Authors: Do Quynh Anh & Bui Hong Hanh*
The Trans – Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) is the largest and most ambitious trade agreement in history, which was considered dead when US President Donald Trump abruptly announced his withdrawal in February, 2017. But shortly thereafter, TPP quietly took by the 11 remaining parties to restructure efforts under the name TPP11.
After the United States withdrew from the TPP, there are three views concerning the future of this agreement. Firstly, the most pessimistic view is that TPP without the United States will no longer be a TPP, so other countries should give up the agreement. Secondly, after the United States decisively withdraw, TPP should invite other Asian countries such as China, South Korea and Indonesia to participate and start negotiations again. Thirdly, the TPP 11 that is being headed by Japan will not change the content and the rest will continue to promote the TPP sooner. The third view is agreed by remaining countries, but this conclusion of TPP 11 still face many obstacles.
It is said that with the determination of the remaining members, TPP11 still has the prospect of revival. On the sidelines of the 13th Ministerial Conference of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum held in New Zealand in May, the remaining 11 nations, in an attempt to restart the agreement, agreed to find ways to continue implementing the TPP without US . If revitalized, the TPP will link 11 countries, including the world’s 4/20 leading economies, to a combined GDP of $ 9,800 billion, followed by 19 new free trade agreements. This is also the reason that some economists recently said that it is possible that the United States will have to rethink its attitude toward TPP.
In order to have a positive result from the other members, Japan and major economies in the TPP such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand have been working hard for nearly a year in the hope of accelerating the process. These members expressed their determination to work closely together to reach a compromise soon in line with the common interests of all countries.
Replacement of the United States leading position, Japan has pledged to play a leading role in setting a clear direction for the TPP11, as Tokyo believes that the agreement will not only bring economic benefits but also a geopolitical strategies. The victory in the House of Representatives elections in Japan on October 22 has strengthened the political role of Prime Minister Abe, who favors TPP, and shows the bright future of TPP11. From Australia side, Australia Trade Minister Steven Ciobo told reporters that the gains made by the TPP are worthy to continue the agreement. He expressed satisfaction with the views of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and what they discussed showed that there are more positive factors than expected. New Zealand Prime Minister Bill English continued to promote TPP11. He emphasizes that the country has stepped to the stage joining hands with Japan to recover the TPP process.
Meanwhile, Canada, the second largest economy in the TPP11, said it would try to remove the terms of each concession to the United States in its initial agreement. The US withdrawal from the TPP is bringing more benefits to Canada as well as allowing it a better position to rewrite the treaty. The Westover Center recently announced a study entitled “The Art of Trade Negotiation: Quantifying the Benefits of the TPP Without the United States.” According to this report, Canada’s exports to the TPP11 countries by the year 2035 will increase by 4.7%, while Mexico will increase by 3.12%, higher than the base without the TPP. When TPP included the US, the increase was only 0.36% and 0.05%. In addition, Mexico and Canada also benefited from exports to foreign TPPs in the context of TPP11 adoption. The study also found that Canada’s largest harvest under the TPP was from agriculture, agricultural food because it was not competing with the United States in the TPP. The benefits of TPP11 will allow Canada and Mexico to broaden their lead in re-negotiating NAFTA. Peru and Chile are also beneficiaries of the US withdrawal from the TPP as these countries will have a larger market share in the non-US TPP. Similarly, Singapore will also have the advantage of not competing with the United States in the Asian market.
At present, in the hope of reviving the TPP Agreement, the original text of the TPP needs to be adapted to the new situation, not just a simple exemption from the US, but also a number of difficult issues. This new face gradually revealed. Some members have proposed modifying or freezing some of the terms of the agreement, such as issues related to state procurement or the protection of intellectual property rights. Viet Nam has proposed the possibility of regulating some provisions on worker rights and intellectual property regulations in the pharmaceutical field of the original treaty. Meanwhile, Canada and Mexico have issued the terms they want to suspend, including a number of provisions of the TPP that may be incorporated into the revised version of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between the United States and these two countries.
After many meetings, the common perception among member countries has progressed. A number of sessions have been conducted to find a way to modify the original TPP text to suit the new context. There have also been significant advances in discussions on the modification or suspension of certain terms, such as the intent to freeze a patent filing extension, if the application is subject to postponement. Unreasonable, investment rules, copyright protection …Although the United States has retreated, the TPP is better than any agreement currently on the agenda of countries, such opportunities are not much. So, basically countries are discussing the same agreement with the original version.
Officials from several countries said a possible agreement could be reached at APEC 2017 – the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, which will take place in Danang, Vietnam in November. TPP members are present at this conference. The move comes after the end of the fourth round of talks between high-level officials in Tokyo in September, which has sparked renewed hopes for a large-scale cooperation in the TPP process. Observers note the importance that the parties have achieved. Peruvian Trade Minister Edgar Vasquez announced to media after the meetings “All member states are willing to evaluate alternatives so that TPP can survive.”
At the meeting of APEC Finance Ministers in Hanoi on October 20, 2007, in addition to the contents related to APEC’s organization works in Da Nang next month, the information showed that with little change, Japanese officials and participating countries are optimistic that TPP will have a good result in Da Nang.
Commenting on the next APEC meeting next month, the Australian Ambassador said Australia’s main objective in the forum was to join the 10 member countries approve the TPP. After this round, the final decision on the new TPP, which many hope to become reality at the end of the year and if agreed, can be implemented from next year.
The TPP agreement will have some adjustments, but that contents is not much, not very important. Because of that, the general desire of TPP members still to hope America back. In order for the United States returned, TPP 11 can not cut off what it has installed in the Agreement so much, especially in such areas as labor, environment, intellectual property, public procurement, fighting terrorism, transparency and anti-corruption, conflict resolution, competition policy, and service sectors lead by United States. The revival of the TPP11, the Asia-Pacific region has determined Its own path, not completely passive look at the US leadership as before.
*Bui Hong Hanh, associate professor, Vietnam National University, Hanoi
Thai universities must look beyond ranking
Bangkok – The recent 2018 Asia University Rankings published by the Times Higher Education (THE) magazine is calling attention for the state of Thai higher education.
Unlike its Asian neighbors, Thai universities are falling behind.
The National University of Singapore maintained its number one status for the third consecutive year due to its continuous improvement in teaching and research environments, greater citation impact and higher amounts of industrial income, said Ellie Bothwell of the Times Higher Education.
This year, the numbers of universities being ranked increased from 300 to 350 universities. Japanese universities are amongst the most qualified universities in Asia with 89 universities made it to the list. 63 universities from China are included in the top 350.
The picture looks worrisome for Thailand. Only ten universities made it. However, none of them was ranked in the top 50. The best performing university from Thailand was Mahidol– with ranking of 97th place, same as that in 2017, while the oldest higher education establishment, Chulalongkorn University, is only 167th place amongst 350 institutions.
Should we be concerned about this?
Yes, and no.
Given that ranking has been taken as a face value that it equates the overall quality of higher education, the poor performance sends a negative signal. It is a setback for Thailand’s aspiration to become the regional hub of education in Southeast Asia. How can we be a regional center when the best of our universities are far behind that of Singapore and Malaysia?
This is also bad for internationalization process. The low performance is discouraging for potential research partners and foreign students to come to Thailand. It lowers Thailand’s attractiveness and competitiveness.
While the results are not promising, what is worse is how they are used and interpreted by policymakers and the media to create, what professor Gita Steiner-Khamsi of Teachers College, Columbia University called “a scandalization effect”. That means, results from international league tables haven been used as external forces to generate reforms pressure at the local level.
Thailand is no exception. Since Asia Week published the first Asian universities ranking in 1997, Thai politicians, policymakers and the media have used the international results to create reform pressure. A decade long of higher education policy analysis confirmed that boosting the ranking seems to be the only policy goal for most Thai policymakers.
But ranking is not everything.
Mrs. Ruangrat Wongpramote, Assistant Secretary General of the Education Council poignantly said: “ranking helps us to mirror the reality. It is a good tool for us to know where we are standing in comparison with others. But it does not tell us everything. There are more pressing issues in Thai higher education.”
These issues include quality of the students, quality curriculum and quality teaching.
Firstly, Thailand has to shift its focus from quantity students to quality students.
For the past 100 years, the system has done well in terms of access. There were only five universities in the first 50 years of Thai higher education and all of them were established in Bangkok Metropolitan area. Now the official record reported that there are 151 universities across the country – with 81 public universities and 75 universities in most of provinces. The expansion has made it available for more than 2 million enrollments.
While the massification provides more equitable educational opportunities for students, the mismatch between skills and jobs requirement, low quality of English proficiency and lack of critical thinking are amongst key issues that need to be seriously addressed.
Secondly, Thai curriculum needs to be upgraded. The Office of Higher Education Commission has implemented Thailand Qualification Framework or TQF with the hope of improving and standardizing Thai curriculum. However, what the government has had in mind is counter-productive to improvement of the curriculum.
TQF is academics worst nightmare. It requires academics to fill in lengthy lesson plans, detailed description of their syllabus and anticipated unimaginable outcomes. The rubrics are demanding and micro-managing. Instead of improving curriculum, academics report they cut and pasted, worst, lied just to complete the form.
This policy takes away precious class preparation time for nonsensical administrative things.
A more efficient and collegial way of improving the curriculum is needed.
Thirdly, quality teaching must be improved. Large classrooms are not in and of themselves problematic. But ones that are passive, top-down and lecture-based are outdated. Lecturers must work harder than regurgitating the texts to students. Classrooms need to be conducive space for learning where conceptual debates, analytical discussion and constructive dialogues are promoted. In the era where students can google to get basic facts, university students must be pushed harder to think critically. Students must learn to ask difficult questions and come up with creative answers.
A bad ranking is a good wake up call. But what we will do about it is what matters most.
Malaysia’s Efforts in Improving Education: Lessons for Developing Countries
Malaysia’s efforts to tackle education challenges, particularly through the establishment of a ‘delivery unit’ that tracks results, can help other countries seeking to improve implementation in the sector, says a new World Bank report.
The report, Improving Education Sector Performance: Lessons from the Delivery Unit Approach, highlights the role of the Education Performance and Delivery Unit, or PADU, under the Ministry of Education, in improving education outcomes, a key government priority.
The report examines how PADU facilitated program implementation and delivery of results through the Literacy and Numeracy Screening program, or LINUS. Unlike other interventions, the LINUS task force – comprised of several divisions – worked closely with agencies across government to provide an effective framework for coordination, tracking, monitoring and reporting.
“Following the World Bank’s analysis of the LINUS approach, we are glad to share the approach with other countries seeking to improve education outcomes,” said Dato’ Seri Mahdzir bin Khalid, Minister of Education. “As we progress, we will constantly refine ways of delivery and continue to engage relevant institutions such as the World Bank to gather feedback and improve implementation.”
The Government Transformation Program, announced in 2009, set improving education outcomes as a key priority, and a detailed plan in the Malaysian Education Blueprint followed. Making improving education outcomes a national priority can elevate the profile, stakes, and resourcing for the initiative. Building in evaluations of impact into the program design would further bolster efforts to improve education outcomes.
“The delivery of the essentials of a thriving nation – better schools, healthcare, public transportation – is a mutual goal of all nations, but implementation is a common challenge. The delivery unit approach taken by Malaysia is a creative and effective way to address this challenge,” said Faris Hadad-Zervos, World Bank Group Representative to Malaysia. “This report distills useful lessons learnt in improving the performance of its education sector, and makes recommendations to bring Malaysia one step closer towards its aspirations of becoming a high-income country.”
The study is the latest installment in the World Bank Group’s Outbound Knowledge Report Series that curates, distils and disseminates Malaysia’s development experience. This report is part of the Malaysia Development Experience Series, which strives to capture key learnings from Malaysia that are relevant for developing countries around the globe as they transition out of poverty and into shared prosperity.
Asia’s dark underbelly: Conflicts threaten long-term stability and development
A host of conflicts, stretching across the Asian landmass from the Middle East to Southeast Asia and northwest China, are likely to spark violence, complicate economic development, and dash hopes for sustainable stability.
The conflicts and tensions range from ethnic strife in Kurdish areas of Syria and Iran, mortally wounded Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts, embattled Baloch nationalism in Pakistan, disposed Rohingya in Southeast Asia, and widespread discontent in Iran, to iron-grip repression in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Xinjiang. Individually and collectively, they promise to create black swans and festering wounds that threaten economic growth and social development.
Stripped to their bare essence, the conflicts and tensions have one thing in common: a quest for either cultural, ethnic or national, or political rights or a combination of those, that governments not only refuse to recognize but are willing to suppress with brutal force.
Repression and military action are designed to suppress political, ethnic and/or national, and economic and social grievances in the false belief that a combination of long-term suppression and economic development will weaken ethnic and/or national and political aspirations as well as undermine dissent.
That is true in case of the Rohingya and Uyghurs as well as for brutal repression in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and northwest China, and military actions such as the Turkish intervention in Syria’s Afrin.
Problems in the Middle East and South Asia are aggravated by a debilitating struggle for regional hegemony between Saudi Arabia and Iran that threaten to destabilize the Islamic republic and Pakistan, have already produced a devastating war and a humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen, and are dragging the Horn of Africa into its orbit.
If history teaches anything, it is that only a minority of autocrats have achieved economic and social development. General Augusto Pinochet ensured that Chile is the only South American member of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), albeit at a high human cost, while Asia gave birth to tigers like South Korea and Taiwan.
Moreover, Asia’s multiple conflicts and tensions do not distract from the fact that by and large, the continent is flourishing economically.
History, however, also teaches that ethnic and/or national aspirations explode with vehemence the moment opportunity arises. Seventy years of communist rule in the Soviet Union failed to smother nationalist sentiment in parts of the empire like Chechnya and the Caucasus or erase nationalist differences between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Forty-seven years of communism did not prevent nationalist sentiment from breaking Yugoslavia apart in a series of bloody wars in the 1990s in the wake of the demise of the Iron Curtain.
Carved out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire, modern Turkey has failed to erase demands for Kurdish cultural, if not ethnic or national aspirations, through economic development and political integration based on the principle of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the visionary who founded the republic, that “happy is he who is a Turk.”
Similarly, Palestinian nationalism is alive and kicking 51 years into Israeli occupation of lands conquered during the 1967 Middle East war.
The aftermath of the 2011 Arab popular revolts, involving a concerted counterrevolution co-engineered by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, has laid bare the essence of current conflicts and disputes: a determination of regimes to impose policies on minorities or states at whatever cost.
The UAE-Saudi-led diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar is a case in point as are Asia’s multiple ethnic conflicts. They erupt in a world in which post-colonial borders are being called into question in countries like Syria, Iraq, Libya, Myanmar and Pakistan.
The Rohingya, amid the dizzying array of ethnic and national conflicts stretching from the Middle East or West Asia to China in the East, exemplify the problem in, perhaps, its purest form. Potentially, the Rohingya could become Southeast Asia’s Palestine.
What makes the Rohingya unique is the fact that their aspiration, unlike Palestinians, Kurds, Baloch or Uyghurs, does not involve attachment to a specific piece of land despite a centuries-old history in the Myanmar state of Rakhine. That is also what potentially enables creative thinking about a solution that could open the door to innovative thinking about a multitude of other conflicts.
To many Rohingya, lingering in abysmal conditions in Bangladesh’s Cox Bazaar, after some 650,000 fled repression and terror in Myanmar, securing a sense of belonging on whatever territory that guarantees them protection from persecution as well as economic and social development, is more important than returning to an uncertain existence in Rakhine state. “All I want, is a place to which I can belong,” one refugee said.
Few Rohingya, analysts and officials believe that an agreement that in theory allows Rohingya in Bangladesh to return to Rakhine state will solve the problem. Even if the Rohingya were allowed to return in significant numbers, something that many doubt, nothing in Myanmar government policies and statements suggests that they would be anything more than a barely tolerated, despised ethnic group in a country that does not welcome them.
The makings of a Palestine-like conflict that would embroil not only Myanmar but also Bangladesh and that could spread its tentacles further abroad are evident. In a rare interview with Al Jazeera, Mohammed, a spokesman for the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) using a false name, predicted that suicide bombings constitute the next phase of their effort to secure a safe and stable existence.
The Falah-i-Insaniat Foundation, a charity associated with Lashkar-e-Taiba, one of South Asia’s deadliest groups, claimed in December that it had established operations in Rakhine state where it had distributed blankets and cash.
“We attacked them (the Myanmar military) because they refuse to give us our basic rights as citizens. Again and again, [the] Myanmar government lies to the world. They say they treat us well and give us rights, but they don’t. We are unable to travel from one place to another. We are not allowed to run a business. We are not allowed to go to university. The police and military use various way to suppress us. They beat, torture and humiliate us. That is why we decided to stand up,” Mohammed said.
Preventing the Rohingya issue from spiralling out of control and becoming a problem that can no longer be contained to a specific territory, much like the multitude of similar conflicts, disputes, and repression-based regime survival strategies across Asia, requires out-of-the box thinking. Short-term repression and efforts to impose one party’s will at best buys time and sets the scene for avoidable explosions.
With out-of-the-box thinking a rare commodity, nationalism and protectionism on the rise, and regimes, emboldened by an international community unwilling to stand up for basic rights, able to go to extremes like the use of chemical weapons against rebels in the Syrian province of Idlib, long-term prospects for stable and secure development in Asia are dimmed and potentially threatened by predictable black swans.
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