It is widely-accepted that Trump’s visit, coming on the heels of the 19th Party Congress, afforded the U.S. administration an opportune moment to shape bilateral cooperation between the United States and China on several issues of mutual interest. It is equally held that Trump’s state visit reflected the good will between Trump and Xi. As it is evident that despite the issues remaining between the two great powers, they were effectively moderated by the personal relations forged between the presidents of the two great powers. For example, since Trump took office, Xi and Trump have maintained the regular contacts from their direct calls to the meetings at the summits globally. Chinese media acclaims that Xi-Trump meeting at Mar-a-Lago as the benchmark of the bilateral relations.
However, the controversies are focused on how much the progresseswere made on specific policies. For example, some argued that the administration failed to capitalize on driving the relationship forward by proposing new ideas and making more requests, including the lack of concrete actions taken to mitigate rising tensions with North Korea, despite the issue being a primary goal of Trump’s visit. Even media highlightedthe importance of head-of-state diplomacy in the U.S.-China relationship and expressed optimism that agreements, such as the $250 billion in trade deals, reflect a promising collaboration. But the trade deficit is still a big issue between the two sides.
Actually, the trade deficit between China and the U.S. has been a primary focus for the Trump administration for a long time. Thusthe U.S. governments’ concentration on trade deficit is wrong economically and self-defeating. Instead, a more productive approach would be to focus on addressing the U.S. business community’s concerns over market access and technology transfer. Historically speaking, the United States should concentrate on re-examining and reinforcing the Bretton Woods system, with the U.S. leading the changes in the Asia-Pacific region. Politically, the disputes over the trade deficit is more a reflection of U. S. domestic anxiety over China’s rapid rise and its decline in economic growth and confidence.
Except trade deficit between the two sides, a majority of the conversation between Xi and Trump focused on rising tensions on the Korean peninsula, since North Korea’s nuclear program is among the most important foreign policy issues currently facing the administration. Given the potential for crisis, peoples around the world expressed their surprise at how little progress was made during the state visit, saying the trip may have resulted in less clarity over U.S. policy toward North Korea. While both sides argued that the ultimate goal is denuclearization, the lack of a substantive roadmap, combined with mixed messages surrounding the U. S. requirements to begin diplomatic negotiations with Pyongyang, indicates the administration lacks a unified strategy. As a solution, it is proposed that a “less for less” approach to initiate diplomatic relations, in which the United States would agree to limit bomber test flights in exchange for North Korea ceasing missile tests over Japan and Korea that came actually from China’s proposal of “dual suspension” indicating that United States and its allies suspend their regular military drills and North Korea would suspend its nuclear and missile tests.
Consider the potential for armed conflict as relations between the United States and North Korea that continue to deteriorate, China has demonstrated its sincere concerns over the issue. Although previous U.S. administrations had rejected any proposals for military action, current President Trump and his high-ranking officials genuinely believe a credible military response. But the real issue is that North Korea’s continued missile development would lead to stronger actions from China. Strategically speaking, China and the United States would move towards greater cooperation which emphases the final denuclearization on the Korean peninsula. That is the red-line uncompromised by China.
Like all other rising great powers, China is concerned with its peaceful rise and the strategic depth around its core security zones. Due to this, President Xi surely discussed with his U.S. counterpart America’s new Indo-Pacific strategy. Although the apparent strategy is inadequate, the United States has failed to fully brief its allies in the Asian-Pacific region on a more thorough policy proposal and long-term vision. When discussing the strategy’s reception in China, President Trump did his best to persuade his counter-part that although the Indo-Pacific strategy is oriented toward the maritime domain, a sensitive issue for China, the ruling elite in Beijing do not currently view the initiative as a containment strategy.
However, it is not easy to perceive the Sino-U.S. relations in such a way. Since the two powers normalized their diplomatic relations in 1978, they have undergone the tremendous vicissitudes from the quasi-allies against the former Soviet Union during the cold war to the solo hegemony of the United States in the post-cold war period. Therefore, the bilateral relationship between China and United states can be divided into two dimensions: the high political dimension and the low political dimension. High political dimensions refers to politics and security concerns, while low political dimensions mean economics. Mean-while, the social relations between China and the United States have been steadily developing. The exchanges in academic, business, tourism and cultural fields have deepened. The attitude of the people between two countries is positive in the general terms. However, the disputes and potential conflicts between China and the United States in the field of high political dimension since the 1990s can’t be ignored. Except the issues discussed above ranging from trade deficit and the Korean nuclear issues, the Taiwan issue has never left from the political agenda of both Beijing and Washington. During the Bush Jr.’s administration, the vague term of “friendemy” was used to indicate the instability of the Sino-U.S. relations. Only after Obama took office, people gradually talked about the relations between the two countries as the most important bilateral relationship in the world. Yet, just not long ago, the Trump’s administration dictated China as a strategic competitor in the world affairs.
Given all analysis above, we can conclude that since China and the United States have been full of uncertainties if not conflicts all ways, the personal friendship or even empathy between the leaders of two countries are not enough to act as the guarantees, though the joint efforts of the two sides can moderate the issues. Although the rapid rising of China’s economics can be facilitating the U.S. domestic production, and Trump’s “U.S. priority” policy would turn more attention to the domestic affairs, it is impossible for the White House to overlook the Asia-Pacific region. This is the reason behind the initial Pacific–India strategy released by the Trump’s administration recently. From the geopolitical point of view, the United States is and remains a superpower globally in the coming decades, therefore, it is naïve to image that the United States would retreat itself to the “isolationism”. Equally as a ruling power, the United States would not give up its established interest and the commitments to its core allies around the world. Consider this reality, the relations between China and the United States will continue to be the most important one in the world, but it takes long time to manage it in a mature and institutionalized way. Briefly, the issues involving the core interest of the two powers, in particular between the ruling power and rising power, are not resolved by the friendship on the personal level, but only on the national and international levels combined.
Washington- Pyongyang: A third attempt?
During a recent meeting with his South Korean counterpart Moon Jae-in at the White House, US President Donald Trump said that while a step-by-step agreement with North Korea concerning that country’s nuclear program remained on the table, his administration was still focused on “the big deal.” Trump announced plans for his third meeting with the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, but added that this would require “lengthy preparation.” The South Korean president likewise spoke about the need for the US and North Korean leaders meeting again shortly and underscored the need to maintain the current pace of negotiations.
The response from Pyongyang did not take too long in coming. In a keynote address on April 12 to the Supreme People’s Assembly in Pyongyang, which had earlier officially named him “the supreme representative of all Koreans,” Kim Jong-un said: “If the United States finds a solution acceptable to us, and proposes a meeting between the DPRK and US leaders, we are ready to agree to this once again. I won’t hesitate to sign an agreement, but only if it is written in a way that meets the interests of the DPRK and the United States, is fair and mutually acceptable.”
The April 12 session of the North Korean parliament was attended by a large delegation of the Russian State Duma deputies. Immediately after that, it became known that President Vladimir Putin would meet Kim later this month during a stopover in Vladivostok on his way to Beijing. The North Korean leader’s increasingly frequent political contacts with his Russian and Chinese counterparts reflect a desire to coordinate positions ahead of the next round of the US-North Korean talks.
Well, is there any reason for optimism about the outcome of the forthcoming parley? If so, then it must be extremely cautious. Indeed, in the span of just a few months, Washington and Pyongyang have gone from general promises of denuclearization in exchange for security guarantees made during the June 2018 summit in Singapore, to a failed attempt to agree a roadmap for this process at the Hanoi summit in late February 2019.
Past experience shows that Washington’s attempts to make Pyongyang agree on everything at once were in principle doomed to failure for obvious political and technical reasons.
First off, it has been the factor of time. While Donald Trump hurried to clinch a “big deal” before his first term in office runs out (and not being sure about a second one), his North Korean counterpart was not interested in making this happen for exactly the same reason: as the most recent history shows, a new occupant of the White House often finds it easy to undo what his predecessor has achieved.
Equally obvious are technical reasons why there is no way to fast-track denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. The deal on the Iranian nuclear program took years of negotiations and was the result of a mutual compromise (meaning that it is highly unlikely that a deal like this can be achieved in full, much less at once).
Under the present circumstances, any further US-North Korean negotiations would look like a walk across a minefield. If it were up to me, I would suggest the following way to go.
During the third Trump-Kim summit (which, if unsuccessful, will most likely be the last), to adopt a mutually accepted denuclearization roadmap that would say exactly which nuclear weapons and their delivery vehicles are to be eliminated, above all, those capable (albeit hypothetically) of reaching US territory.
The sides should also draw up an exhaustive list of facilities of North Korea’s nuclear (and, possibly, missile) programs that would be stopped or eliminated based on the principle of “proving the existence” there of nuclear elements, rather than “proving their absence.” The latter verification path will take us nowhere because, to meet this requirement, Pyongyang would be forced to eliminate all of its engineering and other modern industries. In other words, to return to the pre-industrial era – something it will hardly ever agree to.
And, most importantly, there should be a compulsory and phased implementation of the stated goals. Pyongyang’s next move towards abandoning its nuclear technology should be accompanied by a partial and phased lifting of sanctions imposed on it by the UN Security Council, primarily those, which are damaging the peaceful sectors of the North Korean economy and are hampering the inter-Korean dialogue.
Each of these UN sanctions contains a concrete procedure for their suspension of lifting. At this stage the Security Council is already entering the game as all further negotiations on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula will depend on the agreed position of its permanent members (including the five officially recognized nuclear states).
Here it would be highly advisable to consider the proposal made by Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev at a special session of the UN Security Council on the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in January 2018, whereby the official five nuclear states could offer North Korea security guarantees within the framework of the UN Security Council as an important condition for creating an atmosphere of trust and ensuring successful progress towards denuclearization.
By the way, the third US-North Korean summit (if it happens at all) could be held in a trilateral format, as President Moon Jae-in has previously suggested. This would reduce the likelihood of yet another failure and would help ensure speedy security assurances for North Korea in exchange for the country’s nuclear disarmament.
First published in our partner International Affairs
BRI: Shared Future for Humanity
The terrestrial and maritime connectivity proposed by the Chinese government back in 2013 with six connectivity corridors reflects the vision of shared future for humanity. Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an omen of modern transformation of the globe. The journey of transition from geo-politics to geo-economics is itself a huge achievement. As geo-economics brought in the partnership and collaboration for mutual gains whereas geo-politics reflects competition, for instance, arm race.
BRI a network of terrestrial and maritime passages encompassing (1) the New Eurasian Land Bridge connects Western China to Western Russia; (2) the China-Mongolia-Russia Corridor, from Northern China to Eastern Russia; (3)the China-Central Asia-Western Asia Corridor, links China to Turkey; (4) the Corridor from Southern China to the Indochinese peninsula up to Singapore; (5) the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor; and (6) the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Corridor. In other words BRI is one of the longest connectivity route from the Chinese coast to Singapore to Gwadar up to the Mediterranean. Among all the above mentioned projects, CPEC is a model project with so much in its credit.
CPEC is the flagship project of the Belt & Road Initiative. CPEC is a mutually agreed initiative including 4 key areas of cooperation i.e. energy projects, infrastructure development, Gwadar Port, and industrial cooperation. This cooperation has further strengthened the time tested friendship. China – Pakistan strategic cooperation is an essential ingredient for the South Asian peace recipe. CPEC, not merely focus on commerce and trade but also include social development projects as well. Pak-China Friendship Hospital, Pak-China School, Gwadar Airport, and many more are prominent examples of this initiative. The first phase of CPEC is almost complete and is all ready to enter into the second phase. The first phase was comprised of energy and road projects whereas the second phase might also entails agriculture, education, health, water and much more. Here in our case, when there is an atmosphere of non-kinetic threats, development is the only option. Internal harmony and peace can only be achieved when there is no sense of deprivation. In addition, inclusion of third party in CPEC project, and also connecting it with the Central Asian Republics and Russia is also a progressive move. Opening it for the private business sector and creating 80,000 jobs, all are signs of social uplifting and gradual development. CPEC is an inclusive project for Pakistan and for the region.
China is focusing on and playing a key role in connecting the continents. Being an emerging power, China, considers the role of regional connections vital for the global peace and prosperity. Hence, BRI is a positive-sum cooperation. It’s a platform for dialogue, and developing new paths of cooperation encompassing government to government, people to people, business to business and media to media relations. BRI is the, opening up and connectivity, with an aim on promoting global peace and cooperation, and building a global community with a bright future for mankind. Moreover, it promotes connectivity through passages of commerce and trade. There is also a shift in the international balance, leaning towards east from west, considering it a breath of fresh air. Belt and Road Initiative is turning the myth “21st Century is the Asian Century” into reality.
BRI is a network of exchange, exchange of happiness and prosperity, exchange of knowledge and technology, exchange of expertise to perform well for mutual interests. It is the beginning of the inclusive global future. Hence, it is the time for profound change and reforms. For growth, for being dynamic, change is normal. So, reforms, propel states to accomplish goals not only at national level but international level too. The way BRI brought countries and regions together, enhancing trade, developing state of the art infrastructure, boosting investment, strengthening cultural ties, and people to people exchanges, all making BRI, the Central Nervous System of the world.
The true essence of BRI is regional integration, a horizontal, non-vertical integration with no hegemonic designs with an aim to limit the world recession damage. Furthermore, as the second BRI forum is scheduled in late April this year, there is much more to come. As mentioned, BRI is a pie, having share for all; it’s not a debt trap. In order to win the confidence of all the partnering states, and to lessen the suspicion, China is trying to avoid the ‘debt traps’. Though, there is no such state in unsustainable Chinese government debt pressure. It basically provides equality based cooperation, and a green & sustainable development. Second BRI forum is the right time to kickstart the “Second Phase” of Belt & Road. Many foreign heads of state and government, and thousands of delegates will be attending the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, or BRF. As mentioned by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, “it will include a series of events, such as leaders’ round table, high-level meeting, and thematic forum, CEO conference, under the theme of Belt and Road cooperation shaping a brighter shared future. There will also be more side events, including 12 thematic forums focusing on practical cooperation, and for the first time a conference organized specifically for the business community”.
The globe has already been struck by two major economic depressions. Asian continent also faced one in 1997 when East and Southeast Asia was crippled economically. The world direly needs a remedy in order to sustain the global economy which can only be done through economic and cultural interconnectivity.BRI aims to be a torch bearer in order to bring the financial benefits to the globe. The global prosperity is need of an hour in modern world order but this can be achieved through collective efforts.
China: Via Portugal into Africa and Latin America
Portugal is a major geographical link in the European leg of China’s New Silk Road project (NSR). A visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping to Lisbon on December 4-5, 2018 produced seventeen cooperation agreements thereby reaffirming the two parties’ readiness to expand economic partnership.
China is Portugal’s top trading partner in Asia, with bilateral trade steadily on the rise amounting to $5.6 billion in 2017. The volume of Chinese investment in the Portuguese economy has reached $ 10.2 billion. Simultaneously, the influx of tourists from China to Portugal has gone up by 40% and from Portugal to China by 16%. The Chinese Embassy in Lisbon has described the current state of Sino-Portuguese relations as the best since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1979.
The livening up of Sino-Portuguese relations is key to Beijing’s comprehensive strategy of boosting cooperation with Portuguese-speaking countries. Adopted fifteen years ago, this strategy has brought about an increase in the volume of trade between the PRC and the Portuguese-speaking nations by more than 19 times – from $ 6 billion in 2002 to $ 117.6 billion in 2017.
In this context, an economic union with Lisbon is designed to geographically complete the European sector of the New Silk Road project (NSR) given the location of Portugal as the western tip of the European continent. Also, such an alliance is set to project Chinese economic influence through Portugal to countries of Africa and Latin America.
China is number one trading partner of three Portuguese-speaking countries: Brazil (trade turnover in 2018 at $ 29.5 billion), Angola ($ 26 billion) and Mozambique ($ 168 million).
The port of Sines – Portugal’s sea gate to the Atlantic and Africa – carries a particular importance with its well-developed infrastructure and all the facilities to be used as a transit point for Chinese products bound for America and Africa. Another important point is the Azores, a part of Portuguese territory stretching deep into the Atlantic. Lisbon has consented to Beijing’s participation in the construction of scientific and logistics infrastructure in the archipelago, which is tantamount to a stronger Chinese economic presence in the region.
Lisbon favors joint participation with Beijing in investment projects in Portuguese-speaking Africa. African countries have expressed a similar intention. In January 2019, the Angolan Parliament ruled to abolish double taxation with Portugal, China and the United Arab Emirates.
Lisbon-mediated cooperation with Portuguese-speaking countries will enable Beijing to guarantee food security. According to UN reports, Angola is among the top five countries with the greatest agricultural potential (58 million hectares of arable land), Mozambique has 36 million hectares, of which less than six are cultivated, while Brazil is the main supplier of soybean, a popular food product for China (14 million tons in 2018).
In relation to China and within the NSR project, Portugal plays the role of an infrastructure and logistics counterweight to France, which is trying to shift the focus of French-Chinese cooperation in the direction of the Mediterranean and North Africa – to fight against terrorism in the Sahel region and provide investment support of the French-speaking Sahel “Five” (Chad, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger, Mali).
Beijing is interested in moving via the Atlantic westward. From the geographical point of view, Portugal is a good partner here – cooperation with it takes China beyond the Mediterranean. According to the Chinese leader, for Beijing, Lisbon is a point of linking the land and sea segments of the NSR and a promising partner in the development of the “sea wave economy”.
The position of Paris regarding the NSR project is characterized as cautiously positive, envisaged by the Franco-German Aachen agreement of January 22, 2019 and affected by competition with Italy (Italian Trieste and French Marseille compete for the main port of the NSR in the Mediterranean).
The Aachen agreement diplomatically outlines the geopolitical axis Paris-Berlin, endowing the French-German relations with a special status. Against export-oriented German economy (in 2018, exports went up 3% against 2017, reaching $ 1.318 billion), Beijing’s economic activity in Europe is seen as a challenge.
Negotiations between French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and European Commission Chairman Jean-Claude Juncker and China’s Xi Jinping on March 25-26 demonstrated the EU’s consolidated position and marked a successful attempt to secure common gains from building up cooperation between the EU (without Italy) and the PRC.
While France readily signed multibillion-dollar contracts with China and agreed to the opening of the Chinese market for French goods, it refrained from actively assisting the Chinese in pursuing transcontinental infrastructure projects as unwelcome for the economic health of the Franco-German duumvirate.
First published in our partner International Affairs
USA at odds with Europe and not only with Europe
The recent statement made by US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to the effect that his country has failed to...
ADB’s Strategy 2030 Needs to be Accompanied by a Strong Results Orientation
The Asian Development Bank’s (ADB) new long-term corporate strategy, Strategy 2030, which came into effect this year, needs to be...
Luxembourg, UN Environment sign deal to accelerate sustainable finance
Luxembourg today signed an agreement to back a UN Environment-convened network that helps the world’s major financial centres to increase...
Violence complicates Pakistan PM’s tightrope walk as he visits Iran and China
Two attacks in as many weeks in Pakistan’s troubled province of Balochistan shatter hopes that the country has gained the...
Development in South Africa: Bridging the Gap
To live in one of the most unequal yet highly urbanised societies in the world means that there are high...
Peru should help more young vulnerable people into work
Peru’s remarkable economic growth since the 2000s and policies targeting the most vulnerable young people have helped boost the youth...
India’s purblind opposition to Belt and Road Initiative
China intends to host second global Belt-Road-Initiative (BRI) meet next month. China expects delegates from over 100 countries to attend...
Intelligence3 days ago
Uzbek’s Katibat al Tawhid wal Jihad changed its leader
Europe2 days ago
Italy escapes the ‘western propaganda trap’
Energy News2 days ago
Greening industry through a transition to hydrogen societies
Green Planet1 day ago
Do The Harmless Pangolins Have To Become Extinct?
Russia2 days ago
Is Israel Taking Advantage of a Longtime Strategic Partner for Russia?
Russia3 days ago
Russian- Arab Cooperation Forum
Reports2 days ago
New safety and health issues emerge as work changes
South Asia23 hours ago
India’s purblind opposition to Belt and Road Initiative