and without proof.
Damascus has repeatedly stressed that the U.S., European governments, Turkey, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia back and support the terrorist militants, who have been ravaging Syria since 2011. Last December, Ahmed al-Gaddafi al-Qahsi, a cousin of former Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi, said the chemical weapons used in Ghouta were stolen from Libya and later smuggled into Syria via Turkey.
The White House Homeland Security and Counterterrorism Adviser Thomas Bossert said in an interview on ABC, on Sunday, that the U.S. would not rule out launching a missile attack in response to the alleged chemical attack.
China-US and the Iran nuclear deal
Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir Abdollahian met with Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi on Friday, January 14, 2022 in the city of Wuxi, in China’s Jiangsu province. Both of them discussed a gamut of issues pertaining to the Iran-China relationship, as well as the security situation in the Middle East.
A summary of the meeting published by the Chinese Foreign Ministry underscored the point, that Foreign Ministers of Iran and China agreed on the need for strengthening bilateral cooperation in a number of areas under the umbrella of the 25 year Agreement known as ‘Comprehensive Cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the People’s Republic of China’. This agreement had been signed between both countries in March 2021 during the Presidency of Hassan Rouhani, but the Iranian Foreign Minister announced the launch of the agreement on January 14, 2022.
During the meeting between Wang Yi and Hossein Amir Abdollahian there was a realization of the fact, that cooperation between both countries needed to be enhanced not only in areas like energy and infrastructure (the focus of the 25 year comprehensive cooperation was on infrastructure and energy), but also in other spheres like education, people to people contacts, medicine and agriculture. Iran also praised the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and said that it firmly supported the One China policy.
The timing of this visit is interesting, Iran is in talks with other signatories (including China) to the JCPOA/Iran nuclear deal 2015 for the revival of the 2015 agreement. While Iran has asked for removal of economic sanctions which were imposed by the US after it withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018, the US has said that time is running out, and it is important for Iran to return to full compliance to the 2015 agreement. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken in an interview said:
‘Iran is getting closer and closer to the point where they could produce on very, very short order enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon’
The US Secretary of State also indicated, that if the negotiations were not successful, then US would explore other options along with other allies.
During the course of the meeting on January 14, 2022 Wang Yi is supposed to have told his Chinese counterpart, that while China supported negotiations for the revival of the Iran nuclear deal 2015, the onus for revival was on the US since it had withdrawn in 2018.
The visit of the Iranian Foreign Minister to China was also significant, because Foreign Ministers of four Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries – Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman and Bahrain — and Secretary General of GCC, Nayef Falah Mubarak Al-Hajraf were in China from January 10-14, 2022 with the aim of expanding bilateral ties – especially with regard to energy cooperation and trade. According to many analysts, the visit of GCC officials to China was driven not just by economic factors, but also the growing proximity between Iran and Beijing.
In conclusion, China is important for Iran from an economic perspective. Iran has repeatedly stated, that if US does not remove the economic sanctions it had imposed in 2018, it will focus on strengthening economic links with China (significantly, China has been purchasing oil from Iran over the past three years in spite of the sanctions imposed by the US. The Ebrahim Raisi administration has repeatedly referred to an ‘Asia centric’ policy which prioritises ties with China.
Beijing is seeking to enhance its clout in the Middle East as US ties with certain members of the GCC, especially UAE and Saudi Arabia have witnessed a clear downward spiral in recent months (US has been uncomfortable with the use of China’s 5G technology by UAE and the growing security linkages between Beijing and Saudi Arabia). One of the major economic reasons for the GCC gravitating towards China is Washington’s thrust on reducing its dependence upon GCC for fulfilling its oil needs. Beijing can utilize its good ties with Iran and GCC and play a role in improving links between both.
The geopolitical landscape of the Middle East is likely to become more complex, and while there is not an iota of doubt, that the US influence in the Middle East is likely to remain intact, China is fast catching up.
Egypt vis-à-vis the UAE: Who is Driving Whom?
“Being a big fish in a small pond is better than being a little fish in a large pond” is a maxim that aptly summarizes Egyptian regional foreign policy over the past few decades. However, the blow dealt to the Egyptian State in the course of the 2011 uprising continues to distort its domestic and regional politics and it has also prompted the United Arab Emirates to become heavily engaged in Middle East politics, resulting in the waning of Egypt’s dominant role in the region!
The United Arab Emirates is truly an aspirational, entrepreneurial nation! In fact, the word “entrepreneurship” could have been invented to define the flourishing city of Dubai. The UAE has often declared that as a small nation, it needs to establish alliances to pursue its regional political agenda while Egypt is universally recognized for its regional leadership, has one of the best regional military forces, and has always charmed the Arab world with its soft power. Nonetheless, collaboration between the two nations would not necessarily give rise to an entrepreneurial supremacy force!
Egypt and the UAE share a common enemy: political Islamists. Yet each nation has its own distinct dynamic and the size of the political Islamist element in each of the two countries is different. The UAE is a politically stable nation and an economic pioneer with a small population – a combination of factors that naturally immunize the nation against the spread of political Islamists across the region. In contrast, Egypt’s economic difficulties, overpopulation, intensifying political repression, along with its high illiteracy rate, constitute an accumulation of elements that serves to intensify the magnitude of the secreted, deep-rooted, Egyptian political Islamists.
The alliance formed between the two nations following the inauguration of Egypt’s President Al Sisi was based on UAE money and Egyptian power. It supported and helped expand the domestic political power of a number of unsubstantiated Arab politicians, such as Libya’s General Khalifa Haftar, Tunisia’s President Kais Saied and the Chairman of Sudan’s Transitional Sovereignty Council, Lieutenant-General Abdel-Fattah Al-Burhan. The common denominator among these politicians is that they are all fundamentally opposed to political Islamists.
Although distancing political Islamists from ruling their nations may constitute a temporary success, it certainly is not enough to strengthen the power of the alliance’s affiliates. The absence of true democracy, intensified repression by Arab rulers and the natural evolution of Arab citizens towards freedom will, for better or for worse, lead to the re-emergence of political Islamists. Meanwhile, Emirati wealth will always attract Arab hustlers ready to offer illusory political promises to cash in the money.
The UAE has generously injected substantial amounts of money into the Egyptian economy and consequently the Egyptian State has exclusively privileged Emirati enterprises with numerous business opportunities, yet the UAE has not helped Egypt with the most critical regional threat it is confronting: the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Meanwhile, Egyptian President Abdel Fatah El Sisi’s exaggerated fascination with UAE modernization has prompted him to duplicate many Emirati projects – building the tallest tower in Africa is one example.
The UAE’s regional foreign policy that hinges upon exploiting its wealth to confront the political Islamist threat is neither comprehensible nor viable. The Emirates, in essence, doesn’t have the capacity to be a regional political player, even given the overriding of Egypt’s waning power. Meanwhile, Al Sisi has been working to depoliticize Egypt completely, perceiving Egypt as an encumbrance rather than a resource-rich nation – a policy that has resulted in narrowing Egypt’s economic and political aspirations, limiting them to the constant seeking of financial aid from wealthy neighbors.
The regional mediating role that Egypt used to play prior to the Arab uprising has been taken over by European nations such France, Germany and Italy, in addition of course to the essential and ongoing role of the United States. Profound bureaucracy and rampant corruption will always keep Egypt from becoming a second UAE! Irrespective of which nation is in the driver’s seat, this partnership has proven to be unsuccessful. Egypt is definitely better off withdrawing from the alliance, even at the expense of forgoing Emirati financial support.
Kurdish Education in Turkey: A Joint Responsibility
Turkish elites often see Kurds as posing a mortal threat to their homeland’s territorial integrity. Kurdish elites often harbor pan-Kurdish dreams of their own.
Modern Turkish nationalism based its identity on statist secularism practiced by Muslims who are Turks. The secularist paradigm of a “Turkish Nation” struggled hard with accommodating Christians (Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians) and Kurdish-speaking Muslims. Kurdish coreligionists were expected to become Turks, i.e., to abandon their cultural heritage for the “greater good” of a homogenous Turkish nation.
This cultural-identity conundrum led to a century-long violent conflict, but also to genuine efforts by many Kurds and Turks to reach a common vision that would accommodate both Turkey’s territorial integrity and Kurdish cultural rights.
The rise to power of Erdogan’s Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002 appeared to imply a watershed, bringing about a measure of cultural liberalization toward the Kurds. More Islam seemed at first to signal less nationalistic chauvinism.
IMPACT-se, a think tank focusing on peace and tolerance in school education, pointed out in “Two Languages One Country,” a 2019 report that showed liberal elements being introduced in the Turkish curriculum by the AKP government. These “included the introduction of a Kurdish language elective program, the teaching of evolution, expressions of cultural openness, and displays of tolerance toward minorities.”
And while no open debate was permitted, IMPACT-se noted “a slight improvement over past textbooks in recognizing the Kurds, although they are still generally ignored.” Yet, the name “Kurd” is no longer obliterated from the curriculum. Kurdish-language textbooks were authored as part of a wider Turkish-Kurdish rapprochement.
In June 2012, the Turkish government announced for the first time, that a Kurdish elective language course entitled: “Living Languages and Dialects” (Yaşayan Diller ve Lehçeler), would be offered as an elective language for Grades 5–7 for two hours per week.
IMPACT-se studied these textbooks (published in 2014 and 2015 in Kurmanji and Zazaki) in its report and found that the elective Kurdish-language program strengthens Kurdish culture and identity, while assuming a pan-Kurdish worldview devoid of hate against Turks. Included are Kurdish-historic places in Turkey, Iran and Iraq (but not Syria). The textbooks cover issues such as the Kurdish diaspora in Europe, the Kurdish national holiday of Newroz, with the underlying revolutionary message of uprising against tyranny. Children’s names are exclusively Kurdish. Turks and Turkey are not represented in the elective Kurdish books (but are obviously present across the rest of the curriculum).
The latter is a surprising and counter-intuitive finding. Textbooks published by Turkey’s Ministry of Education focus solely on the Kurdish side, with pan-Kurdish messaging, and no Turkish context. There could be several explanations for this, but the fact remains that Turkish-Kurdish relations are still not present in Turkey’s Kurdish language program.
The overall conclusion of IMPACT-se has been that this program is pioneering and generally excellent. There are some problems, however. One problem is that the elective program is minimalistic and does not meet Kurdish cultural needs. However, the program ignores the Turkish-Kurdish dilemma, hence projecting an inverted mirror image of the Turkish curriculum at large, which ignores the Kurdish question. There is no peace education in either curriculum. Therefore, IMPACT-se recommended enhancing the Kurdish-language program, while adding a healthy dose of pertinent peace education to the curriculum’s Turkish and Kurdish textbooks.
Sadly, the last few years have also seen broader moves by the Turkish government to quash Kurdish cultural and educational freedoms. The armed conflict between separatist groups and the Turkish military resumed in 2015, followed by the 2016 detention of high-ranking officials of the peaceful pro-minority People’s Democratic Party (HDP). By 2020, 59 out of 65 elected Kurdish mayors on the HDP ticket in previous years had been forced out or arrested by security forces.
Simultaneously, elective programs such as Kurdish have been neglected and largely replaced by religious “elective” courses, which are often mandatory. Specifically, elective Kurdish courses are being clamped down or de facto erased in certain schools (despite being originally offered in 28 cities and with an expected enrollment as high as 160,000).
And then there is the question of full education in Kurdish. Article 42 of the Turkish Constitution bans the “teaching of any language other than Turkish as a mother tongue to Turkish citizens at any institution of education.” And yet, Turkish authorities looked the other way between 2013 and 2016, as five fully Kurdish elementary private schools were opened in the southeastern provinces of Diyarbakır, Şırnak and Hakkari. The last of these schools, Ferzad Kemanger in Diyarbakır, was closed on October 9, 2016. Apparently these schools conveyed pan-Kurdish messaging (Ferzad Kemanger was an Iranian-Kurdish elementary school teacher. He was wrongly accused of being a terrorist and executed by Tehran in 2010).
There can be no Kurdish heritage without Kurdish languages, making the current situation untenable. Kurdish education should become a priority again.
But this is not enough. A common Turkish-Kurdish vision should be developed. Educationally, a serious effort should be directed toward educating both Turks and Kurds about the other’s identity, culture, shared history, commonalties, conflicts and interactions.
Two ethnicities sharing one homeland in a volatile region pose a great challenge for both. A careful educational plan can lay the groundwork for peace and prosperity. Kurdish education in Turkey should be considered a joint responsibility leading to a common vision.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect an official position of IMPACT-se.
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