The relations between Japan and Russia have been strained by two reasons: four islands between them known as Kuril islands and US pressure on Japan not go for any credible alignment with their “common” ideological foes. Russia and Japan did not sign a formal peace treaty at the end of World War Two because of a dispute over islands in the Western Pacific, called the Northern Territories in Japan and the Southern Kuriles in Russia.
The islands were seized by Soviet forces at the end of World War Two and 17,000 Japanese residents were forced to flee. As no peace treaty was signed between Japan and Russia so far, the two countries are still technically at war.
The Kuril Islands stretch between the northernmost Japanese island of Hokkaido and Russia’s Kamchatka. The entire archipelago is currently administered by Russia, which received them after WWII under the 1945 Potsdam Declaration. Japan claims sovereignty over the two southernmost large islands of Iturup and Kunashir, as well as the Shikotan and Habomai islets, citing their history as Japan’s northern territories. Russia and Japan did not sign a peace treaty after WWII over the issue.
Moscow claims sovereignty over the islands based on the post-war agreement signed by the Allies in 1945. The pact stipulated the South Kurils became part of the USSR following the war which Japan lost.
Russia maintains that the Soviet Union’s sovereignty over the island was internationally recognized under the agreements signed after the WWII. While addressing the issue, President Putin stressed that signing a peace deal remains a priority for both countries despite “different views” on the matter. “We are united in one – the problem should be solved,” he said. Russian leader though noted that it should be done with full respect to the mutual interests.
Seventy years after the end of the Second World War, Russia and Japan have their eyes firmly on the rewards of peace as they negotiate a mutually beneficial solution to their dispute over the islands known in Tokyo as the Northern Territories and in Moscow as part of the Kurils.
Russian president Vladimir Putin’s visit to Japan in December last year marked a major thawing in relations. He and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe have pledged to increase economic co-operation and improve access to former residents of the islands as they seek a long-term arrangement.
Relations between Moscow and Tokyo suffered an additional blow after Japan joined the ranks of the states imposing sanctions on Russia following the Ukraine crisis. In a bid to improve ties, Japan’s PM visited the Russian city of Sochi in May, where he made proposals, including the establishing of joint infrastructure in Russia’s Far East.
As of 2016 matters remain unresolved, and these disputes have effectively soured relations between the two countries. According to a 2012 Pew Global Attitudes Project survey, 72% of Japanese people view Russia unfavorably, compared with 22% who viewed it favorably, making Japan the country with the most anti-Russian sentiment surveyed. Since 2017, relations between Russia and Japan have improved.
Tension and improvement
Japan pursues a joint foreign policy along with NATO leader USA and in most issues Tokyo adopts the American approach as its own. This is the major reason why Russia and Japan have not been able forge strong ties as Washington opposes any link with the Kremlin.
Russia and Japan have been unable to sign a peace treaty in order to realign the ties after World War II due to the Kuril Islands dispute. Over the past decades Tokyo repeatedly stressed that a peace treaty with Moscow is linked to handing back control of the territories.
The dispute has prevented the two parties from formally signing a peace treaty because Japan lays claim to four islands which became part of the Soviet Union when fighting ended in 1945. “Russia’s constructive engagement is essential in resolving global challenges,” Abe said. “Historically Russia has been a very important to Japan, and I think the situation is the same for Russia. It’s an important partner for stability in the Asia Pacific region,” Japan’s foreign press secretary Norio Maruyama told Euronews.
When Boris Yeltsin took power in Russia in late 1991 upon the dissolution of the Soviet Union, he took a stand in opposition to relinquishing the disputed territories to Japan. In September 1992, Russian president Yeltsin postponed a scheduled visit to Japan. The visit took place in October 1993. He made no further concessions on the Kuril Islands dispute over the four Kuril Islands (northeast of Hokkaido), a considerable obstacle to Japanese-Russian relations, but did agree to abide by the 1956 Soviet pledge to return Shikotan and the Habomai Islands to Japan. Yeltsin also apologized repeatedly for Soviet mistreatment of Japanese prisoners of war after World War II.
In March 1994, then Japanese minister of foreign affairs Hata Tsutomu visited Moscow and met with Russian minister of foreign affairs Andrei Kozyrev and other senior officials. The two sides agreed to seek a resolution over the persistent Kuril Islands dispute, but the decision of the dispute is not expected in the near future. Despite the territorial dispute, Hata offered some financial support to Russian market-oriented economic reforms, hoping for relative change in Russian attitude to the islands in Japan’s favor. In 1998, the newly elected Japanese Prime Minister Keizō Obuchi had focused on major issues: signing a peace treaty with Russia, and renewing the Japanese economy. However, he died soon afterwards.
On August 16, 2006, Russian maritime authorities killed a Japanese fisherman and captured a crab fishing boat in the waters around the disputed Kuril Islands. The Russian foreign ministry has claimed that the death was caused by a “stray bullet”. .On September 28, 2006, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Russia would “continue the dialogue with the new Japanese government. We will build our relations, how the peoples of the two countries want them to be.
The dispute over the Southern Kuril Islands deteriorated Russo-Japan relations when the Japanese government published a new guideline for school textbooks on July 16, 2008 to teach Japanese children that their country has sovereignty over the Kuril Islands. The Russian public was generally outraged by the action and demanded the government to counteract. The Foreign Minister of Russia announced on July 18, 2008 ” these actions contribute neither to the development of positive cooperation between the two countries, nor to the settlement of the dispute,” and reaffirmed its sovereignty over the islands.
In 2010, President of Russia Dmitry Medvedev became the first Russian president to take a state trip to the Kuril Islands. Medvedev shortly ordered significant reinforcements to the Russian defences on the Kuril Islands. Medvedev was replaced by Vladimir Putin in 2012. In November 2013, Japan held its first ever diplomatic talks with the Russian Federation, and the first with Moscow since the year 1973.
In recent years the relations got strained. In March 2014, following Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Japan imposed several sanctions against Russia, which included halting consultations on easing the visa regulations between the two countries and suspension of talks on investment cooperation, joint space exploration and prevention of dangerous military activity, obviously annoying the Kremlin.
On 3 Sep, 2016 PM Abe called on President Putin to “take responsibility” to boost the bilateral ties, while talking to the Russian leader on the second and last day of a major economic forum in the Far Eastern Russian city of Vladivostok. “Let us overcome all difficulties and leave the people of the next generation a world in which our two countries will reveal their powerful potential. Let’s put an end to this abnormal situation, which lasted 70 years, and together launch a new era in Japanese-Russian relations,” Abe said.
Japanese PM Shinzo Abe said Japan wants to resolve a territorial row that has over-shadowed ties with Russia since World War Two. “A peace treaty between Japan and Russia has not been concluded yet, even after 70 years have passed since the end of World War Two,” Abe told reporters in London. “It is an extremely unusual situation. Infinite possibilities are latent in the cooperation between Japan and Russia.”
During the gathering in Vladivostok, President Putin and PM Abe agreed to once again meet on December 15 in Japan. Resolving the territorial dispute and boosting economic cooperation is set to top the agenda of the gathering, the territorial dispute, however, did not move forward even an inch after the visit.
The second meeting between Putin and the Japanese prime minister this year, and Putin’s first visit to a Group of Seven nation since top Western powers and Japan slapped sanctions on Russia over the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The sense that something extraordinary might be in the air was boosted by reports in the Japanese media that the USA had repeatedly urged Abe not to meet with Putin, but the objections had been “brushed off” by Tokyo. “People are seeing this meeting as a possible breakthrough, but we see it as the beginning of an important new process,” says Sergei Markov, a past adviser to Putin. “Japan seems willing to change its direction and renew its relations with Moscow and we welcome that. But solving the territorial issue is not a simple matter; it might take decades.”
Many experts believe that, for the first time since at least 1956, there could be an opportunity to formally end World War II between Russia and Japan, solve a long-running territorial dispute over the Kuril Islands, and through that new political relationship finally unlock a flood of Japanese investment into Russia’s undeveloped far eastern region.
Expectations have grown that Putin and Abe might formally end World War II animosity between Russia and Japan during their meeting, but the Kremlin warned that any progress in the ties is unlikely. Still, Russians see great opportunity to be had. The Kremlin is furiously tamping down expectations for the unusual summit meeting between President Vladimir Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at a hot springs resort near Abe’s home town of Nagato. That’s not surprising, since the hopes that have been aroused are nothing short of breathtaking.
Though the two restored diplomatic ties long ago, the spat has prevented the conclusion of a formal peace treaty and has been cited by successive Japanese governments as a reason not to enter into major economic cooperation with Russia.
The outlines of a compromise were reached soon after World War two in 1956 following the demise of Joseph Stalin, under which the then-Soviet government would relinquish the two southernmost islands in return for a peace treaty and normalization of relations with Japan. That deal was reportedly scuttled by pressure from Washington, which threatened to keep control over Okinawa if Japan went ahead with the exchange. After that the dispute hardened, and has become a staple rallying cry for nationalists in both Russia and Japan.
The economic relations between the NATO member and anti-NATO Russia have been very nominal. Although Japan joined with the Group of Seven industrialized nations in contributing some technical and financial assistance to Russia, relations between Tokyo and Moscow remained poor.
Russia and China for a long time long had tension over disputed territories. But Russia made up with its neighbor China by surrendering it the disputed territories. Possibly Japan also expects similar positive gesture form the Kremlin but does not want to come out of US clutches and the NATO that target Russia. Worse, Japan, on instructions from USA, slapped sanctions on Russia over Crimea issue. This cannot make Moscow happy.
Trade between Moscow and Tokyo has quadrupled since 2006. In 2013 trade between our countries reached a record-high [$34.8 billion. In 2015 the volume dropped by almost 40 percent due to falling oil prices, Trade turnover between Russia and Japan grew by 25 percent compared to last year in the first quarter of 2017, owing to the development of the political and economic cooperation. The export of food products, textile, rubber goods and cellulose products from Russia is actively developing. The volume of export to Russia increased by 14 percent, the supplies of the Russian goods to Japan grew, the growth stood at 29 percent. The investment attractiveness of Russia has increased because the Russian economy “set the course toward the recovery from the two-year-long decline
At a time when the return of even the two islands of Shikotan and Habomai appears hopeless, the fact that methods of travel for former residents of the islands have expanded, making it easier for them to visit the islands, is in itself welcome, even as they remain deeply resentful that no mention at all has been made of the return of the territories. On the other hand, they view the progress of joint economic activities with caution, for if these proceed, they will complicate requests for compensation in respect of assets left behind on the islands.
Meetings between Japanese and Russian diplomats are often accompanied by promises of large Japanese investment in Russia. The Putin-Abe summit in December 2016 was no different. Japan believes that investing in Russia demonstrates tangible benefits that could accompany improved relations between the two countries. Russia is happy to accept foreign investment. Russia is looking for Japanese investment in the Far East, while Japan hopes to recover the territories lost after WWII. However, Russia has repeatedly rebuffed Japanese claims.
Main factors that limit the prospects of economic ties between Japan and Russia include, first, foreign investors of all nationalities find Russia a difficult place to do business, few attractive investment opportunities and Russian business is mired in corruption and red tape. .The Japanese government refuses to convince Japanese firms that Russia is an attractive place to invest. In fact, the government does not promote that at all. The Russian Far East is not economically important to Moscow, and infrastructure lags behind that of Russia’s most developed regions. Even if Japanese firms decided to significantly increase investment, there is no reason to think this would change the Kremlin’s political calculations that drive diplomacy with Tokyo.
Meanwhile, the development of the Nemuro region, which adjoins the Northern Territories, had been hampered by prohibitions on business and free travel between Nemuro and the islands. So joint economic activities that involve doing business with the islands, no matter what form they take, are much anticipated.
The two Asian neighbors agreed to jointly invest $1 billion in Japanese development of the Russian economy, along with other commercial ventures by Japanese firms. And the surviving former Japanese residents of the islands, who were forced to leave after the Soviet invasion, might be able to visit their ancestors’ graves.
Though the purpose of meetings is to explore ways that economic cooperation can be strengthened through a “special system” that would not undermine either side’s legal claim on the islands, there is skepticism in Russia about how benign Japan’s intentions truly are.
Moscow and Tokyo are currently working on creating a ‘green corridor’ to simplify customs procedures and boost trade. Japan talked about joint Russia-Japan energy projects Sakhalin-1 and Sakhalin-2, and Russia’s crude oil supplies to the country.
Japanese companies have invested and operate in the Russian automobile and construction industries. About 14 percent of all Russian cars are produced in Russian factories by Japanese manufacturers. Imports of Japanese cars and industrial machinery have been significantly reduced as a result of Western sanctions against Russia. Japanese banks have problems providing export credit for equipment sold to Russia, while sanctions make it difficult to conduct business using US dollar transactions.
In 2014 Japan followed US sanctions with 23 visa bans on Russian citizens, including government officials. Russian ambassador to Japan Evgeny Afanasiev said the investment attractiveness of Russia has increased because the Russian economy set the course toward the recovery from the two-year-long decline
Russia in Asia
Major territories of Russia lie in European continent. Though it hates USA and American superiority manners Russia looks to European culture and civilization and is eager to join it.
Russia’s main foreign policy aims remain largely focused on its Western front — in Eastern Europe, in the Black Sea, and increasingly in the Middle East. Russia’s political elite keeps its money in Europe, educates its children in Europe, vacations in Europe, and assesses its geopolitical stature in relation to the USA.
For decades Moscow has been working to make its foreign policy goals West focused and it uses Asian links only to increase Russia’s leverage in negotiations with the West. With China, Russia is showcasing a strong alliance that can withstand any pressure tactics of USA and Europe. Russia has strengthened diplomatic, military, and energy ties with China. But the Kremlin has done so not because it is interested in Asia per se, but rather because it wants to show Western powers that it has other diplomatic options.
Thus Asia is not Russia’s priority but the West is to achieve that goal Russia is using all possibilities in Asia, China being the major Asian power. .
A significant strain in Russian foreign policy thinking interprets US alliances less as agreements between equal sovereign countries, and more as command-and-control relationships, with dictates coming from Washington. Russian foreign policy circles do not view Japan as an independent actor due to its security relationship with the USA.
The Kremlin places relatively little emphasis on its foreign policy in Asia. Many Russians believe that Japan’s security alliance with the USA means that Tokyo is not a fully independent diplomatic actor. Both factors mean that Moscow is not prepared to spend significant diplomatic energy or political capital in developing relations with Japan.
While Russian leaders regularly attend summits in the West, they often skip key meetings in Asia. Moscow devotes far more resources to managing its relations with the West. That leaves little time for Tokyo
The perception in Moscow that Japan cannot make independent decisions reduces Russia’s willingness to spend political capital improving relations. Combined with the Kremlin’s general lack of focus on Asia, this means that Japan plays only a minor role in Russia’s foreign policy agenda.
Sino-Russian bilateral trade in the first ten months of 2015 touched $55.9 billion, a fall of 29 percent from the same period a year ago. From January to October 2015, China’s exports to Russia stood at $28.46 billion, a fall of 35.7 percent from a year ago, while Imports from Russia fell by 20.7 percent and stood at $27.45 billion.
Japan wants improved ties with Russia today to hedge against China. But for Russia, the most urgent priority is good ties with China to hedge against Washington. For Tokyo, a key rationale for improving relations with Russia is the rise of China and Tokyo wants to reduce the importance of Russian links with Japan. . China’s power is increasing, and Russia is currently aligned with China on many questions of Asian politics and security. Improving economic ties between Russia and Japan would make Russia less dependent on China, thereby weakening Beijing’s position. From Japan’s perspective, the goal is not to forge an alliance with Russia but to ensure that Russia is not forced into a de facto alliance with China because Moscow lacks other partners in the Asia-Pacific region.
The specifics of Tokyo’s defense build up make Russia worried. For example, Japan sees missile defense investment as crucial to mounting an effective defense against North Korean missiles. But Russia interprets Japanese investments in this sphere — which take place in close cooperation with the USA — as potentially part of US efforts to strengthen anti-missile capabilities along Russia’s border.
USA does not want any real improvement in Russo-Japan relations that would result in Tokyo relinquishing its ties with Washington which could spell disaster for NATO as well. USA has gone for punishing the Kremlin in a big way, though that would not make any real impact on Russian economy.
The main reason why Japan could not achieve a peace treaty and resolution of territorial disputes with Russia obviously is the superpower- the Uncle Sam. USA doesn’t want to lose the Asian economic power Japan to Russia as that would weaken NATO terror operations across the globe. Washington is keeping a close eye on any developments in Japan-Russia relations, of course.
The purpose of the April 24 teleconference between Abe and President Donald Trump was to keep the USA in the loop. What really was the outcome of the Abe-Putin summit talks on April 27? Following the “success” of the Japan-Russia summit in December last year, the stated purpose of the visit was to move forward with the agreement reached at that summit, toward a resolution of the Kuril Islands (Northern Territories) issue, involving the question of disputed islands off the coast of Hokkaido.
Regarding the issue of visits to ancestral graves, former islanders will be transported by air on Russian chartered aircraft from Nemuro Nakashibetsu to Kunashiri and Etorofu. In addition, a new checkpoint will be opened to facilitate entry to the Habomai islets, an area that was previously difficult to access directly. On the issue of joint economic activities, a Japanese-Russian investigative group will be organized to conduct an on-site survey. Abe emphasizes that nothing is new. Air travel to the islands was in operation at one point in 2000. It was also possible to access the Habomai islets in the past. Visits to ancestors’ graves by chartered aircraft are referred to as “special visits to ancestors’ graves,” and may be granted for a single visit only. No progress was made on the Kuril Islands issue itself. Putin spoke at length about the economy, making only brief reference to the “peace treaty” toward the end, which he said should be in a form that was advantageous for both countries. Abe too, as before, emphasized his accomplishments, praising himself for them, , with no mention whatsoever of the territorial issue..
During a bilateral summit meeting in Moscow on April 27, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russian President Vladimir Putin sought to make concrete progress toward deepening trust, resolving the issue of the disputed Northern Territories – the Kuril Islands – and concluding a peace treaty. Japan and Russia agreed that a joint public-private survey mission would be sent to the Northern Territories as early as May to research how the two countries can pursue economic cooperation. Areas of research for potential cooperation include fish and sea urchin farming and ecotourism. This step is in line with Abe and Putin’s December agreement to launch talks on joint activities on the islands.
In addition to the Ukraine issue, which necessitated the imposition of sanctions on Russia by the Group of Seven powers, Japan and Russia now differ on other issues that previously posed relatively few conflicts, most notably North Korea and Syria. On the latter, Japan had no option but to support the US strike on Syria; and as for the former, Russia has blocked Washington’s call for action, adopting a stance that emphasizes a peaceful resolution of the North Korean issue.
Going forward, Japan has no choice but to continue to support the US stance, so the recent tensions in US-Russian relations will cast a dark cloud over improved relations with Russia. And given recent revelations, there is a high likelihood that relations between the United States and Russia will only become more complicated, and pressure on Japan will increase. Abe’s attempts to achieve better relations with Russia with no regard for how his actions may appear are now looking increasingly risky.
Relations between Tokyo and Beijing are very tense these days. Japan basically tries to go everywhere that China goes – Africa, Latin America – to try and counter Chinese influence. The growing closeness between Russia and China is of the utmost concern to the Japanese, so there is an obvious effort under way to offset that.
The Russian media is heralding more than 60 intergovernmental and commercial agreements set to be signed during the visit. But most of those appear to be “memorandums of understanding” – vague commitments to do something in future rather than finished plans. And it’s hard to see how Russia’s Far East, with its difficult investment climate and scanty infrastructure, could rapidly absorb any big inflow of capital.
Nevertheless, most experts say the core issues of territorial compromise and a peace treaty have remained elusive and all results so far are only in the form of a “face-saving declaration” at the end of summits. Public opinion in Russia is solidly opposed to exchanging any Kuril Islands for a peace treaty with Japan, a view expressed by 78 percent of Russians in a recent poll by the independent Levada Center in Moscow. Polls suggest Japanese public opinion is more open to a deal, but that growing numbers expect Russia to return all four Kuril Islands rather than just the two Moscow would be willing to discuss.
Russian foreign policy experts caution against any breakthroughs at the summits even amid a rapidly changing world picture. “Putin is at the height of his power and popularity, and he has a lot of political capital to spend”. US-Russia relations are expected to produce a thaw during the Trump rein.
Is a Russia-Japan ‘reset’ possible?
At a meeting in December Japanese PM Shinzo Abe and Russian President Putin agreed to take steps that might someday help resolve a 71-year dispute over a string of islands. They agreed to explore joint economic projects on the islands under a possible “special” legal framework that would, in the words of Abe, not “infringe on the sovereignty positions of either side.”
From the press conference Abe held with Russian President Vladimir Putin it is clear that, as with the summit in December, no progress was made on the Kuril Islands (Northern Territories) issue itself. The phrase “resolution of the territories issue” was not used once at the press conference.
Several territorial disputes between the neighboring countries generally take similar position, except India and Pakistan because they occupy another nation – Jammu Kashmir – over which both claim disputes. In many countries, a popular reaction to globalization has led to the election of leaders – such as in the USA – with a strong passion for nationalism. These leaders often demand greater sovereignty over the economy or, in some cases, territory. To cool these passions and prevent conflict, nations tend to find a common purpose. A good example was a recent summit between Japan and Russia.
Nationalists in both countries, which include Putin and Abe, insist on sovereignty over the islands. And after Putin took Crimea from Ukraine in 2014, he may have little inclination to give land to Japan. Yet both men, for strategic reasons, see advantages in working together on economic goals as they keep talking about ownership and control of the islands. Even the deepest gulf can look less worrisome if spanned by at least one bridge.
The nub of the dispute is four tiny islands off the northern tip of Japan that the USSR seized and annexed in the closing days of World War II. Russia refers to them as the “southern Kurils” while Japanese call them their “northern territories.”
What is new and different right now is that Abe has reversed the policy of previous Japanese governments, and allowed that economic cooperation could come before a resolution of the territorial dispute. For Abe, whose previous attempt to forge an opening with Russia was derailed when the West imposed sanctions against Russia after its annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, it’s really important to use this window of opportunity now that the new government by Donald Trump assumed power at White House, to get some progress. The ideas about the changing Asia Pacific do not seem worked-out by the new Trump regime at all.
For Putin it’s a chance to demonstrate, by courting a G-7 country, that Russia is not isolated. The visit sent a strong message, not only to the West but also to China, that Moscow has other options. Japan may also be using the situation to send its own signal to China, which has enjoyed a fast-growing relationship with Russia amid the recent East-West tensions, that Moscow’s allegiance cannot be taken for granted.
Even if the spigot opens and Japanese investment is freed to invest in Russia, the potential is hard to gauge.
Russo-Japanese relations cannot be expected to improve tangibly unless Japan amends its policy of blindly following the US dictates and begin formulates its independent external policy. Otherwise, all economic invocations by trade etc would only keep the tensions under check. Keeping the vital territorial issue at bay would not help them stabilize the ties and end mutual tensions. Moscow expects a genuine change of mind in Tokyo and not just extending few carets – after all, Russia is not a third world country.
Japan’s policy toward Russia highlights how difficult it is for Japan to have a foreign policy independent of the US preferences. Whenever progress is made in the Japan-Russia relationship, a black swan event, such as the Russian annexation of Crimea or the US cruise missile strike on Syria, threatens to undo it all.
Abe dreams of concluding the peace treaty that eluded his father needs to have his work cut out for him trying to balance demands from Washington and Moscow. Towing the US line for everything will not do any good in improving the ties with Moscow. .
Following the bilateral summit, Abe and Putin both called on North Korea and other countries to avoid behavior or rhetoric that could increase tensions around Pyongyang’s nuclear program and stated they had agreed to closely cooperate to try to help defuse tensions. Maybe, they have done it under US direction. The joint military exercises near Guam involving Japanese, USA, French, and British forces are a sign of how Japan’s defense relationship with European partners can become institutionalized – a partnership that had long been seen as “exotic” and difficult to materialize.
As the Russo-Japanese territorial disputes do not look resolvable with each sticking to their own positions without any relaxation, Russia and Japan seem to have agreed on a move toward resolving a territorial dispute by first focusing on a common goal: joint development of the islands. If it works, the agreement may be a model for similar disputes in Asia.
Several of Asia’s many island disputes have led to joint development of resources as a way to avoid direct confrontation over territory or to create political conditions for an eventual settlement. The Japan-Russia deal could become another model. The proposed joint development will bring the two peoples closer together, said Mr. Putin, and “help foster trust toward a peace treaty.”
That last point is critical. Moscow and Tokyo have never formally ended hostilities from World War II. And toward the end of the war, the then-Soviet Union took over the islands, which were long held by Japan. Among the Japanese, they are known as the Northern Territories. To Russians, they are the Southern Kurils.
Japan needs to kick the United States military out of its country. World War 2 ended a long time ago, time for the Americans to move along. Japan should have to look after itself now. The Japanese have not forgotten the rapes of their local women committed by the US military bases there as well as the trouble they are causing for the local communities.
The UK needs Russia after it leaves the EU as the goal all along for the European Union has been to form a superstate. It won’t be surprising if the UK and Russia would have a joint Naval exercise in UK waters
Russia is seen returning to Asia with stronger bonds with China, and improving relations with Japan are certainly on the agenda. Maybe no big surprises in the form of dramatic positives will emerge, but some kind of movement for sure.
Moscow and Tokyo are discussing the possibility of organizing cruises around the South Kuril Islands, the Kyodo news agency reports quoting diplomatic sources. This is a part of a plan to develop business links in the disputed territories.
Following the visit by Russian President Vladimir Putin to Japan in December last year, Moscow and Tokyo agreed to start joint economic activities on the islands. Putin will meet Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in Vladivostok in September to continue the discussions. The countries plan to develop fishing, tourism, healthcare and ecology in the region.
For now, there is nothing to indicate how Abe’s key initiatives will subsequently unfold. Even if all the latest plans materialize, there is no guarantee they will be sustainable, and even if they are, it is doubtful that they will lead to the resolution of the Territories’ issue. Leaving aside the question of the future, it can be considered as a kind of gambit by Japanese government to show the public that things are now moving. The prospect of significantly expanded economic relations between the two countries is limited.
As a result of the tension between the economic giants the people living in the region feel being besieged by these powers.
Don’t they deserve a usual, if not honorable, life at all?
The American politicization of the Beijing Winter Olympics, and the “post-truth era” theory
Since the Egyptian researcher has begun her academic major in “contemporary Chinese political affairs and contemporary communist studies”, I have focused on tracing the map of the spread and expansion of communist parties around the world, and the forces of the new left in Europe, the region and the world, and then my subsequent focus – according to the current situation to confront contemporary events – in tracing the features of American conflict and competition with China, I immediately realized that we, as academics specializing in political science, Chinese studies, and all other studies and various social sciences are in an urgent and urgent need to extract and present new analytical and interpretive theories, and after the spread of the Coronavirus pandemic “Covid-19”, and the consequent American and Western attempts to “Politicize the pandemic and achieving political goals behind it against China”. I immediately realized, after all these successive events, that we had actually moved academically and theoretically to the “post-post or beyond the post stage”, which is meaning that:
“We have gone beyond the stage of democracy to “post-American and Western democracy”, which is authoritarianism”, according to my vision of the nature of the current real events, and even according to my new perception that China is now living in a new stage, which is the “post-communist stage”, and it is the responsible stage that has become requires the Chinese, leaders and comrades of the ruling Communist Party in China to extract new epistemological theories to confront the state of “the emergency liberal authoritarianism and democracy”, led by the United States of America and the West in confronting China, developing, marginalized and poor countries, in favor of the increasing gap between the rich north and the poor countries of the south”.
Perhaps, the gradual US withdrawal from the Middle East to Asia, near the areas of direct Chinese influence, requires us, as academics and specialists in Chinese political affairs, to develop new theories that fit the nature of the stage. Perhaps my agreement with many of my academic colleagues around the world who are experts and researchers in the Chinese issue, about the need to move to China in the coming period to understand all the changes and data taking place there, which will allow me academically to work with the Chinese comrades analytically and research in many important files, related to the nature of the exact world stage, according to what it requires of interpretations and theories different from the previous stage.
I have become more convinced now, that we live in a period of real challenge, even at the academic and research level, that requires planning for the production and analysis of new theoretical and explanatory approaches, or an “analytical revolution to produce a set of contemporary theories”, which I personally called it that (we are currently now living in a phase of interruption). And I am urging all of my other new colleagues in my same area of expertise in Chinese Politics to continue the academic work and their researches to create such new theoretical backgrounds, as the Egyptian researcher identifies that there’s a “theoretical separation gap”, which is completely different from what preceded it from the many other stages, given that we, according to my personal belief and my analytical and interpretive vision as an expert in Chinese political affairs, have reached the “post-post stage or beyond the post stage”, that is, after everything, which requires a new look at the shape of the future. The present is from different angles than before.
According to my “new international academic analyses, and in my humble scholarly and academic capacity as an expert in contemporary Chinese political affairs and studies of the Communist Party of China”, I can provide several “analytical and interpretive approaches”, as an attempt to understanding the file and the reasons for the “American and Western politicization of the file of hosting the Winter Olympics in Beijing and linking it to new international theories of the Egyptian researcher, according to my comprehensive vision and analysis of events”.
So, I will try to present and formulate some “new explanatory theories” to link it to the issue of “the American politicization of the Beijing Winter Olympics ideologically”, and then apply them in practice to analyze the mechanisms and foundations of the new Chinese role in dealing with these events, by proposing some new creative theories and interpretations linking the past and the present to the future, as follows:
The world now lives according to my meticulous follow-up and analysis of events at a stage that has become far removed from what we previously studied in terms of political and international theories in our universities and academic specializations in political science departments in the entire Arab world, which I realized after my graduation and specialization in “the Chinese file, contemporary Chinese and Asian political affairs, the studies and theories of the Communist Party of China”, that the entire Arab world and our entire region have fallen into the American and Western trap in the studies of political science and theories of international relations, and it became clear to me that – and perhaps unintentionally – we were directed to study American and Western theories mainly in the fields of political science and its contemporary international relations, but from a completely one and biased point of view.
Therefore, I was perhaps the only Egyptian and Arab academic that paid the price dearly by asking it to “modify all research methods and theories in political social sciences and introduce all Chinese and Asian political theories alongside those American and Western studies, to achieve a real research and academic balance, and so that our researchers do not live in an academic gap.” and deep knowledge”, especially with the disconnection between them and the Chinese and Asian academic and research theoretical schools specialized in conflict and region studies, which provide different analytical and interpretive approaches to studies of international and regional relations and how to manage them in a balanced and profound manner.
Some may wonder about the reasons for confusing things by presenting an analysis of the “issue of American and Western politicization of the Beijing Winter Olympics and its relationship to the work of a new comprehensive research and analytical review in all branches of social, political and international theoretical sciences, in order to take into account the renewal in international affairs by using the Chinese and Asian explanatory theories side by side of the other international theories ”. Because I’m becoming more believed and fully realised now that:
“We actually are living in the era of “post-truth stage”, specifically the era of post-truth in everything”
Here, we can identify that what is meant by the “post-truth era” is that era in which the dominance is not for those who tell the truth, but for those who know how to spread what they say on a large scale by following different means of communication that affect public opinion, even assuming their inaccuracy. The era in which the virtual reality, or the virtual reality, may be more influential than the actual reality, and is even able to move all the existing events, so that they are (the rule is the lie and not the truth), and from here, everyone knows the extent of the possibility of American and Western use of some events, and then recycling them, putting or even taking or cutting it as an appropriate truth, and that is the truth that the United States of America wants to promote around the world, and this applies in the current confrontation between Washington and Beijing, especially in the (file of politicizing the Winter Olympics in Beijing, in favor of an American anti-Chinese agenda). The spread of the other means of communication in the modern era has become easier than the traditional written press, and even all other media. Therefore, we can easily understand that (the truth has become lost and has been lost between the parties, it is not in lies, nor is it in a fact that is easy to verify).
I think that the form of practical application that I mean specifically now regarding the issue of American politicization of the Beijing Winter Olympics, and the attempt of American politicians to distort the image of China, as the form of the current battle now between the United States and its allies and the People’s Republic of China has become a (battle related to not who owns the truth, but rather who is able to spread what he wants from lies, fabricated and false narratives in a broader and more effective way than others), even if that is not the truth as the United States of America is doing in confronting China and hosting the current Winter Olympics.
By following this pattern of “post-truths”, according to our understanding of that as before, you will find that “the truth itself does not matter”, because we have actually moved to the (post-truth era), which requires a greater degree of awareness from the receiving public. Unfortunately, public opinion and the ordinary public at all its different levels do not have this awareness enough to research and analyze behind all that is published, and this is (what the American media machine is good at exploiting well for the crowd behind it), and behind all those false lies pursued by the American administration and American politicians in Washington to counter the growing Chinese influence globally.
This is what it applied analytically and interpretively to the file of “politicizing the Beijing Winter Olympics” and the relationship of Washington and the West with it, through “the misuse and exploitation of facts, distracting attention and vision from several aspects of shortcomings internally, and inventing a foreign, communist enemy of China to escape from all irrefutable confirmed facts”, which states that “there are internal shortcomings in all the American and Western political systems that attacked China”, which subsequently politicized all issues and events related to the Chinese and its ruling Communist Party.
According, to my analytical and interpretive vision, this is logically in line with what was confirmed by the Director of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service “Sergei Naryshkin”, in public statements to him on January 18, 2022, assuring that:
“Russia has a lot of information about the actions of the United States and its allies to discredit the Winter Olympics in Beijing, and how Washington and its allies engaged in a large-scale provocation, with malicious interference in the preparations for the Winter Olympics in Beijing. The hero of these operations was the “US State Department” itself, which was coordinating all anti-China activities, related to the Winter Olympics through its use of all non-governmental organizations, the media under its control, and the United States of America followed exactly the same methods with Russia when announcing its organising of the Winter Olympics in Sochi in Russia during the year of 2014”
This American boycott of the Winter Olympics in Beijing in 2022, by the administration of “Joe Biden”, recalls that previous American boycott that occurred in 1980, when Washington withdrew its athletes from the “Moscow Winter Olympics”, in order to (protest immediately after the previous Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979). On the other hand, the former Soviet Union mobilized its allies in the face of American policies, as (the former Soviet Union and its allies boycotted the Summer Olympics in Los Angeles), which was hosted by the United States of America in 1984.
The Chinese response to the “American politicization of the Beijing Winter Olympics and its sporting events” came by describing this as a “failed American wish”, as China described the possibility of boycotting the American politicians to the Winter Olympics that it hosts as wishes, given that (no American officials were invited by the Chinese government in the first place to Winter Games in Beijing).
China also rejected all those false American measures and the campaign of American lies and falsehoods in the face of China, and this was confirmed by “Zhao Lijian”, the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, during the regular press conference that the Chinese Foreign Ministry invites all foreign media to cover, by implicitly affirming that:
“The Winter Olympics in China is not an arena for American political positions and manipulation against China. If the United States is determined to have its own way, China will also take resolute countermeasures”
Finally, we can explain here the impact of the American boycott on the current Winter Games in China, as I believe that “the American diplomatic boycott of the Beijing Winter Olympics will not affect the sporting events of the Games at all”. Evidence for the correctness of this is what was officially announced by the White House spokeswoman, “Jen Psaki”, who has been emphasizing that:
“All American athletes have the right to participate and compete in the Beijing Winter Olympics, they are free to do so, and the United States of America will support them 100 percent with their encouragement from the homeland, instead of being by their side in Beijing”
Based on those official US statements allowing athletes to participate in the Beijing Winter Olympics, we can conclude that the United States of America follows an “open door policy with China”, knowing that the comprehensive US boycott decision will definitely have a broader impact on relations, which may complicate the efforts of The Biden administration is making progress with Beijing on issues, such as: (trade and economic talks and negotiations, arms control talks, efforts to de-escalate tensions over Taiwan), and others.
The role of China in fighting of fascism and racism
Not only did China’s distortion and damage to its interests in the field of sports and the politicization of world sports, such as China’s hosting of the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics, stop, but this deliberate distortion of history extended from the United States of America and the West, by deliberately ignoring and ignoring China’s role in World War II with Western countries and allies to get rid of Japanese fascism. This is a (deliberate attempt for stigmatizing China now with the same old Japanese fascist accusations), and perhaps that was what stopped me the most analytically, is that despite the alliance of communist China with the liberal West at the time to eliminate tyranny and get rid of the Japanese occupation of China itself in World War II, but (the memory of American and Western history has been deliberately neglecting and completely dropping China’s role in World War II with Western countries and allies to confront Japanese fascism and authoritarianism). This can be understood through the following points:
The issue of the “deliberate politicization of the Beijing Winter Olympics” has become clear to us another problem, which is the “falsification of facts and the intentional intentional distortion of China’s positive role in World War II with the foreign powers of the West to achieve global stability and security”: Here, the major obstacle to China has become. It is its endeavor to use history to defend its legitimacy, and even the constant annual concern of the leaders and officials of the ruling Communist Party in the annual celebration of China’s victory with the allies in World War II, despite the West’s failure to fully refer to the positive Chinese role with the Allied front in the victory and imposing the conditions for withdrawal and losing that war from Before Japan, thanks to China’s help to the Western allies, and even the United States of America itself and the Western powers deliberately ignored highlighting any strong role of China with them in the face of Japanese fascism and racism during the period of World War II, and here was announced the formation of what is known as: (the declared alliance of Western democracies in the face of China led by the United States of America, and willful disregard for the role of communist China itself in the face of Japanese fascist and racist policies and authorities during the period World War II).
Neglecting of China’s role with frank American ideological racist and ideological claims at the present time, including the “boycott of the 2022 Winter Olympics in China”, drops from the memory of contemporary history of the positive and real role of China in fighting tyranny, fascism and racism, and the decisive Chinese contribution to achieving the allies’ final victory in World War II: The same American and Western accusations against China were “fought by China itself” alongside the allies of World War II, including: the United States of America, Britain itself and the West, and the positive Chinese role played a prominent role in getting rid of Japanese fascism and racism. The fall and death of (35 million Chinese citizens between Chinese civilians and military) to get rid of the Japanese racist and fascist policies at that time.
We find the deliberate American and Western disregard for China’s role in maintaining “Asia-Pacific” security, which was wasted by the United States of America by signing the “New Aukus Defense Agreement”, concluded by Washington in the “Indo-Pacific” region at the end of 2021, with Australia and the UK, to confront China regionally, despite China offering millions of victims of its sons to maintain the security of that region in the face of Japan and for the benefit of the United States of America and the West themselves: China is considered the most prominent who made huge sacrifices during World War II “WW2”, to liberate the Asian region from Japanese occupation, and China also fought a resistance Solid alone in the battlefields of the “Asia-Pacific” region, which the United States calls the “Indo-Pacific” region. Here, we find that the beginning of the actual war that China fought against the Japanese occupation over a period of 14 years, was the real beginning of World War II, and the longest war fought by the Allies and succeeded in it only because of China’s help, in addition to the heroic role witnessed by Chinese soldiers and civilians during the resistance period, and its cause in (delaying the pace of Japanese military expansion, and achieving victory for the Allies in World War II, as China was the real backbone of victory in World War II).
The annual celebration of the Chinese leaders’ memorial of victory with the allies in the Second World War “WW2″ against the Japanese occupation at the time became in March of every year, without American or Western participation in the first place: I followed, as an expert in Chinese political affairs, with a precise analytical and academic significance, the meaning of the content of boycotting of the Chinese annual celebration of its victory in the WW2 by the USA and the Allies in this time, with China’s intentionality (organizing a huge military parade on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, during the month of March 2021), a ceremony in which the military armies of friendly countries were invited, and in which the Chinese President, Comrade “Xi Jinping”, gave a speech in which he deliberately allayed the fears of those who were worried about the mighty power of China, asserting quite literally, that:
“No matter how powerful it is, China will never seek hegemony or expansion. China played an important role in defeating fascism in the twentieth century, and is now playing a role in maintaining the international order in the twenty-first century. China calls on all countries to respect the international order that it is supported by the principles and objectives of the United Nations “UN” Charter, in favor of building a new form of international relations, characterized by the fruitful cooperation of all parties, and promoting the noble cause of world peace and development”
The most prominent points ignored by the United States of America is the fact that a world that embraces democracy and liberal values, according to its description, can embrace authoritarianism as well: Here, most American citizens agree that (reforming American democracy at home is the most urgent task), with growing warning of the American analysts, who are believing that:
“The entire American democracy is in great danger, especially after the new voting restrictions and allegations by the former President of “Trump” of rigging the presidential elections, in favor of his rival, “Joe Biden”
The American call for building a grand American strategy around the world to fight tyranny and authoritarianism is counterproductive, supports China on the ideological front, and pushes other countries to rapprochement with the leaders of the ruling Communist Party of China: as this American call to divide the world on ideological bases, and its quest for spreading those liberal values abroad, in order to achieve political gains from them in the first place to confront China ideologically, so we find here that this American insistence in calling for confronting China’s authoritarianism and communism in the world, may increase the fears of many countries with a possible effort by Washington to change their political systems, and thus the (possibility of the union and alliance of half of the non-democratic countries in the world will be essentially, according to the American classification), and push those non-democratic countries to take more disruptive steps abroad against American interests themselves, because of its interference to change their regimes and threaten their internal interests.
Here, we find that “framing international politics” according to the American and Western vision of its allies as a competition between ideologically different regimes, will certainly have an opposite effect on the structure of international stability itself: therefore, according to my own vision and analysis of the current scene, the American focus on that ideological aspect only in its relations with others and its classification as well of the world will inevitably push those authoritarian regimes, as the United States of America classified them, and on top of them: (China and Russia), according to that ideologically American classification, to (deepen China and Russia cooperation between them and those countries that are also classified as non-democratic countries by the USA itself). The structure of international stability will be seriously compromised, and (there will be a severe potential global structural divisions of an ideological nature will occur), and this is precisely what the United States and the West are pushing towards China.
This “deliberate ideological war against China historically” by distorting its real roles in maintaining the international order and eradicating the current poverty, fascism and Japanese racism, and deliberately overthrowing China’s great role in World War II, is due to the “mainly American policy of double standards towards China”: Which I called academically and analytically, according to my comprehensive view of the scene, as a “selective dealing with contemporary world history in favor of a hostile American agenda, and disrespecting the true history of mankind by dropping China’s role in one of its most important and most prominent historical milestones in World War II”. But, US policy deliberately ignored China’s role, despite the writing of the most prominent American and international historians to highlight the global Chinese role, under the title of “The world owes China”.
Hence, we conclude that the application of those previous criteria to drop China’s role historically, on that current deliberate clash between China and the USA, besides the current American call for the world to boycott the Winter Olympics in Beijing, and its long call to “cancel China’s hosting of the 2022 Winter Olympics”, shows us with conclusive evidence to what extent of “the world’s lack of standards of “global justice during its handling of events that changed the course of contemporary history towards the positive global role of China, and the historical role of its ruling leaders of the Communist Party”.
Here, we will arrive at a final analysis, says that: “Targeting China has always become a deliberate and well-established policy of American and Western politicians to distort its role and deny and ignore its true historical roles in maintaining the interests of the global stability and security”.
“Post-Communism Era”, “Post-Democracy Era”, in the face of “authoritarian liberalism”
According to my understanding and analysis of the current appropriate Chinese confrontation mechanisms in the face of American boycott of the Winter Olympics in Beijing, in fact, the United States of America has announced from the beginning, that it a state of (an organized ideological confrontation between democratic ideologies and alliances against a communist tyrannical ideology represented by China and its followers), so it has become a narrow American justification for the decision to boycott the Winter Olympics in Beijing, which is revolving around (the opposition of democratic countries to the participation of their ideological enemies).
Hence, as an expert specializing in Chinese political affairs and the policies of the contemporary Communist Party of China, I tried to present different interpretations and theories from the previous stage, given that we live in a “post-post” stage or post-beyond era”, and this requires us, as specialists academics and experts in Chinese, political and international affairs, to present some new other creative “explanatory and analytical theories”. There are many types that fit the nature of the current stage, and work to implement them in the form of the current confrontation between the United States of America with China, through:
Contemporary history assures us that decisions similar to the diplomatic boycott of sporting events in the first place take an (ideological form): The similar historical boycotting to the sporting events have been taken by a “same narrow ideological justification”, such as the American claims to its vision of China and communist policies and dividing the world into two regimes of totalitarian authoritarianism and other liberal democratic regimes. Because of the American position refusing to participate, I found several similar events, such as: (the decision not to participate in sports games by some Islamic countries with the presence of Israeli athletes in the sporting competitions, or North Korea’s absence from the 1988 Olympics, which was hosted by its enemy South Korea in the capital, Seoul). But the boycott that took place in the (Winter Olympics in Moscow in 1980), remains the largest in the history of world sports, after US President “Jimmy Carter” decided not to send athletes from his country to the Moscow Games in protest against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the Soviets responded after four years of that boycott the “Los Angeles Olympics 1984”, in the United States of America. The greatest impact of each of these two provinces was on the medal table in sports competitions, as each side took advantage of the other’s absence to increase the number of its medals.
It is necessary to present a new theory that goes beyond communism, even if it is linked to it in the first place, called “post-communism”, in view of the current radical international change: my humble research and academic view is represented as an expert in Chinese political affairs, specializing in the studies of the Communist Party, Chinese and its policies internally and externally, in presenting a “modern, communist school that fits the global political reality, and is even capable of imposing itself in the face of the policies of American ideological competition against China”. This is what requires us as academics and specialists in the fields of political science, especially after my deeply observation, as I have surprised that: “there are a serious division academically and at the international level in the field of Chinese and Asian theories compared to the other Western and American studies and theories in the Arab and Middle Eastern social sciences departments in our universities”, given that the nature of the current academic work in the field of political science and comparative political systems, as my specific specialization of study, as well as the trajectories of international relations and the social sciences in general, is in urgent and seriously need to (extract and present other theories).
As for the theory of Chinese confrontation in the “post-communist stage”, we find that the modern use of the term, in its positive aspect, reflects (a global communist aspiration to rebuild and produce other alternatives to the ideological confrontation methods with the United States of America): this is the Chinese-communist confrontation, If it is not tangible at the present time, it must be identified and proposed as a possible possibility for the framework and form of the existing ideological confrontation between Washington and Beijing, such as creating the social conditions and political forces that can move it and impose it on the ground. Only from this angle, we can understand (the reasons for calling for the return of the communist question in France and setting some new other post-communist rules and foundations”, that fit the nature of the current stage), as well as those echoes received by French communist thinkers, such as: (Alain Badiou, Antonio Negre, Jean-Luc Nancy, and Jacques Rancière), along with French Marxist writers who have never denied their belonging to communism, such as: (Lucien Seif, André Tozel, Jacques Bede, Daniel Bensaïd).
The need to develop a “post-communist theory”, presenting modern explanatory foundations on which it is based in view of the nature of the current stage: which is meaning to reconsider the complex and disputed legacies of Chinese communism in its traditional form, which revolves around the “ideological embodiment of Chinese communism” of the founding fathers and its Communist Party. Perhaps with great respect for the values and construction of “Maoist ideas”, it has become urgent to develop into other (ideas and forms of contemporary political discourse that suit everyone at home and abroad), and most importantly are able to respond firmly to all the projects of liberal democracies that the United States of America is trying to lead globally through a network of its alliances to confront China, and this remains a critical exploration of the foundations of the “post-communism”. It is becoming more and more necessary. Here we can apply the Chinese post-communist theory in the title of the work, and not only revolve it around the founding companion of China “Mao Zedong”, but it will proceed from “Maoism” to the stage of acknowledgment that the liberation ideas in Chinese thought were always the result of a collective production and not an individual one like the West.
The proposed ideas and foundations for the post-communist stage, must essentially go beyond the enormous influence exercised by “Mao Zedong” on political thought and discourse in modern China in particular and the comrades of the Communist Party of China: here, it is necessary for the current leaders in the Communist Party of China to remind themselves in creating some other constant (changeable new ideas, aspirations and promises of Chinese communism, that are not limited to a specific individual, time or time, but rather they are going forward with a contemporary communist future vision that goes beyond Maoism itself and is able to build on it). With this proposition, the “Post-Communist Chinese Stage and Theory”, will surely point to new ways of thinking, speaking and practicing politics that involved in the participation of hundreds of millions of Chinese people. As is well known that “Mao Zedong” did not compose or write all the texts signed in his name, rather than the “Maoist ideas” were the form that the Chinese communism has taken for many years in a traditional ideological dominant language in the political discourses to teach the Chinese people and their masses the (foundations of leadership, rally around the leaders of the Communist Party, and face the challenges).
The beginning of the practical application of the “post-communist Chinese theory” will be from the premise of changing the contemporary Chinese political discourses, and understanding that the United States of America is not in a real, tangible and realistic conflict with China: we can implicitly notify that the USA, as much as it is a struggle with itself over its suffering from many serious internal issues, besides other external challenges which they have lost the element of success. We note that the United States of America is trying to blame its failure on many inside and outside files on other external parties, such as: China and Russia. The prominent example here is the sudden American withdrawal from Afghanistan and the subsequent violations of human rights, bombings and deaths after the “Taliban movement” took control of the government, and the other (subsequent international sharp criticism against the Washington’s failure policies), especially from its European allies, who are now bothered by these (American unilateral and individualistic behavior without consulting its NATO allies before taking important decisions internationally), as well as the growth of other American internal problems, such as:
(The crises of marginalization of the poor citizens, racism against its black people with African roots, increasingly of the economic divide and inequality, and the political tensions in both internally and internationally levels)
Perhaps the “post-communist theory of contemporary China” will depend on the Chinese necessity to adopt (two different approaches and styles of contemporary discourses in the face of current American policies), the first one, which should be a discourse towards the American people and its nation themselves, and the second one is to confront the American politicians: what stopped me in this regard is the failure of the US government itself to persuaded several major US companies to participate in the game of “politicizing the Beijing Winter Olympics file” to participate with their country in the “diplomatic boycott” of the Beijing’s Olympics. But, (many of the largest American companies have refused to bow to the demands of their American government to “politicize the Olympics”). Despite the efforts of the US administration to organise many prominent activities to persuade its large companies and all of the other interests not to participate and boycott the Beijing Winter Olympics, with the assistance of some numerous other human rights activists, who are so close to the American administration itself to interfere in this regard. So, the Egyptian researcher is suggesting here, that “China in the post-communist era” should adopt a different discourse around which the American people themselves, who are rejecting the policy of their government.
What is worth mentioning and analyzing here, is the refusal of most of these American and Western companies to cancel their sponsorship of the Olympics, and even implicitly announce their broadcast of the Beijing Winter Olympics through their own network of channels: most of prominent American and Western large multi national companies have refused to participate with their governments and politicians in what they called “the risk of insulting China”, and even openly challenged their politicians, in favor of China, by (declaring publicly to uphold all trade agreements with China). There are hundreds of American sponsors and major advertising companies also announced their participation in covering the Olympics in advertising and commercial, and many of the (American sponsorship large companies, prominent prestigious agencies and TV Channels have been undertaken to sponsor the international sports events at Winter Olympics in Beijing), considered the People’s Republic of China as one of their (largest global markets) for them at all, and their collective unwillingness to harm their interests, in favor of some controversial political issues that they don’t give them any kind of consideration at all.
The announcement by the major American private channels about broadcasting matches, games and all the events of the Beijing Winter Olympics publicly came in flagrant defiance of the orders of its American government and administration to politicize decisions against China: we can find out that “NBC TV network”, which had certainly benefited from a similar previous experience by canceling the broadcast of the “Moscow Olympics in 1980”, based on orders from the US government to boycott the Russian Winter Olympics at this time, but at that time it has incurred heavy losses for its participation to the game of politicizing the Olympics and sporting events in favor of limited political issues between its government and others. Indeed, many US channels networks announced the transfer of the Beijing Winter Olympics, declaring that:
“Sales of publicity advertisements for the Winter Olympics in Beijing were strong, and continued to extend to the last moment, given the importance of the global sports events hosted by China”
The challenge of the US administration to participate in the Beijing Winter Olympics from its home did not stop at the level of American athletes, companies and sponsorships, but extended to many other European and Western allies countries of Washington itself: we can analyse by observation the case of “real, tangible and public Western challenge to the American diplomatic boycott” of the Beijing Winter Olympics has emerged, which is what was announced by the Minister of Science and Culture of the Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture during an interview with the Finnish National Broadcasting Corporation on January 17, 2022, in his public statement about his travel to Beijing to attend the Winter Olympics in February 2022, with the official confirmation of Finland, despite being a Scandinavian democratic important country, that:
“Washington will never share its desire to boycott sporting events and politicize sports for narrow limlited political agendas”
It has become more clear now that we have entered the “post-democratic era”, a stage in which populist currents and illiberal trends have become prevalent, as is the case in Europe and the West: here, we find the American insistence on dividing the world, after holding a conference on “Leaders Summit for Democracy” on December 9, 2021, with the aim of creating a clear (global division between countries that adopt democratic values and the authoritarian, totalitarian, non-democratic ones), which caused an international rift that resulted in more divisions and confrontations, which may lead to the question, concerning:
“Is that American democracy only one pattern and measured by American standards only? And whether the practices of the United States in the Middle East, such as: military occupation, stirring up unrest, and others, are considered democratic practices that are accepted by the United States and internationally?”
Here, I fully agree with the words of the Chinese President, Comrade “Xi Jinping”, in his deep understanding and analysis of the concept of democracy, by his assertion that:
“The best shoes are the ones that fit the feet, and the best way of government is the one that serves the welfare of peoples and societies. Democracy is not a private patent for any country, but rather the common values that all countries of the world have developed, based on their historical traditions and political realities should be highly respected”
Comrade “Xi Jinping’s view” here, is that the people have the right to judge whether the development path in their country is appropriate or not? For example, China insists on dealing with all countries and regimes, and even supports African and poor developing countries, from West Asian and North African countries and encourages all of them to (follow the development methods that suit their national conditions, and China is committed to respecting the sovereignty of countries by calling for consultations on an equal footing, strengthening solidarity and cooperation between everyone). Also, according to my accurate reading of the reality, we have also gone beyond the stage of globalization by other stages. We are no longer in the “post-globalization era”, but we are in the “age of adaptation to the results of globalization”, which is represented in the need for rehabilitation and continuous education to keep pace with modern technology and artificial intelligence, and this stage requires a radical change in “the language and vocabulary of the Chinese post-communist political discourse”, according to what I have been indicated and aforementioned analyzed.
After my new analysis of the new theories of “post-communism era” and “post-democratic era”, I may arrive here with a fundamental assertion, that the United States does not have the right to judge whether it is a democracy or not. This was confirmed by the great Chinese thinker “Confucius”, who has always been stressing that:
“If a person cannot correct his own behavior, how can he correct the behavior of others?”
Here, although the United States of America claims that it is a “beacon of democracy”, it has committed all kinds of violations against the most basic principles of human rights and democracies, by intervening to change regimes by force in the Middle East, such as the Iraqi and Afghan cases. Then its chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the consequent tangible regional and international chaos, in addition to the most important thing, which is “the American failure itself to impose its democratic and liberal values by force around the world,” and its dealings with many authoritarian regimes and even protecting them to achieve its interests.
Hence, we actually have to search theoretically and academically for other (analytical and explanatory approaches), in order to enter into new theoretical directions in the world of “post-postmarks”, which necessitates a reconsideration of American democracy itself, and the reproduction of the world of new ideas in the era of “post-democracy, post-communism, and authoritarian democracy”, according to the nature of the current confrontation mechanisms between the United States of America and China in the international arena, and the new discourses should be adopted and fitted with the existing events.
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