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Killing Children: The Sad Politics behind the Yemen Health Crisis

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Interview with Dr. Matthew Crosston about the situation in Yemen, conducted by journalist Mohammad Homaeefar for the Tehran Times in Iran. August 2017

Yemen’s Ministry of Health estimates that at least 10,000 Yemenis died from lack of access to the international medical treatment that they had sought. What countries are responsible for the medieval siege that led to such catastrophe?

The obvious and easy short answer is that the Saudi-led and Saudi-constructed land, air, and sea blockade of Yemen is responsible. Since the official start of military operations on March 26, 2015 it has been incredibly difficult to import the necessary medicines needed for the treatment of both basic and more complex illnesses and diseases. Unfortunately, a more subtle and less-noticed aspect in the West about the blockade is that it has also hindered the importation of essential raw materials that would at least give local hospitals and clinics around Yemen the opportunity to manufacture their own medicines on site. The reason for this raw materials ban is the cursed multi-functionality of such resources: some of these raw materials that could make critical medicines could also, if stolen or commandeered by illicit actors, be used to manufacture explosives. Anything that has the potentiality for such dual-usage has been basically restricted by blockade forces. Alas, you can interpret that dual functionality in either liberal or conservative ways: if the latter, then local hospitals in Yemen would have access to these resources and thus be capable of manufacturing their own medicines. However, if the interpretation is liberal (and the Saudi-led blockade is certainly defining it in extremely liberal ways), then almost nothing gets through and hospitals and clinics are left to try to help the sick with almost no medicine whatsoever. This is what has caused an outbreak of illnesses and disease that really should not be existing at all.

Reports indicate that since the outbreak of Cholera in Yemen in April, attempt to get the disease under control have all been in vain. Thousands have been inflicted and around 1,900 lost their lives according to local sources. What should the UN do in this regard?

Given the information I relayed above, the only substantive and effective policy change the UN could try to do is directly appeal to and put influence on the Saudi-led coalition blockade. Specifically, the UN needs to define either a list of essential medicines or critical raw resources that could locally manufacture medicines and then ENSURE that the Saudi-led blockade would not interfere or hinder the delivery of such materials. In addition, if the UN was feeling especially pro-active and helpful (which, admittedly, it often doesn’t in active war zones), then it would also use UN-led forces to ensure the quality of the resources and their successful delivery to critical medical points all over Yemen. If these two things could be done, then there would be a significant improvement in the medical crisis in Yemen, if not necessarily a lessening of the political conflict overall.

Is the international community helping Yemen to combat cholera? What are the obstacles to the delivery of humanitarian aid?

Allow me to not repeat myself from the previous two questions and focus on some other nuances in this crisis that need more attention. First, war is not just complex, it is utterly chaotic. While the Saudi-led blockade continues to get in the way of the delivery of essential medicines and acts as a hindrance to international humanitarian organizations truly inspired and motivated to make a difference on the ground (like the Red Cross and WHO), Saudi Arabia also pledged fully, along with other countries like the United States, Kuwait, the UK, and Germany, $1.1 billion dollars to help alleviate the suffering and medical crisis in Yemen. How should we interpret this confusing contradictory policy? The nation that constructed the blockade and other major Western powers tacitly approving its continuation (which has basically caused this health crisis) are simultaneously pledging to alleviate suffering with financial aid?

One first immediate problem, of course, is that this pledge has not yet been fulfilled and so there is not nearly enough money being put into Yemen to alleviate suffering. The second problem is an internal one: as is the case with any war zone, it is nearly impossible to guarantee the safe and accurate delivery of supplies to those most in need because of organized crime, corruption, and illicit activity inside of the country. Just delivering the supplies in-country is not enough: they must be physically delivered to the very door of the needed facilities. Otherwise, the efficiency percentage plummets dramatically. In this case, not only will the cholera epidemic not improve, we will start to see the emergence of other diseases and medical crises will go unchecked. Unfairly, the pledge givers of aid usually demand that these internal problems get resolved before actual funds are dispersed. However, in this case, the same pledge-givers are the drivers of the situation creating the domestic obstacles. Hypocritical and contradictory dilemmas like these are what drive Yemen analysts to despair.

Saudi Arabia has targeted and bombed many of Yemen’s hospitals and health centers. What does the regime want to accomplish by such acts?

I wish there was some unique and compelling reason being offered as to why this would be happening, but reality reveals the same tired old clichés being used on the global stage. Namely, that Saudi Arabia is not ‘purposely’ targeting civilian sites like hospitals but that ‘mistakes have sometimes taken place.’ And then, of course, the classic inversion technique is applied: the Saudis will say if only the Houthi rebels would stop mixing/hiding within civilian populations, then such mistakes would be less common. What most analysts tend to not follow up with when such statements are made is to ask Saudi Arabia if it thinks it would be more appropriate for the Houthi rebels to come out into the open on vast desert plains, far away from any civilian locations, so that they could be bombed indiscriminately?

The nature of asymmetrical warfare demands that the less-advantaged rival has to employ unorthodox tactics in order to just survive. Unfortunately, that does sometimes involve hiding within civilian areas. This is not new, by any means, or unique to the Houthis. While the rules of war have long been against such actions from smaller parties, these rules have also always been adamant that in such situations the superior military force is not supposed to engage civilian sites and must seek other strategies to ‘flush out its enemy.’ It seems apparent, as analyzed by outside global agencies, that Saudi Arabia has not truly made that effort when trying to destroy Houthi groups.

We have to be sadly careful when we think the global humanitarian community can be a force for good on this problem. To wit: the UN included Saudi Arabia in 2016 on a list of ‘violators of children’s rights’ largely because of the disturbing reports about hospital bombings. Alas, only one week later Saudi Arabia was removed from the list, pending further review. Astonishingly, former Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon said the reason for the removal was that Saudi Arabia had threatened to pull its funding of UN humanitarian programs, though the Kingdom steadfastly denied any such conversations took place. So, on an issue that seems to easily define the moral high ground (do not bomb hospitals or deny sick children medicine), we see how quickly it becomes morally bankrupt in the Yemen conflict – with elements of de facto diplomatic extortion, intimidation, and the violation of long-standing ethical tradition in war. The end result is depressingly familiar: all sides declare how horrible it is that children are suffering and that hospitals are getting destroyed but then conveniently distract us from realizing that they are very same actors ultimately causing the suffering and destruction in the first place. Killing children in the name of political expediency and the pursuit of military, political, and national interests.

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Middle East

Will Oman Succeed In What The UN And US Envoys Failed In Yemen?

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Since taking office on January 20, US President Joe Biden has made a priority for Yemen and appointed Tim Linderking as the US special envoy to Yemen to seek an end of the war that has been going on for more than six years, which made Yemen live “the worst humanitarian crisis in the world”, as described by the United Nations.

Nearly four months after his appointment as a special envoy to Yemen, and after several visits to the region, and several meetings through Omani coordination with representatives of the Houthi movement in Muscat, Linderking returned to the United States empty-handed, announcing that the Houthis are responsible for the failure of the ceasefire to take hold in Yemen. The US State Department said “While there are numerous problematic actors inside of Yemen, the Houthis bear major responsibility for refusing to engage meaningfully on a ceasefire and to take steps to resolve a nearly seven-year conflict that has brought unimaginable suffering to the Yemeni people”.

Two days only after the US State Department statement, which blamed the Houthis for the failure of the peace process in Yemen, an Omani delegation from the Royal Office arrives in Sana’a. What are the goals behind their visit to Sana’a, and will the Omani efforts be crowned with success?

Houthi spokesman Muhammad Abdul Salam said that “the visit of a delegation from the Omani Royal Office to Sanaa is to discuss the situation in Yemen, arrange the humanitarian situation, and advancing the peace process”. However, observers considered that the delegation carried an American message to the Houthi leader as a last attempt to pressure the Houthis to accept a ceasefire, and to continue the peace efforts being made to end the war and achieve peace, especially after the failure of all intensive efforts in the past days by the United Nations and the United States of America to reach a ceasefire as a minimum requirement for peace.

Oman was the only country in the Gulf Cooperation Council that decided not to participate in what was called “Operation Decisive Storm”, led by Saudi Arabia following its consistent policy of non-interference. Due to its positive role since the beginning of the crisis and its standing at the same distance from all the conflicting local and regional parties in Yemen, it has become the only qualified and trusted party by all the conflicting parties, who view it as a neutral side that has no interest in further fighting and fragmentation.

On the local level, Oman enjoys the respect and trust of the Houthis, who have embraced them and their negotiators for years and provided them with a political platform and a point of contact with the international parties concerned with solving the Yemeni problem, as well as embracing other political parties loyal to the legitimate government, especially those who had a different position to the Saudi-Emirati agenda during the last period.

At the regional level, Oman maintains strong historical relations with the Iran, and it is a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and this feature enables it to bring the views between the two sides closer to reach a ceasefire and ending the Yemeni crisis that has raved the region for several years as a proxy war between the regional rivalries Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Oman now possesses the trust and respect of all local, regional and international parties, who resorted to it recently and they are all pushing to reach a ceasefire and ending the crisis, after they have reached a conviction that it is useless. So the Omani delegation’s public visit to Sana’a has great connotations and an important indication of the determination of all parties to reach breakthrough in the Yemeni crisis.

The international community, led by the United States, is now looking forward to stop the war in Yemen. Saudi Arabia also is looking for an end to the war that cost the kingdom a lot and it is already presented an initiative to end the Yemeni crisis, as well as Iran’s preoccupation with its nuclear program and lifting of sanctions.

Likewise, the conflicting local parties reached a firm conviction that military resolution is futile, especially after the Houthis’ failed attempt for several months to control Marib Governorate the rich of oil and gas and the last strongholds of the government in the north, which would have changed the balance of power in the region as a whole.

Despite the ambiguity that is still surrounding the results of the Omani delegation’s visit to Sana’a so far, there is great optimism to reach a cease-fire and alleviate the humanitarian crisis and other measures that pave the way for entering into the political track to solve the Yemeni crisis.

The situation in Yemen is very complicated and the final solution is still far away, but reaching a ceasefire and the start of negotiations may be a sign of hope and a point of light in the dark tunnel of Yemenis who have suffered for years from the curse of this war and its devastating effects.

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Saudi Arabia steps up effort to replace UAE and Qatar as go-to regional hub

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Saudi Arabia has stepped up efforts to outflank the United Arab Emirates and Qatar as the Gulf’s commercial, cultural, and/or geostrategic hub.

The kingdom has recently expanded its challenge to the smaller Gulf states by seeking to position Saudi Arabia as the region’s foremost sport destination once Qatar has had its moment in the sun with the 2022 World Cup as well as secure a stake in the management of regional ports and terminals dominated so far by the UAE and to a lesser extent Qatar.

Saudi Arabia kicked off its effort to cement its position as the region’s behemoth with an announcement in February that it would cease doing business by 2024 with international companies whose regional headquarters were not based in the kingdom. 

With the UAE ranking 16 on the World Bank’s 2020 Ease of Doing Business Index as opposed to Saudi Arabia at number 62, freewheeling Dubai has long been international business’s preferred regional headquarters.

The Saudi move “clearly targets the UAE” and “challenges the status of Dubai,” said a UAE-based banker.

A latecomer to the port control game which is dominated by Dubai’s DP World that operates 82 marine and inland terminals in more than 40 countries, including Djibouti, Somaliland, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey and Cyprus, the kingdom’s expansion into port and terminal management appears to be less driven by geostrategic considerations.

Instead, Saudi Arabia’s Red Sea Gateway Terminal (RSGT), backed by the Public Investment Fund (PIF), the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund, said it was targeting ports that would service vital Saudi imports such as those related to food security.

PIF and China’s Cosco Shipping Ports each bought a 20 per cent stake in RSGT in January.

The Chinese investment fits into China’s larger Belt and Road-strategy that involves the acquisition regionally of stakes in ports and terminals in Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Oman, and Djibouti, where China has a military base.

RSGT Chief Executive Officer Jens Floe said the company planned to invest in at least three international ports in the next five years. He said each investment would be up to US$500 million.

“We have a focus on ports in Sudan and Egypt. They weren’t picked for that reason, but they happen to be significant countries for Saudi Arabia’s food security strategy,” Mr. Floe said.

Saudi Arabia’s increased focus on sports, including a potential bid for the hosting of the 2030 World Cup serves multiple goals: It offers Saudi youth who account for more than half of the kingdom’s population a leisure and entertainment opportunity, it boosts Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman’s burgeoning development of a leisure and entertainment industry, potentially allows Saudi Arabia to polish its image tarnished by human rights abuse, including the 2018 killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, and challenges Qatar’s position as the face of Middle Eastern sports.

A recent report by Grant Liberty, a London-based human rights group that focuses on Saudi Arabia and China, estimated that the kingdom has so far invested in US$1.5 billion in the hosting of multiple sporting events, including the final matches of Italy and Spain’s top soccer leagues; Formula One; boxing, wrestling and snooker matches; and golf tournaments. Qatar is so far the Middle East’s leader in the hosting of sporting events followed by the UAE.

Grant Liberty said that further bids for sporting events worth US$800 million had failed. This did not include an unsuccessful US$600 million offer to replace Qatar’s beIN tv sports network as the Middle Eastern broadcaster of European soccer body UEFA’s Champions League.

Saudi Arabia reportedly continues to ban beIN from broadcasting in the kingdom despite the lifting in January of 3.5 year-long Saudi-UAE-led diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.

Prince Mohammed’s Vision 2030 plan to diversify and streamline the Saudi economy and ween it off dependency on oil exports “has set the creation of professional sports and a sports industry as one of its goals… The kingdom is proud to host and support various athletic and sporting events which not only introduce Saudis to new sports and renowned international athletes but also showcase the kingdom’s landmarks and the welcoming nature of its people to the world,” said Fahad Nazer, spokesperson for the Saudi Arabian embassy in Washington.

The increased focus on sports comes as the kingdom appears to be backing away from its intention to reduce the centrality of energy exports for its economy.

Energy minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman, Prince Mohammed’s brother, recently ridiculed an International Energy Agency (IEA) report that “there is no need for investment in new fossil fuel supply” as “the sequel of the La La Land movie.” The minister went on to ask, “Why should I take (the report) seriously?”

Putting its money where its mouth is, Saudi Arabia intends to increase its oil production capacity from 12 million to more than 13 million barrels a day on the assumption that global efforts to replace fossil fuel with cleaner energy sources will spark sharp reductions in US and Russian production.

The kingdom’s operating assumption is that demand in Asia for fossil fuels will continue to rise even if it drops in the West. Other Gulf producers, including the UAE and Qatar, are following a similar strategy.

“Saudi Arabia is no longer an oil country, it’s an energy-producing country … a very competitive energy country. We are low cost in producing oil, low cost in producing gas, and low cost in producing renewables and will definitely be the least-cost producer of hydrogen,” Prince Abdulaziz said.

He appeared to be suggesting that the kingdom’s doubling down on oil was part of strategy that aims to ensure that Saudi Arabia is a player in all conventional and non-conventional aspects of energy. By implication, Prince Abdulaziz was saying that diversification was likely to broaden the kingdom’s energy offering rather than significantly reduce its dependence on energy exports.

“Sports, entertainment, tourism and mining alongside other industries envisioned in Vision 2030 are valuable expansions of the Saudi economy that serve multiple economic and non-economic purposes,” “ said a Saudi analyst. “It’s becoming evident, however, that energy is likely to remain the real name of the game.”

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Iranians Will Boycott Iran Election Farce

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Iran and elections have not been two synonymous terms. A regime whose constitution is based on absolute rule of someone who is considered to be God’s representative on earth, highest religious authority, morality guide, absolute ruler, and in one word Big Brother (or Vali Faqih), would hardly qualify for a democracy or a place where free or fair elections are held. But when you are God’s rep on earth you are free to invent your own meanings for words such as democracy, elections, justice, and human rights. It comes with the title. And everyone knows the fallacy of “presidential elections” in Iran. Most of all, the Iranian public know it as they have come to call for an almost unanimous boycott of the sham elections.

The boycott movement in Iran is widespread, encompassing almost all social and political strata of Iranian society, even some factions of the regime who have now decided it is time to jump ship. Most notably, remnants of what was euphemistically called the Reformist camp in Iran, have now decided to stay away from the phony polls. Even “hardline” former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad realizes the extent of the regime’s woes and has promised that he will not be voting after being duly disqualified again from participating by supreme leader’s Guardian Council.

So after 42 years of launching a reformist-hardliner charade to play on the West’s naivety, Khamenei’s regime is now forced to present its one and true face to the world: Ebrahim Raisi, son of the Khomeinist ideology, prosecutor, interrogator, torturer, death commission judge, perpetrator of the 1988 massacre of political prisoners, chief inquisitionist, and favorite of Ali Khamenei.

What is historic and different about this presidential “election” in Iran is precisely what is not different about it. It took the world 42 years to cajole Iran’s medieval regime to step into modernity, change its behavior, embrace universal human rights and democratic governance, and treat its people and its neighbors with respect. What is shocking is that this whole process is now back at square one with Ebrahim Raisi, a proven mass murderer who boasts of his murder spree in 1988, potentially being appointed as president.

With Iran’s regime pushing the envelope in launching proxy wars on the United States in Iraq, on Saudi Arabia in Yemen, and on Israel in Gaza and Lebanon, and with a horrendous human rights record that is increasingly getting worse domestically, what is the international community, especially the West, going to do? What is Norway’s role in dealing with this crisis and simmering crises to come out of this situation?

Europe has for decades based its foreign policy on international cooperation and the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the promotion of human rights and democratic principles. The International community must take the lead in bringing Ebrahim Raisi to an international court to account for the massacre he so boastfully participated in 1988 and all his other crimes he has committed to this day.

There are many Iranian refugees who have escaped the hell that the mullahs have created in their beautiful homeland and who yearn to one day remake Iran in the image of a democratic country that honors human rights. These members of the millions-strong Iranian Diaspora overwhelmingly support the boycott of the sham election in Iran, and support ordinary Iranians who today post on social media platforms videos of the Mothers of Aban (mothers of protesters killed by regime security forces during the November 2019 uprising) saying, “Our vote is for this regime’s overthrow.” Finally, after 42 years, the forbidden word of overthrow is ubiquitous on Iranian streets with slogans adorning walls calling for a new era and the fall of this regime.

Europe should stand with the Iranian Resistance and people to call for democracy and human rights in Iran and it should lead calls for accountability for all regime leaders, including Ebrahim Raisi, and an end to a culture of impunity for Iran’s criminal rulers.

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