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Displacement: The Challenges Of IDPs & Refugees

David Ceasar Wani

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As a native from South Sudan and also from Africa, I am well-aware that the U.N. has been responsible for protecting refugees from danger and offering general management of the problem as well. This mandate has been carried on through its specialized agency the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR).

Displacement is commonly characterized by deprivation and want due to the end of war and human rights violation. Therefore, it needs basic assistance from multilateral institutions such as UN the Red Cross and others. Equally, external intervention comes as a result of the violation of human rights or protection of the citizens of intervener.

Unfortunately for the IDPs, they are not recognized under international law and therefore are out of the UNHCR mandate. In 1992, the UN defined IDPs as “…persons who have been forced to flee their homes suddenly or unexpectedly in large numbers as a result of armed conflict, internal strife, systematic violations of human rights or natural or manmade disasters and who are within the territory of their own country.”  This does not mean they are not helped at all. This help is rare and not under obligation. This means great suffering under IDPs conditions especially where the host state invokes the principle of sovereignty to block external intervention. It should be noted that the UN General Assembly resolution 46/182 affirms the importance of respecting a member’s sovereignty in particular with regard to humanitarian assistance. Due to the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention, states assume responsibility for their own IDPs.

Specifically, refugee issues need the cooperation of the producing state and recipient state. It is the UNHCR that usually helps to coordinate assistance for the refugees. It is worth noting that the aftermath of flight (refugee) and displacement gradually become normal situation for the authorities concerned as the victims struggle to find a place in the social structure of the recipient community. Nevertheless challenges remain.

As earlier stated, it is fundamental to guarantee the safety of a displaced person. He is disorganized, dislocated and endangered. In the particular case of refugees, they are usually in danger of persecution by either the country of origin or the receiving state. The legal regime of the host country might compound the problem. The status of the displaced must be legally established. Besides persecution from the home country, the host might be hostile to the victims. This is why the intervention of third parties like the UNHCR proves relevant. Out of this consideration, repatriation of refugees is normally on voluntary basis for example when victims feel safe enough to return having realized that the original danger is no more. For example several south Sudanese, Somalia’s Congolese etc. remain in Uganda and other states because they fear for their lives.

The displaced usually face lack of shelter. Make shift camps are usually common with IDPs where more problems are created. These camps usually lack water, sanitary facilities and epidemics might break out due to poor sanitation, congestion and poor hygiene. In certain instances large camps have been set up. For example camps for refugees from Somalia, Pakistan, and South East Asia, Rwanda etc. Even then host countries have insisted that they be temporary. Furthermore, it is never automatic that camps will be allowed. Land need to be provided and care must be taken not to set up a camp close to the border of the country of origin.

Food is never easy to mobilize for the IDPs and refugees. So is clean and safe water. In the early days of resettlement in the country of asylum food aid is required. The host government may purchase food locally or seek assistance from international relief agencies. According to the UN Convention on refugees, refugees with legal permission to live in the country of asylum may purchase their own food. Where authorities and weather conditions permit, refugees grow their own food such as in the cases of camps in Tanzania and eastern Sudan. Even then, supplementary food will be provided by local and external actors to people with special needs like children, pregnant and elderly.

Associated with food scarcity is water shortage. Displaced people need clean, safe and reasonable volume of water. Settlements far from water sources and those located in dry conditions have suffered immensely. For example Camps in Thailand, Sudan, Chad and Somalia and the list continues.

In addition medical services are hard to come by. Special and hard challenges are presented by large camps. To make it worse, such camps have poor shelter, sanitation, hygiene, feeding and supply of safe water. Such conditions promote illness some of which might be strange or in epidemic form. To attempt to counter the problem, local authorities in collaboration with external agencies like WHO, UNICEF etc. will often improve existing health services or put up new ones.

Among the displaced are children usually of school-going age. They need education. Problems related to these are several. Besides lack of land and school facilities, scholastic materials are not available. Even when they are available learning might be hindered by language barrier if say refugees study in Arabic while host society uses Swahili. Congolese refugees whose schools use French have suffered in Uganda where English is the school language and similar applies to refuges from South Sudan to Kenya.

Given this, international society needs to provide more substantial aid copped up by efficient and effective management from the countries involved, including the psycho-social aid like counseling and coordinated efforts from the U.N.

DAVID CEASAR WANI, South Sudanese with a master’s degree in International Relations from Jilin University China, and correspondingly graduated with honors from Cavendish University Uganda with bachelor degree in international relations and diplomatic studies. Diplomat, scholar, currently working with a company as Director of Administration.

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Africa

From Author’s Archive, Dedicated to Mandela100: Russia Discovers Africa

Kester Kenn Klomegah

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At long last, on the eve of his retirement, South African President Nelson Mandela has come to Moscow on an official visit. His goodwill trip is designed to express his gratitude to Russia for its support during the struggle against apartheid. It could also mark a strengthening of relations between countries that won freedom from communism and apartheid, respectively in the early 1990s, and have subsequently become two of the world’s most important emerging democracies.

Mandela’s visit has been long planned but frequently postponed. He originally intended to visit to Russia in 1995, but had to change his plans because of political tensions at home. Mandela was again due to meet Russian President Boris Yeltsin in 1996, 1997 and 1998, but the meetings, for one reason or another, did not materialize.

Moscow, a strong supporter of Mandela’s African National Congress during the years of apartheid, is keen on deepening economic relations with both South Africa and other African regions. Russia removed its remaining economic sanctions against South Africa in 1994, after the United Nations Security Council scrapped the 17-year arms embargo against Pretoria.

Since then, however, the relationship has languished, and the heads of other African states such as Presidents Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Sam Nujoma of Namibia and Jose Eduardo Dos Santos of Angola have seemingly overtaken South Africa in the marathon race to the Kremlin. Now, as one senior Western diplomat put it, President Yeltsin realizes that the time has come to start building new, diversified post-communist relations between Russia and South Africa.

The relationship between Moscow and Pretoria has not been without tensions, some of which manifested themselves in the walk-up to President Mandela’s current official visit. An article in the Russian daily Nezavisimaya Gazeta accused Mandela of deliberately making the visit impossible. It claimed that the South African president had given priority to visiting various Western countries and that his foreign policy advisors were responsible for giving him bad advice and for diplomatic blunders.

South African diplomatic sources, however, say such allegations are groundless, and that it was Russia that made Mandela’s visit impossible, by giving the South African side insufficient notice that the Kremlin was ready to receive him. In addition, Russia in recent years has increased its diplomatic relations with China, Japan, India, Middle Eastern and Western countries, while, in the view of some African diplomats, backing away from engagement with Africa.

Some Russians, meanwhile, have noted that relations with Africa have foundered, and have made efforts to address the problem. In March 1997 and May 1998, the State Duma, in conjunction with foreign policy academics from various African studies institutes, held special sessions on how to improve the decaying relations between Russia and African countries. Yeltsin, meanwhile, praised Mandela’s contribution to developing cooperation between Russia and South Africa in a goodwill message on the occasion of Mandela’s 80th birthday.

With Mandela now in town, Russia is likely to boost and expand trade ties and seek comprehensive approaches toward improving the overall relationship with South Africa. Trade ties between the two states have been growing over the past several years. Russia has been negotiating for a new agreement between Almazy Rossii-Sakha, or Alrosa, Russia’s largest producer and exporter of diamonds, and the South African diamond corporation, DeBeers.

A deepening of the relationship between Russia and South Africa could also serve to show other African nations the value of a relationship with post-Soviet Russia.

“The major problem with African countries stems from the fact that African political elites are still oriented towards the West and maintain a strong belief that Russia is still pursuing communist ideals,” Dr. Edmundo Manicah, a Mozambican researcher and political analyst, said.

African politicians need to realize that Russia possesses resources, a sound technical base, a well-developed infrastructure and economic potential. Southeast Asia and India have taken advantage of Russia’s market liberalization and economic reforms, and African states might well consider the possibility of re-establishing their Soviet era interstate committees, which were responsible for developing bilateral economic relations between the two continents.

In any case, as Manicah noted, Africa could benefit from the “progressive changes” that have taken place in Russia. African states should consider strategically reviewing relations with democratic Russia. This is especially so given that Africa’s integration into the global political and economy depends largely on devising dynamic and progressive international political strategies and methods. Africa’s leaders must make a conscious effort to open their doors to the Kremlin instead of looking exclusively westward.

Mandela’s visit could now open the way for the whole of Africa to begin a real and aggressive drive into Russia’s emerging market. The visit could also redefine Russia’s overall relations with the countries of Africa. These relationships must be pursued vigorously. They are one way of ensuring that the century we are about to usher in will be a better one.
*Kester Kenn Klomegah is an independent researcher and writer on African affairs based in Moscow. He contributed this comment to The Moscow Times. Copyright@TMT30April,1999.

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Saudi Arabia, UAE footprint in Eritrea- Ethiopia rapprochement

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In a landmark visit, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed landed in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, on Sunday, for a bilateral summit, aimed at repairing relations between the two countries. Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki warmly greeted Abiy at the airport, Eritrea’s state television showed.

The visit comes a month after Abiy surprised people by fully accepting a peace deal that ended a two-year border war between the two countries. The meeting sparkled hope for the halt of one of the most difficult African crises.

Eritrea became independent in 1993 after three years of war, but again the conflict between Asmara and Ethiopia in 1998 arose over disagreement on border delineation, primarily at Badme, and that was the end of diplomatic relations between the two states. However, Eritrea has a permanent delegation in Addis Ababa, representing the African Union.

Then the conflict flared into armed clashes. Although Badme was being administered by Ethiopia, with an MP and an administration, Eritrea said maps clearly showed the territory to be Eritrean and in May sent in troops to occupy the area.

From 1998 to 2000, the border wars claimed some 80,000 lives from both sides, but the Algiers Agreement ended the conflict.  However, the president of Eritrea broke international law and triggered the war by invading Ethiopia, abusing the Ethiopian opposition to the verdict on the borders, taking repressive measures such as imprisoning dissidents and refraining from implementing law and adopting strict military rules.

Eritrea, Ethiopia economic interests in resolving the conflicts

Some analysts have argued that, the border conflicts had halted Eritrean affairs over the past 20 years, and all the issues were overshadowed by these clashes. The Ethiopian prime minister took the first step in resolving the conflict in June, announcing that his troops would withdraw from the Badme region and other border areas.
A high-level Eritrean delegation led by Foreign Minister Osman Saleh had earlier visited the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, last month for peace talks, a meeting that was followed by a news conference.

Eritrea and Ethiopia are among the least developed countries in the Horn of Africa. Although the Ethiopian economy has grown significantly in recent years, the Eritrean economy was suffering and had dropped to a record low. Analysts believe that although realization of peace between the two states is in the interest of both, Eritrea’s economy will enjoy a greater benefit of the rapprochement.

In addition, the peace talks can attract foreign investors to Eritrea. The end of “state of war” will help Ethiopia solve its problem of not having a sea passage, because after the independence of Eritrea overlooking the Red Sea in 1993, the issue aroused for Ethiopia.

The war between the two countries has caused much difficulty for Ethiopian trade through the ports of Eritrea and the Red Sea, and this peace will help rebuild economic activities to the time prior to conflicts.

At first glance, it seems as if the two countries realized the necessity of bilateral relations, but the fact is there was involvement of foreign countries in the peace talks. Some believe that Washington, an ally of Ethiopia, does not require the country to adhere to the border agreement.

Perhaps the U.S. has come to the conclusion that it is time to make a new alliance as Djibouti, located in the vicinity of Ethiopia and Eritrea, has allowed China to build a military base on its territory. So, given the geopolitical developments in the Red Sea and the Chinese military presence in the United Arab Emirates, America sees its interest in improving relations with Eritrea.

Saudis and Emiratis footprint in African conflicts

In general, the African continent is of great importance to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and these two countries have set their strategic interests on the continent. In many cases, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi have benefited from the support of their African allies in regional conflicts. For example, they have called on African countries, to cut off relations with Iran and Qatar or to engage in military aggression in Yemen in their support.

The poor African states, relying highly on Saudi and Emirati donations, bow down to the two Arab states’ demands. Out of fear of losing alliance and leaving a positive image on the world, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi acted as a mediators in the built up tensions among African states, namely Eritrea and Ethiopia. That would also fulfill their objective of preventing the African states side with Iran or Qatar.

In recent years, Eritrea has improved relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE has too set up a military base in southern harbor of Eritrea.

Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, both Ethiopia’s allies, played an active role in Ethiopian prime minister’s decision to negotiate with Eritrea with their financial sponsorship.
The unprecedented and controversial trip of Abu Dhabi’s crown prince to Ethiopia last month, in the light of the agreement between the two African states, as they poured in $3 billion was a proof of the UAE push in the two states peace talks.

In any case, it appears that the Arab states of the Persian Gulf and, above all, the UAE and Saudi Arabia are making attempts to establish a new regional system based on which the security of the Persian Gulf region is tied to the security of the Horn of Africa region, and for the same reason strengthening their foothold on the African continent and, in appearance, pursuing peace and reconciliation among its political and economic allies.

First published in our partner MNA

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African development relies on education and literacy

Dominique Nouvian Ouattara

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photo: childrenofafrica.org

Key to a successful education, literacy remains one of sub-Saharan Africa’s top public priorities, now more than ever. Thanks to the progress achieved in recent years, book publishing is gaining more and more traction in African economies and cultures.

To underestimate the role of books, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, would be to disregard the many issues surrounding this commonplace yet valuable item. Literacy not only allows children and adults to develop their imagination, but also facilitates learning in other areas of the educational system. By extension, literacy plays a role in expanding education, in training youth, in reducing inequality, and ultimately, in developing a nation.

These aspects sit at the heart of the Children of Africa Foundation, which I created in 1998 and preside over to this day. The foundation has worked tirelessly for 20 years to promote literacy and reading among our children. Today more than ever, amidst a rapidly growing population, it is crucial that we rely on books and all they offer to craft a better future. Towards this end, our ivorian and international partners provide an essential and valuable service. On May 2nd of this year, at the Embassy of the United States in Côte d’Ivoire, I received 1,500 books destined to expand the Foundation’s Bibliobus collection. Several months earlier, the village of Smallburgh in Great Britain presented the Foundation with a new bus as part of a humanitarian project, baptized “Smallburgh 2 Abidjan”. This new, very typically English bus is a great attraction for young and old alike, and a unique library resource centre for introducing our youth to the English language. I look forward to the benefits it will provide, as the english language has become an essential part of the professional world in this day and age.

The Foundation’s Bibliobuses, today numbering nine, will serve to advance both reading and computer literacy even further throughout the Ivory Coast. To this end, we can also count on the support of players in the publishing industry, who came together for an international conference in Abidjan on January 25th of this year. This unprecedented event was held for the purpose of identifying solutions to promote a love of literacy among students, improve the quality of books, and ensure their availability to students.

In this way, going forward, the African publishing industry will be able to adapt to the different languages, cultures, and educational tools used throughout the continent. I commend the initiative of this gathering put together by the Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Over twenty African countries were in attendance to rethink the role books can play in order to support education.

Quality education, a profitable investment

Education through reading is a challenge I’ve personally adopted. According to the most recent report by the French Development Agency (Agence Française de Développement, AFD) on sub-Saharan education, the number of students facing severe difficulties has significantly decreased over the last ten years in French-speaking African countries. From 1999 to 2016, the rate of literacy among 15-24-year-olds has actually increased from 67.6% to 75.5%, and that of adults from 54% to 60%. But there is much work still to be done for the majority of students to achieve a mastery of the basic reading and math skills crucial to pursuing a quality education.

Make no mistake; education has positive impacts on health, employment, social involvement and well being. The return on investment of higher literacy rates can also be seen in the social and economic development of countries through technical progress and innovation, corporate investment, health and safety, trust in public policies and institutions, and civil engagement. Numerous studies have shown that improved education goes hand-in-hand with economic growth.

But the impact literacy rates can have on economic growth relies more on a quality education than on the number of years spent receiving it. Guaranteeing the development of students’ basic skills is one of the indisputable benefits of literacy, key to a successful education and starting life on the right foot. The Children of Africa Foundation endeavours to make this ambition possible through its educational programs. The more our children read, the more they will benefit from their studies, enabling them to become economically, socially and culturally well-rounded adults. And with them, in the long run, so will society at large.

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